CATHOLIC REACTION IN THE REIGN OF QUEEN MARY (1553-1558)
See bibliography, chap. i., ii., /State Papers/ (Home, Foreign,
Venetian). /The Diary of Henry Machyn, etc., from 1550 to 1563/
(ed. by J. G. Nichols, 1854). Lingard, /History of England/ (vol.
v.). Gairdner, /Lollardy and the Reformation/, vol. iv. 1913.
Innes, /England under the Tudors/, 1905. Zimmermann, /Maria die
Katholische/, 1896. Stone, /Mary I., Queen of England/, 1901.
Haile, /Life of Reginald Pole/, 1910. Zimmermann, /Kardinal Pole,
sein Leben, und seine Schriften/, 1893. Lee, /Reginald Pole,
Cardinal Archbishop of Canterbury/. /Cambridge Modern History/,
vol. ii., chap. xv.
Lady Jane Grey might be proclaimed queen, but until Mary had been
lodged safely in the Tower the triumph of the conspiracy was not
assured. Efforts had been made to induce her to come to London, but
warned by secret messages dispatched by her London friends, she fled
from her residence in Hundon to a castle in Suffolk, from which she
addressed letters to the council and to the prominent noblemen of
England asserting her rights to the throne. From all parts of the
country thousands flocked to join her standard, while the frantic
appeals of Northumberland and his colleagues failed to awaken any
genuine response even in London itself. Northumberland, much against
his will, consented to lead the army against Mary, who was advancing
towards the capital, but after his departure, the members of the
council, convinced that their cause was hopeless, deserted their
leader, and permitted Mary to be proclaimed (19th July).
Northumberland surrendered himself to the mercy of the new queen, and
was committed to the Tower together with his principal adherents. On
the 3rd August Mary made her formal entrance into London where she
received an enthusiastic welcome from the citizens. Her first care was
to liberate some of those who had been arrested during the previous
reign, Bishops Gardiner, Bonner, Heath, and Day, the Duke of Norfolk,
and Lord Courtenay, the latter of whom had been in confinement for
fifteen years. As a fervent Catholic, who had upheld the Mass in the
days of Edward VI. even at the risk of her life, there could be no
doubt about the new queen's religious views, and in many of the
churches in London and throughout the country the English service gave
place immediately to the Mass. In an interview with the lord mayor of
London, and afterwards in the public proclamation addressed to all her
subjects, she announced that, though it was her intention to follow
the Catholic religion, she had no desire of resorting to compulsion to
force it on her people against their will, and she exhorted them to
live together in Christian harmony, avoiding the "new found devilish
terms of papist and heretic." As a sign that vengeance and cruelty
were no part of her programme she exercised great mercy towards those
who had conspired to deprive her of the throne, only a few of whom,
including the Earl of Northumberland, were put to death. Possibly in
the hope of playing upon the feelings of the queen and of securing a
pardon Northumberland announced publicly his return to the old faith
and his acceptance of the Catholic doctrine on the Eucharist.
Charles V., on whose counsel Mary relied, advised her to proceed
cautiously with the restoration of religion in England. Many of the
younger generation had been taught to regard papal supremacy as an
unwarrantable interference with English independence, while those who
had been enriched by the plunder of the Church had every reason for
upholding the Edwardine settlement. For their part in promoting the
conspiracy against the queen as well as for various other offences
laid to their charge Cranmer, Ridley, Hooper, Latimer, and Coverdale
were committed to prison; Bishop Ponet went into hiding, and Barlow
made his escape from the country. Later on all these were deprived of
their Sees. Gardiner was restored to his See of Winchester, and
appointed Lord Chancellor, Tunstall to Durham, Heath to Worcester, Day
to Chichester, and Voysey to Exeter. Foreign scholars like Peter
Martyr, John à Lasco and their friends, whom Cranmer had brought over
to teach the English people the new religion, were granted passports
and permitted to leave the kingdom. Their example was followed by John
Knox, and by many others of the married clergy.
In her heart Mary detested the title supreme head of the Church, and
was most anxious to bring about a reconciliation with Rome. When the
news of her accession reached Rome it brought joy to the heart of
Julius III. He determined at once to send a legate to England, and he
selected for this office the great English Cardinal, whose devotion to
his country was equalled only by his loyalty to the Church. Cardinal
Pole was appointed legate with full powers, and was entrusted also
with the work of effecting a reconciliation between the Emperor and
Henry II. of France. Charles V. had no desire to see Pole in England
installed as Queen Mary's chief adviser. He had planned a marriage
between Mary and his eldest son, afterwards Philip II. of Spain, and
fully conscious that Pole might oppose such an alliance as dangerous
both for England and for religion, he was determined to delay the
arrival of the legate until the negotiations for the marriage had been
completed.
In October 1553 Mary was crowned solemnly by Bishop Gardiner at
Westminster Abbey. She bound herself by oath to preserve the liberties
of her kingdom, and to maintain the rights of the Holy See. Four days
later she attended the Mass of the Holy Ghost at the opening of
Parliament, and listened to the address in which her Lord Chancellor
exhorted the members to show their repentance for and detestation of
the heresy and schism of which he and they had been guilty, by
returning to the unity of the Catholic Church. All the new treasons,
felonies, and praemunire penalties of the previous reigns were
abolished on the ground, it was declared, that Mary hoped to win the
obedience of her subjects through love rather than through fear. The
marriage of Henry VIII. with Catharine of Aragon was declared valid,
and consequently Mary was acknowledged as the lawful successor to the
throne. The Edwardine religious settlement, including the Acts of
Uniformity, the Book of Common Prayer, the Ordinal, the Forty-two
Articles and the permission for clergymen to marry, was swept away,
and an Act was passed against disturbing religious services or
exhibiting irreverence towards the Eucharist. All this legislation was
in perfect conformity with the wishes of Convocation, which had met
shortly after the meeting of Parliament, and which with only a few
dissentients condemned the Book of Common Prayer, and re-affirmed the
belief of the English clergy in the doctrine of Transubstantiation.
Though the queen announced her dissatisfaction with the title of
supreme head, and granted full freedom of discussion regarding it,
Parliament showed itself decidedly unwilling to restore the
jurisdiction of the Pope. It was not that the members had any real
objection to the change from the doctrinal point of view, but, fearing
that a return to Roman obedience might involve a restoration of the
ecclesiastical property seized or alienated during the previous reign,
they wished to secure their property before they made their submission
to the Pope.
For so far Mary had acted with considerable mildness and prudence in
carrying out her religious programme, against which as yet no serious
opposition had been manifested. The question of her marriage, however,
was destined to create dissension between herself and her subjects.
The Emperor and the imperial ambassador urged her to accept the hand
of Philip, on the ground that by such a marriage internal jealousies
and dissensions might be avoided, and the triumph of Catholicism might
be assured. Many of the members of the council and the vast majority
of the English people were opposed to such a union. They feared that
were a foreign ruler to become the husband of their queen he must have
of necessity the chief voice in English affairs. They believed,
therefore, that England would be involved in all the wars of Spain,
and that were an heir to be born of such a union, England, instead of
being an independent nation, might become a mere Spanish province. The
enemies of Mary's religious programme thought they saw in the Spanish
marriage an opportunity of overturning her government, and of
re-establishing Protestantism in the country. Taking advantage of the
unpopularity of this proposal they appealed to the patriotism and love
of independence of the English people, and succeeded in winning to
their side many who were at least neutral in regard to her religious
proposals. It was planned by some to bring about a marriage between
the Princess Elizabeth and Edward Courtenay, both of whom had claims
to the throne, and to set them up as rivals to Queen Mary. The French
ambassador, alarmed at the prospect of Mary's marriage with the
hereditary enemy of France, encouraged the conspirators with promises
of assistance, not, indeed, because France desired the accession of
Elizabeth, but in the hope that during the confusion that would ensue
it might be possible to assert the claims of Mary Queen of Scotland,
the prospective wife of the Dauphin of France.
Notwithstanding the petition presented against the Spanish marriage by
Parliament, Mary persisted in the policy suggested to her by the
Emperor. Flemish envoys arrived on New Year's Day 1554 to arrange the
preliminaries. The marriage treaty was signed and two days later it
was announced to the mayor and the chief citizens of London. This was
the signal for the conspirators, who had been working secretly for
months, to bring their designs to a head. News soon arrived in London
that Sir Peter Carew had risen in Devon and had captured Exeter, that
Sir Thomas Wyatt was rousing the men of Kent, and that Sir James
Crofts had gone to Wales and the Duke of Suffolk to the midlands to
rally the forces of disloyalty. But the great body of the English
people were too deeply attached to their sovereign to respond to the
appeal of the rebel leaders. Wyatt's movement alone threatened to be
dangerous. As his forces advanced to the gates of London, Mary, who
had shown the greatest courage throughout the crisis, went in person
to the Guildhall to call upon the citizens of London to defend their
sovereign. Her invitation was responded to with enthusiasm, and when
Wyatt had succeeded in forcing his way as far as Ludgate Circus, he
was obliged to retire and to surrender himself a prisoner to the
queen's forces. Mary, who for so far had followed a policy of extreme
mildness, felt that she could do so no longer, and that she must make
it clear to her subjects that to declare war on the throne was a
serious crime. Wyatt, the Duke of Suffolk, father of Lady Jane Grey,
and several of the leaders were tried and put to death. Already in
November Lady Jane Grey, her husband and Cranmer had been condemned to
death as traitors. The sentence was not, however, carried out, nor was
it likely to have been, had not the rebellion shown that Mary's
enemies might utilise such dangerous claimants to the throne for
stirring up new disaffection. Lady Jane Grey[1] and her husband were
put to death on Tower Hill (Feb. 1554); several of the other
conspirators were punished only by imprisonment, and a general pardon
was published for the great body of the insurgents. Mary's treatment
of the offenders, however the execution of Lady Jane Grey may be
regarded, was in striking contrast to what might have been expected to
have taken place in similar circumstances had the throne been occupied
by her father or even by her sister Elizabeth. From the confessions of
some of the rebels as well as from the correspondence of the French
ambassador serious evidence was furnished to show that Elizabeth was
implicated in the rebellion. She was summoned to London to answer the
charges brought against her, and though she protested her innocence
she was committed to the Tower. Many members of the council were
convinced of her guilt, but Mary, refusing to believe that her sister
was privy to the designs of the conspirators, ordered her release.
The terms of the marriage treaty having been confirmed by Parliament
(April 1554) Philip arrived in England, and on the 25th July the
marriage was celebrated in Westminster Abbey. Philip and Mary were
proclaimed "by the grace of God King and Queen of England, France,
Naples, Jerusalem, and Ireland, Defenders of the Faith, Princes of
Spain and Sicily, Arch-Dukes of Austria, Dukes of Milan, Burgundy and
Brabant, Counts of Habsburg, Flanders, and Tyrol." The Emperor had at
last carried his point, and, as the presence of Cardinal Pole in
England could no longer prove a danger to his designs, the latter was
now free to come to England. During the early portions of the year
steps had been taken to prepare England for the worthy reception of
the papal legate. In March four of the reforming bishops were deprived
of their Sees on the ground that they were married, and three others
who held their appointments only by letters patent of Edward VI. were
removed. On the 1st April six new bishops were consecrated by Gardiner
to fill the vacant Sees. Cranmer, Latimer, and Ridley were sent down
to Oxford to defend their views in a public discussion, arranged
undoubtedly with the object of forwarding the national reconciliation
with Rome. There were still, however, difficulties that must be
removed before Cardinal Pole could be allowed to land on English soil.
The real objection to the return of England to the Roman obedience was
the ownership of the Church lands, and from what had happened in the
two previous sessions it was perfectly clear that those who had
benefited by the plunder of the Church lands were determined to refuse
to make restoration. After prolonged negotiations Pole agreed that,
while the Pope could not approve of what had been done, he would not
insist on the restoration of ecclesiastical property.
When everything had been arranged Parliament was summoned to meet in
November 1554. The sheriffs were instructed to see that men "of the
wise, grave and Catholic sort" should be returned. An Act was passed
immediately reversing the sentence of Attainder against Cardinal Pole.
The legate hastened on his way to London where he was welcomed by the
King and Queen and Parliament. A supplication was adopted unanimously
in the House of Lords, and with but one dissentient in the House of
Commons, requesting the King and Queen to procure from the legate
absolution from heresy and schism for the English people and a
reconciliation of the nation with the Pope. Cardinal Pole attended
Parliament on the 30th to pronounce the sentence of absolution, which
was received by the King, Queen, Lords, and Commons on bended knees.
This happy event was celebrated by a procession through the streets of
London in which the clergymen, aldermen, and citizens took part.
Parliament petitioned that the old jurisdiction of the clergy should
be restored, that the liberty granted to the Church by the Magna
Charta should be confirmed, and that the English religious service-
books of the previous reign should be delivered to the flames. Once it
was made clear that the owners of ecclesiastical property should not
be disturbed there was no difficulty in procuring a complete reversal
of all the laws that had been passed against the apostolic See of Rome
since the twentieth year of Henry VIII. (3rd January 1555).[2]
The close connexion of the leaders of the Reformers with the late
rebellion, the ugly pamphlets that made their way into England from
Frankfurt and Geneva, the fact that prayers were offered in secret for
the speedy death of the queen, that a shot had been fired at one of
the royal preachers while he was in the pulpit, and that a violent
commotion was being stirred up, that led later on to a priest being
struck down at the altar by one who is designated by Foxe as "a
faithful servant of God,"[3] made it necessary for the safety of the
crown and the advancement of religion to deal harshly with those who
themselves had relied on persecution for the promotion of their
designs. Mary herself, Philip, and Cardinal Pole did not favour a
recourse to violent measures, but they were overruled by the judgment
of those who should have known best the character of the opponents
with whom they had to deal. An Act was passed renewing the legislation
that had been made in the reigns of Richard II., Henry IV., and Henry
V. for the suppression of the Lollard heresy.
Parliament was dissolved in January 1555, and several of the political
prisoners were released from the Tower. The heretical leaders, who
though under arrest had been treated with great mildness and allowed
such liberty that they were able to meet together and to publish
writings and challenges against Mary's religious policy,[4] were
brought to trial before a commission presided over by Gardiner. A few
consented to sign a formula of recantation, but the majority,
persisting in their opposition, were degraded and handed over for
punishment to the civil authorities. On the 4th February the long
series of burnings began. John Rogers was committed to the flames in
Smithfield, Bishop Hooper in Gloucester, Taylor in Suffolk, Saunders
in Coventry, and before the year had elapsed about seventy prisoners
had met a similar fate. In September 1555 a commission was sent down
to Oxford to examine Latimer and Ridley. Both refused to admit
Transubstantiation, the sacrificial character of the Mass, or Roman
supremacy. They were condemned, and it must be said of them that they
met their fate like men. Judges were appointed by the Pope to take
evidence against Cranmer. He was charged with perjury because he had
broken his oath to the Pope, with heresy on account of his teaching
against the Eucharist, and with adultery. The minutes of the trial
were forwarded to Rome for the final decision, and after careful
consideration the Pope deposed him from the Archbishopric of
Canterbury, and excommunicated him. Meanwhile Cranmer's theological
views had been undergoing another revision. On the question of prayers
for the dead, Purgatory, and the Mass, he was willing to admit that he
might have been mistaken, and even on the question of papal supremacy
he professed himself ready to listen to argument. In his eagerness to
escape punishment he signed recantation after recantation, each of
them more comprehensive and more submissive than its predecessor,
acknowledging his guilt as a persecutor of the Church and a disturber
of the faith of the English nation, and praying for pardon from the
sovereigns, the Pope, and God. But in the end, when he realised that
his recantations could not save him and that he was face to face with
death, he deceived his chaplains at the last moment as he had deceived
many others, by withdrawing his previous admissions and announcing
that he still clung to his heretical views[5] (21st March 1556).
An embassy had been sent to Rome to inform the Pope that England had
returned to the Holy See. The envoys reported, too, that though Mary
had failed to secure a restoration of the ecclesiastical lands, she
had at least set a good example to the lay usurpers by returning the
possessions of the Church still held by the crown. The synod summoned
by Cardinal Pole to restore the discipline of the Church in England,
met in November 1555. It was agreed in the synod that the 30th
November should be kept as a national holiday in memory of the
reconciliation of England to the Church, that the decrees binding in
England before the troubles began under Henry VIII. should be
enforced, that the clergy should be mindful of their duties of
residence and preaching, that seminaries should be set up in each
diocese for the education of the clergy, that bishops should hold
frequent visitations, that a set of homilies should be compiled for
the guidance of preachers, and that an English version of the
Scriptures should be published without delay.[6] This new code of
constitutions issued under the title /Reformatio Angliae ex decretis
Reginaldi Pole/ is in itself a testimony to the ability, moderation,
and prudence of the papal legate. Some months later he was
consecrated bishop and took possession of the See of Canterbury to
which he had been appointed on the deposition of Cranmer. In pursuance
of her plans for the complete re-establishment of the Catholic
religion the queen took steps to ensure that the monastic
institutions, which had been suppressed during the previous reigns,
should begin to make their appearance once more in England. The
Carthusians returned to London, the Grey Friars occupied a house at
Greenwich, the Dominicans took possession of St. Bartholomew's, and
the Benedictines were installed in Westminster (1556).
The queen, who two years before had been full of courage and hope,
began to lose confidence in the success of her work. The Spanish
marriage was the beginning of her misfortunes, and the apparent
dependence of Catholicism on Spanish help proved to be the undoing of
the Catholic religion in England. Disappointed in the birth of an
heir, deserted by her husband who found enough to engage his attention
in Spain and the Netherlands, confronted with conspiracies promoted by
heretics and encouraged for its own selfish purpose by France,
doubtful of the real sentiments of Elizabeth, and with hardly any
friends upon whose advice she could rely with confidence, it is not to
be wondered at that Mary felt inclined to despair. She was determined,
however, to continue the work she had begun, and to see that at least
during her life heresy should be put down with a heavy hand.
Unfortunately for the success of her projects she was involved in
difficulties with Rome. Paul IV. (1555-59) was a man of stern,
unbending character, firmly resolved to maintain the rights and
liberties of the Holy See. Annoyed at the domineering policy of
Charles V., and of his son Philip II., he was anxious to put an end to
Spanish rule in Naples. The relations became so embittered that a
Spanish force under the command of the Duke of Alva crossed the
frontiers of the Papal States, and Paul IV. recalled his agents from
Philip's territories (1557). France decided to support the Pope, and
soon active hostilities began. Philip, for whose return to England
Mary had so often appealed in vain, came back early in 1557, but only
to request that England should join with him in a war with France.
Mary's position was a particularly cruel one. She could not well
resist the demands of her husband, particularly as France had lent its
patronage and assistance to the conspiracies plotted for her
overthrow. The position of Cardinal Pole was even more cruel. He had
done all that man could do to prevent the outbreak of war, and when
all his efforts proved unavailing, he retired from court lest he, a
legate of the Holy See, should be obliged to meet Philip who was at
war with the Pope. By the papal order (1557) recalling all his agents
from the Spanish territories the Cardinal found himself deprived of
the office of legate, to the astonishment of his friends and the grief
of the queen. Agents were dispatched to Rome to induce Paul IV. to
cancel the legate's recall. The Pope, however, having taken some time
for consideration refused to accede to the request, but agreed to send
a new legate in the person of the Observant, Friar William Peto (14
June 1557), who had preached so manfully against Henry's divorce, and
who was now created cardinal to prepare him for his new position. The
messenger dispatched to announce these tidings was refused admission
into England, although Pole who had learned of what had taken place in
Rome refused to act any longer as legate, and addressed a strong but
respectful letter of remonstrance to the Pope. Both from the point of
view of religion and of politics the French war, in which Mary's
husband had succeeded in involving England, proved disastrous. It led
to the loss of Calais and Guisnes (1558) the last of the English
possessions in France, to increased taxation, and to a strong feeling
against Mary and all her counsellors. Distrust of the Spanish alliance
led to distrust of the religion of which Philip had constituted
himself the champion, and helped to forward the schemes of those who
sought to identify patriotism with Protestantism. Though the great
body of the people had accepted the Catholic religion, and though to
all appearances its restoration was complete, Mary's last days were
embittered by the thought that under the reign of her successor the
religious settlement that had been effected might be overturned.
Already courtiers and diplomatists were abandoning her presence to win
favour with Elizabeth, who professed to be a sincere Catholic, but on
whose professions too much reliance could not be placed. On November
17th 1558 Mary passed away, and a few hours later her great counsellor
and friend Cardinal Pole was called to his reward.
----------
[1] Taylor, /Life of Lady Jane Grey/, 1908.
[2] Dodd-Tierney, ii., App. xxv.
[3] Gairdner, /Heretics Painted mostly by Themselves/, op. cit., iv.,
305 sqq.
[4] Gairdner, /Hist. of Eng. Church in Sixteenth Century/, 348.
[5] Gairdner, op. cit., 370-7. Strype's /Life of Cranmer/ (Oxford
edition of Strype's Works, 1812-24).
[6] Haile, /Life of Cardinal Pole/, 476-83.