AGRIPPA II. AND OUTBREAK OF THE WAR.
Position of Affairs in Judæa--Roman Oppression--Character
of Agrippa II.--The last High Priest--The Zealots
and the Sicarii--Eleazar ben Dinai--Quarrel
with the Samaritans--Violence in Cæsarea--The
Procurators--Florus--Insurrection in Cæsarea--Bloodshed
in Jerusalem--The Peace and War Parties--The Leader of
the Zealots, Eleazar ben Ananias--Menahem, chief of the
Zealots--Massacres of Heathens and Judæans--Defeat of
the Romans--The Synhedrion and its President, Simon ben
Gamaliel--Position of the Synhedrion.
49.66 C. E.
Whatever triumph Judaism might celebrate by the accession of
proselytes, and bright as seemed the dawn of the day predicted by the
prophet, when the peoples of the earth would turn their eyes to Zion,
and towards the light issuing thence to illumine the human race, yet in
their native land, and more especially in Jerusalem, the yoke of the
Romans weighed heavily on the Judæans, and became daily more oppressive.
The pitiable state of existing affairs crushed down all joyful feelings
as to the prospective dominion of Judaism. A veil of sadness had for
the last twenty years been spread over the nation, and no joyful
feelings could exist beneath it. The last decades exhibit the nation as
a captive who, continually tormented and goaded on by his jailer, tugs
at his fetters, with the strength of despair, until he wrenches them
asunder. The bloody contest between Rome, strong in arms and fertile
in stratagem, and Judæa, poor in outward means of warfare and powerful
only through indomitable will, inspires the deepest interest because,
in spite of the disproportion between the combatants, the weak
daughter of Zion would probably have gained the victory had she not
been torn by conflicting parties and surrounded by treachery. Perhaps,
had she awaited a more favorable moment, success might have been hers;
but Providence had decreed the destruction of her national life.
This great combat, to which few struggles in the history of the world
are comparable, was waged not merely for liberty, like the wars in
which the Gauls, Germans, and Britons were engaged against Rome, but
had likewise a religious character. The Judæan people were daily
wounded in their religious sentiments by the arbitrary rule of Rome,
and desired to gain their independence in order to acquire and maintain
the free exercise of their religion. Such being their aim, the frequent
reverses they sustained could not abate the ardent longing they felt to
be free; on the contrary, it rose with each fresh disaster, and in the
most trivial circumstances they saw and resented an attack upon their
most sacred convictions. It was seldom, indeed, that Rome outraged
the religious feelings of the Judæans as she had done under Caligula;
on the contrary, she rather indulged their susceptibilities, but she
often wounded them unintentionally through her despotic and jealous
supervision.
The higher classes, poisoned by the seductive arts of Rome, had become
deaf to the voice of duty, and the wise and vigilant among the nation
feared, with reason, that the whole body would be infused with the
moral prostration of its highest members. The aristocratic families
were, indeed, so deeply steeped in immorality that the middle classes
could hardly escape its contaminating influence. The bad example was
set by the last members of the house of Herod, who were educated either
in Rome itself or in the small courts of the princely Roman vassals.
Agrippa II (born 27, died 91-93), son of the last noble Judæan king
Agrippa I, a mere stripling of seventeen years at the time of his
father's death, drank in the poisoned air of the Roman court, where
the Messalinas and Agrippinas openly displayed the most hideous vices.
After the demise of Herod II, the Emperor Claudius gave Agrippa the
tiny kingdom of Chalcis (about 50). It was whispered that this last
scion of the Hasmonæan and Herodian houses led an incestuous life with
his beautiful sister Berenice, who was a year younger than himself, and
a widow on the death of her husband, Herod II. There was probably some
truth in the rumor, as Agrippa found himself forced to silence it. He
betrothed his sister to Polemon, king of Cilicia, who, perhaps allured
by her wealth even more than by her beauty, adopted Judaism to obtain
her hand. But impelled by her inconstant humor, Berenice soon left
Polemon, and was free again to indulge in her licentious intrigues.
Agrippa's second sister, Mariamne II (born 34), married to a native
of Palestine, Julius Archelaus, dissolved that union, though she had
borne him a daughter, and became the wife of the Judæan Demetrius
of Alexandria, probably the son of the Alabarch Alexander, and in
that case the brother of the apostate Tiberius Alexander. Still more
depraved was his youngest sister, the beautiful Drusilla (born 38). Her
father had promised her, when still a child, to the prince Epiphanes,
the son of his friend Antiochus of Commagene, but only upon condition
of his becoming a convert to Judaism. After Agrippa's death, however,
Epiphanes refused to accept Judaism, and the young Agrippa gave his
sister Drusilla to Aziz, king of Emesa, who declared himself willing
to embrace her faith. Heedless, however, of conjugal duty, Drusilla
soon abandoned her husband, married a Roman, the Governor Felix, and
for his sake gave up her faith and became a pagan. The envy with which
Berenice inspired Drusilla was supposed to have been the motive of
the infidelity of the younger sister both to her husband and to her
religion.
Although Agrippa was only prince of Chalcis, he was looked upon as
the king of Judæa. Rome certainly had not deprived him of the royal
title, but had divested him of all power, and made use of him only as
a pliant tool and as a guard upon the movements of the surrounding
nations. Agrippa was devoted to the imperial house, styling himself the
emperor's friend. He displayed weakness and impotency when it behooved
him to put bounds to the usurpations, insolence, and arrogance of Rome,
and only showed his strength when he opposed the struggles of his
people to regain their freedom and liberty. The whole house of Agrippa,
including his most distant connections, Antipas and the two brothers
Costobar and Saul, were all immoral, rapacious, and hostile to their
own people. The only authority which Claudius, or rather his council,
had left in the hands of the titular king, and which was ratified by
his successors, was that which he was allowed to exercise over the
Temple, and which enabled him to appoint the high priest. It was not
religious zeal or moral worth that swayed Agrippa in the choice of the
high priest, but simply the sentiments felt by the candidate for that
office towards Rome. He who carried servility and the surrender of
national aspirations furthest gained the prize. In barely twenty years
Agrippa had named at least seven high priests. Among that number was
Ananias (son of Eleazar?), whose enormous wealth, either acquired or
inherited, allowed him to ingratiate himself with all who were open to
bribery, and set him free to practise acts of lawlessness and violence.
Since the time when Herod had lowered the dignity of the high priest's
office by permitting it to be sold or gained by pandering to most
degraded sentiments, there were certain families who seemed to have
acquired a right to it--those of Boëthus, Cantheras, Phabi, Camith, and
Anan or Seth, and it was but seldom that any one was elected outside
that circle. The members of these families vied with each other in
dishonorable conduct and frivolous thoughtlessness. Often their fierce
jealousy broke out in acts of violence, and the streets of Jerusalem
occasionally were the scenes of bloody skirmishes between the followers
of those hostile rival houses. Each succeeding high priest tried to
gain as much as possible out of his office, giving--heedless of the
worth or fitness of the recipient--the most lucrative places in the
Temple to his relatives and friends. So reckless were the high priests
in the use, or rather abuse, of their power, that they would send their
slaves, armed with clubs, to the barns to seize for themselves the
tithes which every one was legally free to give to whichever priest he
might select. Those priests who had not the good fortune to be related
to the high priest were thus deprived of the means of subsistence,
and fell into stringent poverty. Avarice and greed of power were the
mainsprings of the actions of those who were elected to represent the
highest ideal of morality; the Temple was despoiled by its dignitaries
even before the enemy forced his way into it with his weapons of murder.
From this time, according to tradition, the visible signs of divine
mercy ceased to appear in the Temple. Like some cankerous affection,
this demoralization of princes and high priests extended ever more
and more to the classes closest to them, producing evils which are
depicted in dark colors by the pen of a contemporary. Since the penal
laws were administered in the name of the emperor, and were placed
under the control of the governors, the judiciary became dependent
upon the Romans and the wealthy and influential classes. Selfishness,
bribery, calumny, and cowardice, according to the painter of the
manners and morality of that period, were ever increasing. "They throw
off," he bitterly exclaims, "the yoke of heaven, and place themselves
under the yoke of men; their judgments are false and their actions
perverse. The vain and thoughtless are made great, while the nobler
citizens are despised." Frivolity in the women and licentiousness in
the men were so completely the order of the day that the most eminent
teacher of morality of that time, Jochanan ben Zaccai, found himself
obliged to abolish the ritual hitherto used in cases of suspicion of
adultery. With deep sorrow, the nobler-minded Judæans lamented a state
of things in which outward forms of worship stood higher than morality,
and the defiling of the Temple caused more scandal and wrath than an
act of murder. In the lower classes, crime of another but of a not
less alarming nature appeared. The frequent insurrections which had
been stimulated and fomented by the Zealots since Rome had arrogantly
treated Judæa like a conquered province, had given rise to bands of
free troops, which roved wildly about the country, confounding liberty
with licentiousness, and trampling upon both customs and laws. They
crowded the caves and hollows which abound in the rocky mountains of
Judæa, and from those retreats made frequent irruptions to gratify
their love of unbridled liberty. Some bands of Zealots, led by Eleazar
ben Dinai and Alexander, were incited by feelings of patriotism to
deeds of cruelty. They had sworn destruction and death to the Romans,
and they included among the latter all those who consorted with them;
they would not recognize them as Judæans, and deemed it no crime
to plunder and destroy them. The degenerate friends of Rome were,
according to their views, and the oaths they had taken, mere outlaws,
and the Zealots kept their oath only too well. They attacked the nobles
as often as they fell in their way, ravaged their possessions and did
them as much harm as lay in their power. If there was any wrong to be
avenged upon the enemy of their country, they were the first to lend
their sword in defense of their outraged nationality.
Another band of Zealots, grown wild and savage, forgot the original aim
of liberating their country, and turned their attacks upon the foes of
the latter into profit for themselves. They were called Sicarii, from
the short dagger "sica," which they wore concealed under their cloaks,
and with which, either openly or insidiously, they struck and killed
their enemies. The Sicarii belonged to the very refuse of the Zealots.
Later they acknowledged the grandsons of Judas of Galilee, Menahem and
Eleazar ben Jair, as their leaders, but at the commencement of this
epoch they were under no discipline whatever. They wandered about the
country without any defined object, lending their assistance to those
who either offered them a reward or an opportunity for satisfying their
thirst for revenge. Armed with daggers, they wandered among the various
groups that thronged the colonnade of the Temple during the festivals,
and unperceived, struck down those they had marked out as their
victims. These murders were committed with such extraordinary rapidity
and skill, that for a long time the assassins remained undiscovered,
but all the greater were the dread and horror excited by those dark,
mysterious deeds. Murders became so frequent that Jochanan ben Zaccai
and the teachers of the Law found it necessary to abrogate the
sin-offering for the shedding of innocent blood, as too many animals
would have been slaughtered for the human victims. It may have been
about this time that the Great Synhedrion, which witnessed with intense
grief the constant increase of lawlessness and immorality, gave up its
functions and transferred its place of meeting from the Hewn-stone Hall
to the Commercial Hall in Bethany, an act which seemed to imply its
dissolution.
To stem, if possible, the confusion and disorder which existed,
the noblest citizens combined, and keeping aloof from conflicts
and strifes, sought to further by all means in their power the
spiritual advancement of Judaism. To keep the Law intact was their
self-imposed, sacred task. In Jochanan ben Zaccai they found a fitting
representative. He was considered, next to the president of the
Synhedrion, Simon ben Gamaliel (and perhaps even before him), as the
greatest teacher of that time. On account of his deep knowledge of the
Law and of the worth and dignity of his character, Jochanan ben Zaccai
was made vice-president of the Synhedrion. That position gave him the
power to cancel such laws as could not be enforced in that stormy
period. His chief office, however, was that of teacher. In the cool
shade cast by the Temple walls, he sat, encircled by his disciples, to
whom he delivered the laws that were to be observed, and expounded the
Scriptures.
Besides the spirit of anarchy there was another source of discord
and misery. As the existing situation became more and more sad and
hopeless, the longing in the hearts of faithful believers for the
expected deliverer who was to bring peace to Judæa became more and more
intense. Messianic hopes were rifer among the people now than they
had been even during the time of the first Roman governors; and these
hopes stirred up enthusiasts who proclaimed themselves to be prophets
and Messiahs, and who inspired belief and obtained followers. Freedom
from the yoke of Rome was the one great aim of all these enthusiasts.
What the disciples of Judas attempted to bring about by force of arms,
the disciples of Theudas hoped to accomplish without fighting, having
recourse only to signs and miracles. A Judæan from Egypt calling
himself a prophet, found no less than three, or according to another
account, four thousand followers. These he summoned to the Mount of
Olives, and there promised to overthrow the walls of Jerusalem with
the breath of his mouth and to defeat the Roman soldiers. He was not
the only one who, carried away by the fervor of desire, prophesied the
approach of better times. And well may those enthusiasts have found
acceptance among the people. A nation that had enjoyed so rich a past
and looked forward even to a more glorious future, might allow itself
to be lulled into forgetfulness of the dismal present by pictures of
freedom and happiness. These visions and prophecies, harmless enough
in themselves, derived a sad importance from the bitter and savage
animosity with which they inspired the Roman governors. If the people,
jealous of any interference with their religion, looked upon the
slightest offense to it as an attack upon Judaism itself, and made
the governors, the emperor, and the Roman state responsible for the
delinquency, the imperial officials in Judæa were not less susceptible,
for they treated the most trivial agitation among the people as an
insult to the majesty of Rome and the emperor, and punished with equal
severity the innocent and the guilty. Vain was the favor shown to
the Judæan nation by the emperors Claudius and Nero--the procurator
constantly over-stepped the limit of his authority, and urged on by
greed and the love of power, acted the part of tyrant. Judæa had the
misfortune to be almost always governed by depraved creatures, who
owed their position to the reckless favorites who ruled at court.
They rivaled one another in acts of wickedness and cruelty, thus ever
increasing the discontent and provoking the wrath of the people.
Cumanus, who succeeded Tiberius Alexander (about 48-52), was the first
of five such avaricious and bloodthirsty procurators. He governed
only the provinces of Judæa and Samaria, Claudius having bestowed
the command of the province of Galilee on Felix, the brother of his
favorite, Pallas. Cumanus and Felix became deadly foes.
It was the governor of Judæa who first excited the resentment of the
people. Jealous suspicion of any great concourse of people assembled
in the Temple, a suspicion which, since the revolt at the time of the
census, had become traditional among the Roman governors, induced
Cumanus, at the time of the Passover, to place an armed cohort in the
colonnade of the Temple to watch the throngs which gathered there
during that festival. On that occasion a soldier, with the recklessness
often exhibited by the inferior Roman troops, made an offensive gesture
towards the sanctuary, which the people interpreted as an insult
to their Temple. Carried away by indignation and anger, they threw
stones at the soldiers and abused the governor. A tumult ensued, which
threatened to become a serious sedition. Cumanus ordered fresh troops
to advance and take possession of the fortress of Antonia, and assuming
a menacing aspect, alarmed the people assembled round the Temple, who
now hastened to escape from his reach. In their anxiety to get away,
the crowds pressed fearfully through the various places of exit, and it
is believed that more than ten or indeed twenty thousand persons were
suffocated or trampled to death.
A similar occasion might have led to a like disastrous result, had
not Cumanus prudently complied with the wishes of the people. On the
highway, not far from Bethoron, a band of Sicarii having fallen upon
and robbed a servant of the emperor, Cumanus resolved that all the
neighboring villages should suffer bitterly for the act of violence
committed in their vicinity. One of the Roman soldiers, infuriated by
an attack upon a fellow-countryman, got possession of a Book of the
Law, tore it in pieces and threw the fragments into the fire. Here
was a new cause for angry excitement and wrathful reproaches in the
desecration of what they held most sacred. Countless bands flocked to
Cumanus at Cæsarea, crying out against the blasphemer. Much rather,
they exclaimed, would they suffer the worst fate themselves than see
their Holy Scriptures profaned; and in tones of fury they called for
the death of the guilty man. The governor yielded this time to the
counsel of his friends, and ordered the soldier to be executed in the
presence of those whose religious feelings he had outraged.
Another occurrence took a more serious form and led to strife and
bloodshed. Some Galilæans who were on their way to a festival at
Jerusalem, passed through Samaria, and whilst in the town of Ginæa,
on the southeastern end of the plain of Jezreel, they were murdered
in a fray with the hostile Samaritans. Was this only an accidental
mischance, or the result of the burning hatred which existed between
the Judæans and the Samaritans? In either case the representatives
of Galilee were justified in demanding vengeance at the hands of the
governor upon the murderers. But Cumanus treated the affair with
contemptuous indifference, and thus obliged the Judæans to deal with
the matter themselves. The leaders of the Zealots, Eleazer ben Dinai
and Alexander, incited both by the Galilæans and their governor,
Felix, took the matter into their own hands, entered with their troops
the province of Acrabatene, inhabited by Samaritans, and pitilessly
destroyed and killed all within their reach. The Samaritans appealed to
Cumanus for redress for this attack upon their province, and he gave
them permission to take up arms, sending at the same time Roman troops
to assist them in a fearful massacre.
This proof, as they considered it, of the partisanship of the emperor's
officials roused the anger of the inhabitants of Jerusalem to such
a degree that, spurred on among others by Dortus, a man of some
position, they were on the point of attacking the troops of Cumanus,
which would doubtless have seriously increased the gravity of the
situation, and might have hastened the final catastrophe by twenty
years. The principal inhabitants of Jerusalem, however, alarmed at the
possible consequences of an outbreak against the Roman arms, strove to
prevent so dangerous an act, and, clothed in deep mourning, implored
the irritated multitude to pause and think of the future. At their
prayer the people laid down their arms. But neither the Judæans nor the
Samaritans were really pacified, and still smarting under the wrongs
mutually received, they sent deputies to the Syrian governor, Umidius
Quadratus, accusing each other, and asking him to investigate the whole
dispute. To effect that object, Quadratus visited Samaria; but he was
not an impartial judge, and many of the captive Judæans were doomed
to perish on the cross. It was only after those executions had taken
place that he formed a tribunal of justice, and summoned both parties
to appear before it. In the meantime, however, Felix having taken the
part of the Galilæans against the Samaritans, such entanglements ensued
that Quadratus would not venture to adjudicate between the disputants,
and ordered them to send deputies to Rome to obtain the decision of the
emperor. Among the Judæan envoys were Jonathan, the former high priest,
and Anan, the governor of the Temple. Cumanus was also obliged to leave
his post in order to appear at Rome and justify himself there.
All the intricate court intrigues were brought into play by this trial,
which took on a more serious aspect from the fact that the governor
himself was one of the accused. The emperor caused a tribunal to be
formed, but the verdict was given not by himself, but by his depraved
wife, the notorious Agrippina, who was the paramour of Pallas, the
brother of Felix. It had been arranged between the Judæan deputies
and Pallas that after sentence was pronounced against Cumanus, the
emperor should be asked to name Felix governor of Judæa in his stead.
The verdict given in favor of the Judæans could not be considered an
impartial one, and was not in itself a proof that the Samaritans had
been the aggressors. Many of them were pronounced guilty and executed,
and Cumanus was sent into banishment. At the same time, probably also
through the intercession of the empress, a kingdom in the northeast
of Judæa was bestowed upon Agrippa; it consisted of that part of
the country which had once belonged to Philip's tetrarchy, Batanæa,
Gaulanitis, Auranitis, Trachonitis, as well as Paneas and Abilene. On
Judæa proper Rome kept a firm grasp, and would never allow a native
prince, however much he might be under Roman influence and control, to
exercise in that domain any regal prerogatives.
Felix, whose appointment had been sought of the emperor by the former
high priest, Jonathan, succeeded Cumanus as governor of Judæa. He
married Drusilla, King Agrippa II's beautiful sister, who thereupon
went over to paganism. During his long administration, Felix surpassed
all his predecessors in arrogance and audacity. He gave himself up
entirely to the acquisition of riches and the satisfaction of his
appetites. He continued to exercise his evil power even after the death
of Claudius (54). For although the young emperor, Nero, or his mother,
Agrippina, was as favorable to the house of Herod as Claudius had been,
and had given Agrippa four considerable towns with their surrounding
districts as well as the important city of Tiberias near Tarichea in
Galilee, Judæa was allowed to remain under the iron rule of its cruel
governor. Felix pretended to attack only the seditious mutineers; but
the fact of his consorting with the wild Sicarii showed how little
truth there was in that assumption. Numerous, indeed, must have been
the victims who suffered death at his hands under the plea that they
were the enemies of Rome, for even the former high priest, Jonathan,
at whose request the emperor had given Felix his appointment, now
bitterly reproached him for his misdeeds. Exasperated by his boldness
the governor caused him to be assassinated, employing the Sicarii to
seize and murder him in the broad light of day. Ishmael II, of the
house of Phabi, was named high priest by Agrippa in about the year 59.
It was during his pontificate that the family of the high priest gained
such power in the state that, aided by a strong rabble, they were able
to compel the landowners to pay them all the tithes, thus robbing the
lower priests of their incomes and causing many of them to perish from
want.
The arrogance with which the governors treated the nation was not
without its baneful influence upon the conduct of the foreigners who
dwelt in great numbers in the towns on the sea-coast. The Greeks
and Romans that had settled in Judæa openly showed their hatred to
their neighbors, and usurped the position of masters in the land. The
fearful picture drawn by the great prophet seemed now on the point
of being literally fulfilled: "The stranger in thy midst will ever
rise higher, but thou wilt ever sink lower." The most shameless in
their conduct towards the Judæans were the Greek Syrians who lived in
Cæsarea--even the civil rights of the former were disputed by them. But
the Judæans of Cæsarea, who far surpassed their heathen fellow-citizens
in industry, wealth and courage, would not allow themselves to be
deprived of their rights of citizenship, and fierce disputes and
fights in the streets were consequently of almost daily occurrence. On
one occasion, some Judæan youths having avenged with blows an insult
they had received from a party of Syrians, and obliged the latter to
flee, Felix took up the affair, called in some troops, which, being
chiefly composed of Greeks and Syrians, sided heartily with their own
countrymen. Many Judæans lost their lives, many were imprisoned, and
the houses of the rich were plundered and destroyed. The actual point
in dispute remained undecided, both sides being only more embittered by
the blood that had been shed. The rival parties sent deputies to Rome,
and Nero was called upon to pronounce judgment between them. Bribery
gained the favor of Burrus, the secretary of the emperor, to the cause
of the Syrians of Cæsarea. His verdict was consequently given against
the Judæans, who were deprived of their civil rights.
Festus, the successor of Felix, governed for only a short time (from 59
to 61). During that period the unsatisfactory state of things remained
unchanged, or, if possible, became still worse. A new enthusiast,
proclaiming himself the Messiah, awoke the hope of the people for
liberty and redemption, drew followers around him, and then shared
the fate of his predecessors. The jealous spite which animated the
different parties became more and more violent. The king, Agrippa, at
length took up his residence in Jerusalem, in the Hasmonæan palace,
which was just opposite the Temple. In order to overlook the courts of
the latter he added to the height of his palace, and from the hall in
that building, where he took his repasts, he could watch every movement
that took place in the Temple. The Temple authorities took umbrage at
this, and complained that Agrippa encroached upon their privileges;
and in order to hide the Temple from his view they had a high wall
built on its western side. This aroused the displeasure of Agrippa
and of the governor, who wished to demolish the hardly finished wall.
Bitter words were used on both sides; but at last prudence prevailed,
and it was resolved that the dispute should be settled by the emperor.
Twelve deputies, among whom were the high priest Ishmael and the
treasurer Hilkia, were sent to represent the case at Rome. It was not
Nero, however, but his paramour, Poppea Sabina, who gave the verdict.
This beautiful but shameless woman had, strangely enough, a preference
for Judaism, and as at Nero's court all state affairs were conducted
by intrigue, the Judæan deputies profited by that happy chance and
won their cause. The deputies brought back the imperial order that
the jealous guard kept over the Temple should be discontinued. A few
years later Poppea interceded again on behalf of two Judæans who had
been condemned by Felix and sent as prisoners to Rome. In order not
to infringe upon the laws of their religion they, like Daniel and his
friends, refused, whilst in prison, to eat anything but fruit. But at
the desire of Poppea, who had now become empress, Nero granted the
self-denying captives their liberty.
After the death of Festus, Nero named Albinus governor, and in
comparison with those who preceded and those who came after him he was
looked upon as a just ruler. Before he entered the province, Anan the
high priest attempted to revive the half-extinct Sadducæism, and to put
its penal code again into force; a tribunal was elected by him, and
innocent men were condemned. The Pharisees were so dissatisfied with
this illegal Synhedrion that they demanded of Agrippa the dismissal of
the high priest.
The new governor Albinus was met on his way by accusations against
Anan, who it was said had infringed upon the authority of Rome by
punishing criminals himself. His enemies were successful, and he was
obliged to resign his office of high priest after having filled it for
three months. Joshua ben Damnai succeeded him, but in a short time he
had to give way to Joshua ben Gamala (63 or 64). Ben-Gamala had married
a widow of great wealth, Martha, a daughter of the house of the high
priest Boëthus, and it is said that she induced King Agrippa II, by the
offer of a large bribe, to confer the office of high priest upon her
husband. Between Joshua ben Damnai and his more fortunate successor
there burned so fierce a hatred that their respective followers could
not meet in the streets without insulting and even attacking each other.
Joshua ben Gamala can, however, by no means be ranked among the worst
of the high priests. The improvement in education, which began with
him, testified to the interest he took in the useful institutions of
the community. He established schools for boys from the age of five
years in every town. But Ben-Gamala did not long retain his high
office; he was obliged to resign it to Matthia ben Theophilus (65),
the last of the twenty-eight high priests who owed their election to
Rome and the house of Herod. Albinus the governor, who was bent upon
the destruction of the fanatical Sicarii, embittered the people by the
heavy taxes laid upon them, a part of which he kept for himself. Upon
learning that a successor had been appointed, he caused those of the
Sicarii who had been imprisoned for serious offenses to be executed,
and those who were suffering for lighter misdeeds were, upon paying
a fine, set at liberty. The Sicarii thus released from imprisonment
took part afterwards in the insurrections of the people against their
oppressors, and stained the good cause with many acts of cruelty.
The last of the procurators, Gessius Florus, who also was appointed by
Poppea, hastened by his shameless partiality, avarice, and inhumanity,
the execution of the long-cherished plan of the malcontents to shake
off the tyrannical yoke of Rome. Florus was one of those utterly
profligate beings to whom nothing is sacred; who sacrifice everything
to their greed, and disregard, without scruple, the most solemn oaths.
What his predecessors had done with a pretense at least to some form,
or under the shadow of secrecy, he accomplished openly in brazen-faced
defiance of the Law. Inaccessible to pity, he had indulgence only
for the Sicarii, who gave him a portion of their plunder. In the two
years during which his administration lasted (64-66), many towns were
completely sacked. The Sicarii were allowed to carry on unmolested
their nefarious practices, the rich being obliged to purchase their
favor as well as that of their patrons.
So unbearable was this condition of the state that even a cowardly
nation must have lost patience, and the courage of the Judæan people,
in spite of the thousand disasters which had befallen them, of the
heavy weight of the Roman yoke, and of the daily acts of violence of
which they were the victims, was not yet broken. Rome at that time
resembled a community of madmen, among whom the emperor Nero, confiding
in the favor of the Senate and the people, perpetrated one folly after
another, and was guilty of a succession of crimes. Thus, excepting
through their own endeavors, there appeared no chance of deliverance
for the Judæans. This was the opinion of the best and greatest among
them, of all those who were not the tools of Rome, or blinded by her
false splendor, or paralyzed by terror of her strength. The boldest
were already thinking of rebellion. The governor, Cestius Gallus, had,
in the meantime, been informed of the exasperation and angry feeling
that existed among the Judæan people, and reported the state of Judæa
at the court of Rome, failing not to make known there that the nation
was brooding over conspiracy and revolt. But no one listened to his
warning voice. Nero was too busy to attend to such trifles; he had to
play the zither, to perform on the stage, to indulge in orgies, and
to devise murders. The Empress Poppea, the friend of the Judæans, was
dead. The creatures of the court resembled the monster Gessius Florus,
and doubtless derided what they considered the puerile fears of Gallus.
The latter thereupon devised a plan to bring prominently before Nero's
court the vastness of the population of Judæa, and the imprudence of
underrating it. It was arranged between Agrippa and the high priest
Matthia that at the Feast of the Passover a great though peaceful
demonstration should take place, through a peculiar manner of numbering
the people. Circulars were sent to the community, residing both within
and outside Judæa, bidding vast numbers appear at the coming festival.
Crowds of worshipers, a greater concourse than had ever assembled
before, obeyed the summons. In the spring of the year 66 they flocked
to celebrate the Feast of Passover; from the towns and villages of
Judæa, from Syria, even from countries bordering the Euphrates, and
from Egypt, they streamed into Jerusalem, which could hardly contain
the vast multitude. On their way towards the Temple, some of the
pilgrims were crushed in the crowd, and this feast was thereafter
called the Passover of the Crushing. The numbering of the people was
carried on in the following way:--From each offering a kidney was taken
for the priests, the kidneys thus appropriated being counted; and it
was reckoned that each lamb that was eaten in company, was partaken of
by at least ten persons. The result of these calculations proved that
nearly three millions were at that time present in Jerusalem.
Cestius Gallus had himself come to Jerusalem to conduct the
investigation, and all appealed to him to have pity on their
unspeakable woes, and to deliver them from their country's scourge.
Florus, who was present, only smiled, but the governor of the city
promised to use his influence in softening the procurator's heart
towards them, and he acquainted Rome with the imposing concourse
he had seen with his own eyes at Jerusalem. He was, however, much
deceived as to the effect produced by his device of proving how great
were the numbers of the people. Nero, at that time, had reached the
highest point of his arrogance and pride. "Should Nero, whose triumphs
surpassed those of Pompey, Cæsar, and Augustus, fear Judæa?" The
account sent by Cestius Gallus of the crowds assembled at Jerusalem
during the Feast of Passover was probably not even read by Nero, or, if
looked at, only thrown to the winds.
In Judæa, and above all in the capital, men, young and old, became
daily more impatient to break the galling chains of Rome. Patience
was exhausted; they awaited only the favorable moment when they could
strike at their foe with a chance of success. A trifling incident,
which brought to light the unparalleled insolence of Florus, fanned the
spirit of impatience and closed the lips of prudence. Fresh causes of
disagreement had arisen between the Judæans and the Syrians in Cæsarea;
the former could not forget that Nero had lowered them in the eyes of
their fellow-citizens, and the latter, elated by the preference given
them, made the Judæans feel their degraded position. The irritation
thus caused, stirred up the religious hatred and racial animosity which
slumbered under the surface in both communities. A piece of ground
belonging to a heathen in Cæsarea, which happened to be just in front
of the synagogue, was covered by him with shops, so that only one
narrow entrance to the sacred building remained. The hot-headed Judæan
youths tried to interrupt the construction of these booths, and Florus,
won over by a large sum of money, refrained from interfering; and,
in order not to be a witness of the probable scene of contention, he
absented himself and went to Samaria, leaving the two bitterly-opposed
parties to the undisturbed exercise of their passionate animosity. On a
certain Sabbath, while the Judæans were assembled in worship, a Greek
placed a vessel in front of the synagogue and sacrificed birds upon it,
to signify that the Judæans were descendants of outcast lepers. This
calumny concerning the origin of their race was not taken quietly by
the Judæan youths, who instantly armed themselves and fell upon their
mocking foes. The fight ended in the defeat of the Judæans, all of
whom thereupon, carrying away their holy books, betook themselves to
the neighboring small town of Narbata, and thence sent an embassy of
twelve men, among whom was the rich tax-gatherer Jonathan, to Florus
in Samaria. The deputies reminded him of the sum he had received, and
of his promise to afford them protection. But instead of listening
to their supplications he received them harshly, and threw them into
prison. When tidings of this new act of violence reached Jerusalem,
the anger of the whole population was aroused, but before they had
time to form any plan of action, Florus sent them another exasperating
message. He desired the warden of the Temple to hand over out of the
sacred treasury seventeen talents, which he declared were required in
the service of the emperor. This command, the intention of which was
plainly discerned by the inhabitants of Jerusalem, made them flock
around the Temple as though they would shield the threatened Sanctuary.
The timid broke forth in lamentations, and the fearless reviled the
Roman governor, and carried a box about as though they were collecting
alms for the indigent Florus. The latter, anticipating opportunities
to satisfy his avarice and thirst for blood, now came himself to
Jerusalem, and by his presence added fuel to the fire. Florus placed
himself as judge in front of the palace of Herod, and called upon the
high priest and the men of greatest standing to appear before him,
demanding them to deliver into his hands those who had dared mock him.
Trembling, they endeavored to offer excuses for what had taken place,
and implored his mercy. But Florus heeded them not, and gave orders
to the Roman soldiers to plunder the upper market-place, a quarter
inhabited by the wealthy. Like very demons the wild soldiers threw
themselves into the market and the adjoining streets, killed men, women
and children, ransacked houses and carried off their contents. On that
one day (16th Iyar), more than three thousand six hundred men perished.
The prisoners, by the command of Florus, were scourged and crucified.
In vain had the princess or queen Berenice knelt before Florus,
imploring him to stay the work of bloodshed and destruction; he was
deaf to her entreaties, and in fear for her own safety she was obliged
to seek refuge and safety in her palace.
Some days after, vast crowds gathered in the now half-ruined upper
town (Zion), uttering lamentations for those who had been killed and
pronouncing execrations upon their murderer Florus, and it was not
without much difficulty that the heads of the people succeeded in
silencing them. But this only increased the audacity of Florus, who
demanded, as a proof of their present peaceable intentions, that the
people with the nobles should go forth to meet the incoming troops
and welcome them in a friendly spirit. The representatives of the
Sanctuary could hardly induce the people to comply with that request,
for the patriots rebelled against the new humiliation thus thrust
upon them, and persuaded many to share their sentiments. At length,
however, the high priest succeeded in persuading the people to offer
an amicable reception to the Roman cohorts. But soon the deceitful
intention of the governor manifested itself. The people fulfilled
the heavy sacrifice they had with heavy hearts undertaken to perform,
and greeted the troops with forced friendliness; but the soldiers,
having received their instructions from Florus, looked grimly at them
and made no response. At the first murmur of discontent caused by
the strange manner of the Roman troops, the latter rushed upon the
people with drawn swords, driving them before them, whilst the horses
trampled on the fugitives. A fearful crush took place at the gates of
the city, and the road from Bezetha was strewn with the wounded and the
killed. When it was perceived that the soldiers were directing their
steps towards Fort Antonia and the Temple, the designs of Florus upon
the treasures contained in it could no longer be concealed, and the
people hastened to the Sanctuary to protect it, if possible, from his
sacrilegious project. They threw stones at the soldiers, barred their
passage through the narrow entrance, demolished the colonnade which
connected the fortress Antonia with the Temple, and thus frustrated the
governor's hope of becoming a second Crassus. Without being aware of it
themselves, the inhabitants of Jerusalem had by that step commenced the
war of insurrection.
Before the determined attitude of the people the courage of Florus
forsook him. He informed the representatives of the capital that
in order to restore peace to Jerusalem, he would quit the city and
withdraw the greater number of the troops, leaving only a small
garrison behind. Upon representations being made to him that the
greater part of the army was hated by the people, on account of
the inhumanity of which it had been guilty, he bade them choose
those soldiers who had taken least part in the recent butchery. The
representatives of Judæa selected the soldiers who served under
Metilius, whose weak disposition appeared to them a pledge of
forbearance. But hardly had Florus left Jerusalem, when the heated
ferment resolved itself into determined action. The people were divided
into two parties, one was the party of peace, the other the party that
favored revolution. The latter party was composed chiefly of the young
and strong, who shared the views and principles of the Zealots. They
were ready to risk their lives in their endeavor to overthrow the yoke
of pagan, tyrannical Rome, and regain their cherished liberty.
The revolutionary party was not devoid of statesmanlike discretion; it
had already formed an alliance with the princely house of Adiabene,
which was warmly devoted to Judaism, and had likewise managed to
interest the Parthian-Babylonian community in its cause. The advocates
of war, bold and fearless, looked down upon their more timid brethren.
Men of strength, filled with lofty aspirations, they swore a solemn
oath to die rather than submit to Rome; and well did they keep that
oath in the raging war, under the hail of the catapults, tortured
by the rack, and in the arena of wild beasts. The soul of the
revolutionary party in Jerusalem was Eleazar ben Ananias, who belonged
to a high-priestly family. He was well versed in the Law, and belonged
to the strict school of Shammai, which generally agreed with the
Zealots.
On the side of peace were the followers of Hillel, who abhorred war
on principle; the nobles who were basking in the brilliant sunshine
of Rome; the wealthy, whose possessions would be exposed to jeopardy
through so great a revolution--all these, though smarting under the
insolence of Florus, desired the continuance of the present state
of things under the imperial power of Rome. The honest friends of
peace, however, failed to perceive that the evil from which the Judæan
community suffered did not depend upon any one person who might be
accidentally in power, but upon the system of tutelage and robbery,
and on the fundamental difference which existed between the foreign
rulers and the people they governed. Even the best governors, those who
truly desired to preserve order and peace, could not have prevented the
susceptibility of the nation from being frequently wounded, nor the
constant irritation of the people.
The people, although aroused and embittered, appeared undecided, and
paused before taking the final step, each party trying to draw the
populace to its side. The friends of peace, whilst they strove to
moderate the anger of the masses, endeavored likewise to justify their
revolt against Florus before the Syrian governor, Cestius, and to
explain that Florus was in fault for the disturbance which had broken
out. They acquainted Cestius with everything that had occurred, and
begged him to come to Jerusalem to see with his own eyes the misery and
ruin caused by the acts of the last governor, and to convince himself
of the friendly demeanor of its inhabitants. Cestius, too indolent to
come and inquire into the matter himself, sent a deputy, Neapolitanus,
in his stead.
The leaders of the revolutionary party had, in the meantime, been so
successful that the payment of taxes to Rome was withheld. The king,
Agrippa, who, from motives of self-interest, was in favor of peace,
called the people together, and attempted to open their eyes to the
danger into which they were blindly running. Standing upon a high
gallery opposite the Temple he spoke to the people. At his side was the
Princess Berenice, who had interceded for the injured and downtrodden,
to cover him with the shield of her popularity.
His speech, containing every argument that reason or sophistry could
urge against war with Rome, made at first some impression upon the
people. A great number of them cried out that they had no ill-will
against the Romans, but only desired to be delivered from the yoke
of Florus. Thereupon Agrippa exhorted the assembled multitude to
show that they were really peacefully inclined by replacing the
broken columns they had thrown down and paying the taxes due to the
emperor. For the moment it appeared as though their angry feelings
were about to subside. The shattered colonnade was to be repaired,
and in the adjoining towns and villages taxes were gathered. When
Agrippa found what an advantage he had gained he went a step further,
and tried to persuade the people to obey Florus as their governor
until his successor should be appointed. But this last demand spoilt
all. The revolutionary party again won the upper hand, and Agrippa
was obliged to flee from Jerusalem. Those who had so often suffered
from the cruelty and injustice of Florus, at the very mention of his
name feared to become again his miserable dupes and the victims of
cunning intrigue. After Agrippa's departure there was no question
of taxes. Universal was the satisfaction at their abolition, and
the tax-gatherers durst not confront the prevailing excitement by
attempting to enforce their payment. The day on which it was resolved
not to pay the taxes, the 25th Sivan (June), was henceforth to be kept
as the anniversary of a victory. The Sicarii now also began to bestir
themselves. They assembled under the command of Menahem, a descendant
of Judas, the founder of the Zealots, and took the fortress of Masada;
they put its Roman garrison to death, possessed themselves of their
weapons, and being thus well armed, appeared on the field of battle.
Eleazar, the head of the Zealots, fanned the revolutionary spirit
of the people, and drove them on to complete rupture with Rome. He
dissuaded the priests from receiving any presents or sacrifices from
heathens, and so great was the power he exerted that the officiating
priests discontinued offering the daily sacrifice for the emperor
Nero. That was the starting-point of the revolution. Allegiance to the
emperor was thenceforth renounced. The party of peace saw also the
grave importance of this step and tried to retrace it. Learned teachers
of the Law, doubtless of the school of Hillel, explained to a large
gathering of the people that it was unlawful to shut out the offerings
of heathens from the Temple, and aged priests declared that it was an
ancient custom to receive such offerings. The officiating priests,
however, remained unconvinced, and threw themselves without reserve
into the maelstrom of revolution. From that time on, the Temple obeyed
its chief, Eleazar, and became the hotbed of the insurrection.
The advocates of peace saw with sorrow the progress made by the rival
party, and tried to smother the flames before they could accomplish
the work of destruction and ruin; but the means they employed to
quench the revolutionary fire only made it burn the more fiercely.
They sent deputies to Florus and Agrippa, earnestly entreating that a
sufficiently large number of troops should be instantly despatched to
Jerusalem. The former, actuated either by timidity or by the spirit of
revenge which made him desire that the hated Judæans should become more
and more hopelessly entangled, refused to comply with that request.
Agrippa, on the other hand, sent 3,000 horsemen, Auranites, Batanæans,
and wild Trachonites, under the command of Philip of Bathyrene, and
Darius, a commander of cavalry, to help the party that wished to remain
at peace with Rome. When these troops arrived, they found the Mount
on which the Temple stood, as well as the lower town, already in the
possession of the Zealots. The aristocratic quarter of the higher town
alone remained open to them. A fierce combat took place between the
two parties, the royal troops joining the few soldiers left of the
Roman garrison. Fighting continued for seven days, with no decided
results.
At the time of the festival of wood-carrying (15th Ab), however, the
situation changed. The Zealots barred the entrance of the Temple
against any one belonging to the peace party, and gained over to their
side the masses who had brought wood for the altar, as well as the
Sicarii who had made their way into the Temple through the crowd.
Strengthened by the increase of numbers, the Zealots drove away their
opponents and became masters of the upper town. The anger of the people
was roused against the friends of Rome, they set fire to the palaces of
King Agrippa and Princess Berenice, devoting to the flames likewise the
house of the rich priest Ananias, and the public archives, among which
the bonds of debtors were kept. Some of the partisans of Rome crept in
terror into the sewers, while others took refuge with the troops in the
western palace of Herod. Shortly after this the Zealots attacked the
Roman guards in the fort Antonia, overcame them after a siege of two
days, and put them to death (17th Ab); they then stormed the palace of
Herod, which was defended by the combined troops of Rome and Agrippa.
After eighteen days of incessant fighting the garrison capitulated and
the Judæan soldiers under Philip were allowed to depart unhurt. The
Romans, too proud to sue for mercy, retreated to the three towers in
the wall, Hippicus, Phasael, and Mariamne. The Sicarii under Menahem
rushed into the fort after the Romans had left it, and killed all who
had not been able to save themselves by flight (6th Elul--August).
But the patriotic Zealots, the followers of Eleazar, were soon made
aware of the injury their righteous cause must sustain from their
fraternizing with the unrestrainable Sicarii. Puffed up by their
victory over Agrippa's troops, Menahem and his satellites broke out
into acts of shameful cruelty. Insulting pride now characterized
Menahem's behavior; words of anger were exchanged between him and
Eleazar; and as the former entered the Temple in the captured regal
attire, the words became blows and fighting commenced. The Sicarii
were besieged, and Menahem, who had fled to the part of the city
called Ophla, was brought back and executed. A small number of his
followers, under his relative Eleazar ben Jair, escaped to the fortress
of Masada, which was occupied by their friends. After this bloody
episode the Zealots, led by Eleazar, besieged the towers, and the
Roman troops under the command of Metilius were at last obliged to
sue for mercy. The Judæans deputed to treat with Metilius agreed that
the Romans, deprived of their arms and baggage, should be allowed to
depart unmolested. As soon, however, as the conquered soldiers were
divested of their swords and shields, Eleazar's band fell upon them and
destroyed them all. Metilius alone was spared, because in the fear of
death he had promised to adopt the Judæan faith, and he was allowed to
live an animated trophy of the victory of the Judæans over the Romans.
The day on which Jerusalem was delivered from the Romans (17 Elul) was
henceforth to be considered one of the festive anniversaries. That the
aim of Eleazar and his party was noble and disinterested was shown by
the moderation they observed after their victory. The city was in their
hands, their rivals helpless, and yet in the annals of those times we
can discover no trace of persecution or cruelty towards them.
Thus far the insurrection had been limited to Jerusalem, for the rest
of Judæa, although equally excited, remained quiet during the events
that were taking place in the capital, and awaited the result. Florus
himself had likewise remained quietly at Cæsarea, taking care, however,
that the revolution should flow on like a stream of fire, carrying
devastation all over the country, and even beyond its boundaries.
When tidings of the battle between the Zealots and the Roman cohorts
in Jerusalem reached Cæsarea, the Greeks and Syrians attacked the
Judæans who had returned there. The carnage which ensued must have been
fearful; more than twenty thousand Judæans were killed, and these,
doubtless, did not succumb without, in self-defense, causing some
other deaths. Not a single Judæan remained alive in Cæsarea. Those
who tried to flee were captured, put into chains by the command of
Florus, and sent as slaves to various ships. This unexampled cruelty
exasperated the whole population of Judæa, and their hatred against the
heathens broke out into wild frenzy. Everywhere, as though by common
assent, bands of free troops formed themselves, attacking the heathen
inhabitants of the country, burning, destroying, and slaying. These
barbarous onslaughts, of course, called again for revenge from the
heathen population of Judæa and Syria. Many towns were divided into two
hostile parties, which savagely fought together during the day, and lay
in ambush to injure each other at night.
A horrible deed, resulting from the war of races, took place in
the town of Bethshean, the first of a long series of acts of
self-destruction of which we read in the account of the destruction
of the Temple. Its heathen inhabitants had made a covenant with their
Judæan fellow-citizens, promising to befriend them if they would assist
in repulsing any attack of Judæan bands upon their town. The Judæans
in Bethshean honestly fulfilled their agreement, fought vigorously
against their brethren, and drove them away from the vicinity of the
town. Among the combatants on that occasion, Simon ben Saul, a Judæan
of gigantic strength and great valor, was principally distinguished.
No sooner, however, were the heathen inhabitants delivered from their
assailants than, under cover of the night, they fell upon the unguarded
Judæans, and put them all, nearly thirteen thousand, to death. In that
fearful massacre Simon and his family alone survived, the former,
wielding his drawn sword with the energy of despair, drove terror into
the hearts of his enemies. Full of anguish and remorse at having fought
against his brethren, he resolved to fall only by his own hand. After
killing his aged parents, his wife and children, he thrust his sword
into his breast and expired at their side.
The violent animosity which inflamed the Judæans and heathens in
Cæsarea also reached Alexandria. A massacre of the Judæans, partly due
to the anger of an apostate, took place in the Egyptian capital. The
Alexandrian Greeks, jealous of their Judæan fellow-citizens, resolved
to solicit the Emperor Nero to deprive them of the rights which they
had received from Claudius, putting them on a footing of equality with
the Greeks. To select the deputies who were to convey their wishes
to the emperor, a large concourse assembled in the amphitheater of
the town. A few Judæans being discovered among the crowd, they were
fiercely attacked and insulted as spies. Three of them were dragged
through the streets to be committed alive to the flames. Enraged at
the savage treatment of their brethren, the Judæans armed themselves,
seized firebrands, and threatened to burn the amphitheater where the
Greeks were still assembled. The governor Tiberius now attempted to
interfere in order to stay the impending civil strife, but he only
increased the angry ferment. The Judæans hated him for being a renegade
to his faith, and reproached him with his apostasy. Infuriated by
their taunts, Tiberius Alexander lost all control over himself; he
ordered his legions to repair to the Judæan quarter, and gave free
license to the exercise of that brutality which it had cost so much
effort to restrain. The soldiers, greedy for blood and plunder, poured
in upon the beautiful Delta quarter of the town, killed all whom they
found in their way, burned the houses, and filled the streets with
blood and corpses. Fifty thousand Judæans lost their lives, and the
man who ordered that frightful butchery was the nephew of the Judæan
philosopher Philo!
Such was the alarming proportion which the insurrectionary movement by
Eleazar ben Ananias had assumed. The revolution had tasted blood, and
was drawn on and on in its hurried course till it carried away even
the indifferent, and converted almost the whole nation into Zealots.
From day to day the number of brave and daring warriors increased. The
expected help now came from Adiabene and Babylon. Members of the royal
house of Adiabene, brothers and sons of the King Izates, Monobazus and
Cenedæus, took the management of the rebellion into their own hands,
and prepared to hold out to the last. Three heroes, who alone seemed
more than equal to a whole army, now entered Jerusalem. They were
Niger, from the other side of the Jordan, Silas, the Babylonian, and
Simon Bar-Giora, the wild patriot, who, from his first entrance to the
end of the war, brought terror to the hearts of the Romans. Cestius
Gallus, whose duty it was as Governor of Syria to uphold the honor of
Roman arms, and to keep the imperial supremacy intact in the country
placed under his jurisdiction, could no longer witness the rebellion
spreading around him without an effort to stem its progress. He called
his legions together, and the neighboring princes voluntarily sent
their troops to his assistance as auxiliaries. Even Agrippa contributed
three thousand foot soldiers and two thousand horsemen to the Roman
army, and offered himself as guide through the mountain paths and
ravines of that dangerous country. Cestius led more than thirty
thousand men, experienced soldiers, out of Antioch, against Judæa, and
doubted not that in one battle he would be able to destroy the Judæan
rebels. On his way along the sea-coast he left in every town marks of
blood and fire.
As soon as the Zealots in Jerusalem heard of the approach of the Roman
troops they seized their arms, in spite of its being the Sabbath day.
They were not afraid to face the Romans, nor would they allow the
Sabbath laws to interfere with their warlike ardor. Cestius had made
a halt at Gabaot, about a mile from Jerusalem, expecting, perhaps, a
missive of repentant submission. But the Zealots attacked the Roman
army with such impetuosity that they broke through their ranks, killing
in the first onslaught more than five hundred soldiers, whilst they
only lost three and twenty men themselves (26th Tishri--October). If
the Roman cavalry had not come to the assistance of the foot soldiers,
the latter would have been utterly destroyed. Loaded with rich booty,
the victors returned to Jerusalem, singing jubilant hosannas, while
Cestius during three days remained idle in his camp without venturing
to advance.
It was only on the fourth day that the Roman army approached the
capital. The Zealots had abandoned the outer parts of Jerusalem, which
could afford them no adequate shelter, and had withdrawn behind the
strong walls of the inner town behind the Temple. The Romans thereupon
marched in, destroyed the suburb Bezetha, then pressed on towards the
western point, just opposite Herod's palace, where they pitched their
camp (30th Tishri). This caused no alarm to the Zealots; they threw
the traitors who, following the advice of Anan ben Jonathan, wished to
open the gates to the enemy, over the walls, and prepared vigorously
for the defense of the places they occupied. During five successive
days the Romans stormed the walls, but were always obliged to fall back
before the missiles of the Judæans. It was only on the sixth day that
they succeeded in undermining a part of the northern wall in front of
the Temple. But this advantage was not followed up by Cestius. He did
not deem it advisable to continue the combat against heroic enthusiasts
and embark on a lengthy campaign at that season, when the autumn
rains would soon commence, if they had not already set in, and might
prevent the army from receiving provisions. On that account probably he
thought it more prudent to retrace his steps. It could hardly have been
cowardice which inspired the resolve.
As soon as the unexpected departure of the Romans became known to
the inhabitants of Jerusalem, they followed them, attacking the rear
and flanks of the army from the mountain crests, the Roman troops
being obliged to keep to the beaten ways in the valleys and passes. A
great number of Romans, among whom were many distinguished officers,
lay slain upon the line of march. When the army reached the camp in
Gabaot, it found itself surrounded by swarming hosts of Judæans, and
Cestius, not considering it safe to remain there any longer, hastened
his retreat, leaving the heaviest part of the baggage behind. In the
narrow pass of Bethoron the Roman army fared still worse; attacked on
all sides, it was brought into confusion and disorder, and the men
could not defend themselves from the arrows of the enemy, which fell
thick upon them from the vantage-ground of the mountain wall on either
side. Wildly the Roman troops hurried on towards Bethoron, and they
would have been almost completely destroyed in their flight had not
approaching night saved them from further pursuit.
The Judæans remained all night before Bethoron, but Cestius, leaving
four hundred brave soldiers in the camp, marched noiselessly out
with the whole of his army, so that at break of day, when the Judæans
perceived what had taken place, he had already obtained a considerable
start. The four hundred soldiers left behind succumbed to the Judæans,
who then vainly followed the Roman army as far as Antipatris. They
found, however, rich booty, consisting of arms and implements of war.
These they brought back as trophies to Jerusalem, making good use of
them later on against their enemies. The money chests of Cestius, which
contained the supplies for the war, fell also into their hands, and
helped to replenish the treasury at Jerusalem. In this first campaign
against the despised Judæans the army of Cestius lost nearly six
thousand men, both Romans and allies; and the legion which the governor
had brought from Antioch as a picked corps to fight against Jerusalem
had lost their eagles, a loss which was regarded by Rome as the
greatest dishonor that could befall an army, equivalent to a shameful
defeat.
The Zealots, shouting exultant war songs, returned to Jerusalem (8th
October), their hearts beating with the joyful hope of liberty and
independence. The proud and happy time of the Hasmonæans seemed to
have returned, and its glory even to be surpassed. Had not the great
Roman army, feared by all the world, been defeated and forced to
ignominious flight? What a change had been effected in the brief space
of six months! Then every one trembled before the cowardly Florus and
his few soldiers, and now the Romans had fled! Had not God helped
them as mercifully as He had helped their forefathers? The hearts
of the Zealots knew no fears for the future. "As we have beaten the
two generals, Metilius and Cestius, so likewise shall we overcome
their successors." Any one who spoke of submission to Rome or of the
advantage of opening negotiations with her was looked upon as a
traitor to his country and an enemy to Judaism. The advocates of peace
had for the moment lost all influence, and the friends of Rome could
not venture to utter aloud their real sentiments. Many of them left
Jerusalem secretly, whilst others pretended to share the Zealots' love
of freedom and hatred of Rome. The two Herodian brothers, Costobar and
Saul, sought the presence of the Emperor Nero in Greece, attempting
to excuse the insurrectionary outburst and to throw the blame of it
upon Florus. While they were trying to vindicate the fidelity of the
Judæan nation, the Zealots, intoxicated with their victory, had coins
struck with the inscription--"For the deliverance of Jerusalem." Even
the Samaritans now put aside their old feeling of animosity against the
Judæans, and to gratify their hatred of the Romans made common cause
with their former enemies.
Stirring activity took possession of the capital, and gave it quite a
new appearance. Everywhere weapons were being forged and implements of
war manufactured, in preparation for any fresh assault. The walls of
Jerusalem were strengthened to a degree that promised to set the enemy
for a long time at defiance. The young men underwent daily military
exercise, and their enthusiasm made up for their want of experience.
In all parts of Judæa the warlike patriots and foes of Rome formed
provisional committees to prepare for the great struggle which they
felt must be approaching, and their glowing ardor was shared even by
the Judæans who lived in foreign lands.
Of the internal political arrangements introduced in Jerusalem
after the defeat of Cestius, only slight and uncertain indications
have come down to us. The historian friendly to Rome, who could not
sufficiently darken the rebellion of the Judæans, was not inclined to
record any of their acts. There can be no doubt, however, that the
Great Synhedrion again acquired its former supreme authority over all
political and military affairs. At the head of the great council was
Simon ben Gamaliel, of the House of Hillel, one who, even according
to the account of his enemy, must have been gifted with remarkable
discernment and energy, and who might, had his advice been followed,
have brought the impending struggle to a successful issue. Although he
did not belong to the party of extreme Zealots, he desired the contest
to be carried on with the most resolute activity, and upheld, with all
the strength given him by his eminence and position, those who were
determined that the revolution should be real and its effects lasting.
Upon coins dating from the first and second years of the newly-won
independence, appears the following inscription, "Simon, the Prince of
Israel," which doubtless referred to the Patriarch Simon ben Gamaliel.
After the victory gained over Cestius, the heathens became more and
more embittered against their Judæan neighbors; and either from fear of
an onslaught from them, or actuated by revenge for the defeat of the
Romans, they formed themselves into murderous bands, slaying without
pity Judæan men, women and children who were living among them. Such
cruel massacres must have incensed the patriots all the more, as they
frequently occurred among communities innocent of the remotest idea
of joining the rebellion, and now, as far as lay in their power, the
Judæans took their revenge upon their heathen neighbors. The savage
enmity of races rose higher and higher, and, spreading far beyond the
narrow boundary of Palestine, animated the Judæans on the one side and
the Greeks and Romans on the other. As all the nations around Judæa,
including Syrians, Greeks, Romans and Alexandrians, made common cause
with the Roman emperor, the ultra-Zealots thought themselves justified
in visiting upon them the wrath that inflamed them against Rome. To
cut off every link between them, the followers of the school of Shammai
proposed erecting a barrier which should effectually prevent any
communication, by prohibiting the Judæans in future from buying wine,
oil, bread, or any other articles of food from their heathen neighbors.
These regulations were known under the name of "The Eighteen Things."
Religious fervor and political zealotry, in those stormy times,
always accompanied each other. The Hillelites, more moderate in their
religious and political views, could not agree to such sharply defined
exclusiveness, but when the Synod was called together to decide upon
the laws before mentioned, the Zealots proved all-powerful. Eleazar ben
Ananias, probably the leader of the Zealots, who was himself a teacher
of the Law, invited the disciples of both schools to meet in his house.
Armed soldiers were placed at the door and were directed to allow every
one to enter but no one to go out, and during the fiery discussions
that were carried on there, many of the school of Hillel are said to
have been killed. On account of these acts of violence, the day on
which the severe decrees of the school of Shammai were brought forward
and agreed to, the 9th Adar, was regarded as a day of misfortune.
Meanwhile, the warlike activity of the Judæans had not ceased for a
moment. The urgent necessity of making a selection of generals and
leaders for the approaching strife was felt by all. The important
choice belonged, it appears, to the people themselves, who for some
cause or other had taken umbrage at the ultra-Zealots. Eleazar ben
Ananias, who had given the first impulse to the great uprising, was
only made governor of the unimportant province of Idumæa, and was even
obliged to divide his authority with another.
Eleazar ben Simon, an ultra-Zealot, who had been instrumental in
gaining the victory over Cestius and who was the treasurer of the
Temple, was, in spite of belonging to the class of nobles, completely
overlooked. Moderate men, even those who had been formerly friends of
Rome, obtained the preference. Joseph ben Gorion, and Anan the son of
Anan, who for a short time had held the office of high priest, received
posts of the greatest importance, the supervision of Jerusalem and the
defense of the fortresses. Besides these, five governors were appointed
over different provinces. To Joseph ben Matthias was entrusted the
most important place of all. The people, still dazzled by the magic
of aristocratic names, could not allow men of unknown origin, however
brave and devoted they might be, to fill high political positions. The
ruling power lay in the Great Synhedrion, and consequently in those who
presided over that assembly, Simon ben Gamaliel and his associates Anan
and Joseph ben Gorion.
Simon was at the head of the Pharisees, and Anan, the former high
priest, made no attempt to conceal his leaning towards Sadducæism;
but their antagonism in religious matters did not prevent them from
now acting together. The love of country outweighed the spirit of
partisanship. The apparent unanimity that reigned in the Synhedrion
was nevertheless deceptive. Great nobles, secret friends to Rome,
had a place and voice in that assembly, and often brought indecision
into its councils. Opposite and conflicting views resulted in halting
measures and diminished vigor. The Synhedrion was likewise often
swayed by the changing sentiments of the people, which always receive
attention in the hour of revolution. Thus deprived of united strength
and active energy, the Synhedrion ruled for barely two years, when it
succumbed through weakness, and was obliged to give up the reins to the
ultra-Zealots.