CHAPTER VIII.

SPREAD OF THE JUDÆAN RACE, AND OF JUDAISM.

Distribution of the Judæans in the Roman Empire and in

Parthia--Relations of the various Judæan Colonies to the

Synhedrion--Judæan Bandits in Naarda--Heathen Attacks upon

Judaism--Counter Attacks upon Heathenism by Judæan Writers--The

Judæan Sibyls--The Anti-heathen Literature--The Book of

Wisdom--The Allegorists--Philo's Aims and Philosophical

System--Proselytes--The Royal House of Adiabene--The Proselyte

Queen Helen--The Apostle Paul--His Character--Change in

his Attitude towards the Pharisees--His Activity as a

Conversionist--His Treatment of the Law of Moses--The Doctrines

of Peter--Judaic-Christians and Heathen-Christians.

40.49 C. E.

Round the very cradle of the Judæan race there had rung prophetic

strains, telling of endless wanderings and dispersions. No other people

had ever heard such alarming predictions, and they were being fulfilled

in all their literal horror. There was hardly a corner in the two great

predominant kingdoms of that time, the Roman and the Parthian, in which

Judæans were not living, and where they had not formed themselves into

a religious community. The shores of the great midland sea, and the

outlets of all the principal rivers of the old world, of the Nile, the

Euphrates, the Tigris, and the Danube, were peopled with Judæans. A

cruel destiny seemed to be ever thrusting them away from their central

home. Yet this dispersion was the work of Providence and was to prove

a blessing. The continuance of the Judæan race was thus assured.

Down-trodden and persecuted in one country, they fled to another, where

the old faith, which became ever dearer to them, found a new home.

Seeds were scattered here and there, destined to carry far and wide the

knowledge of God and the teachings of pure morality. Just as the Greek

colonies kindled in various nations the love of art and culture, and

the Roman settlements gave rise in many lands to communities governed

by law, so had the far wider dispersion of the oldest civilized people

contributed to overthrow the errors and combat the sensual vices of the

heathen world. In spite of being thus scattered, the members of the

Judæan people were not completely divided from one another; they had a

common center of union in the Temple of Jerusalem and in the Synhedrion

which met in the hall of hewn stone, and to these the dispersed

communities clung with loving hearts. Towards them their looks were

ever fondly directed, and by sending their gifts to the Temple they

continued to participate, at least by their contributions, in the

sacrificial worship. From the Synhedrion they received their code of

laws, which they followed the more willingly as it was not forced

upon them. The Synhedrion, from time to time, sent deputations to the

different communities, both far and near, to acquaint them with the

most important decisions.

The visits paid to the Temple by the Judæans who lived out of

Palestine, strengthened the bond of unity, and these visits must have

been of frequent occurrence, for they necessitated the creation of

many places of worship in Jerusalem where the various foreign Judæans

met for prayer. The capital contained synagogues of the Alexandrians,

Cyrenians, Libertines, Elymæans, and Asiatics. One can form some

idea of the vast numbers of Judæans existing at that period if one

considers that Egypt alone, from the Mediterranean to the Ethiopian

boundary, contained nearly a million. In the neighboring country

of Cyrenaica, there were likewise many Judæans, some having been

forcibly transplanted thither from Egypt, whilst others were voluntary

emigrants. In many parts of Syria, and especially in its capital,

Antioch, the Judæans formed a considerable portion of the population.

The kings of Syria who succeeded Antiochus Epiphanes had reinstated

them in all their rights, of which the half-insane Epiphanes had robbed

them. One of these kings had even given them some of the utensils taken

from the Temple, and these were preserved in their synagogue. About ten

thousand Judæans lived at Damascus, and one of their nobles was made

ethnarch over them by the Nabathæan king, Aretas Philodemus, just as in

Alexandria one of their most distinguished members was elected chief of

the community. To the great capital of the world, Rome, the point of

attraction for the ambitious and the grasping, the discontented and the

visionaries, the Judæans returned in such masses after their expulsion

by Tiberius, that when the Emperor Claudius determined, from some

unknown cause, upon expelling them again, he was only deterred, by fear

of their great numbers, from endeavoring to carry out his intention.

Meanwhile he forbade their religious meetings. Towards the end of his

reign, however, on account of some disturbances occasioned by a certain

Christian apostle, Chrestus, they were probably, but only in part,

banished from Rome.

Even greater than in Europe, Syria and Africa was the number of Judæans

in the Parthian Empire. They were the descendants of former exiles,

who owned large tracts of country in Mesopotamia and Babylonia. Two

youths from Naarda (Nahardea on the Euphrates) called Asinaï (Chasinaï)

and Anilaï (Chanilaï) founded in the vicinity of that town a robber

settlement, which spread terror along the bordering countries. Just

as Naarda and Nisibis became the central points for the countries of

the Euphrates, there arose in every land a central nucleus from which

Judæan colonies spread themselves out into neighboring lands, from Asia

Minor on the one side, towards the Black Sea on the other, towards

Greece and the Islands. Athens, Corinth, Thessalonica, and Philippi

contained Judæan communities. There is no doubt that from Rome Judæan

colonies went forth westward to the south of France and Spain.

The effect produced by the Judæans upon the heathens was at first

repellent. Their peculiar mode of living, their dress and their

religious views, caused them to be considered as strange, enigmatical,

mysterious beings, who at one moment inspired awe, and at another

derision and contempt. So thorough was the opposition between the

Judæans and the heathens that it manifested itself in all their

actions. Everything that was holy in the eyes of the heathens

was looked upon with horror by the Judæans, whilst objects of

indifference to the former were considered sacred by the latter. The

withdrawal of the Judæans from the repasts enjoyed in common by their

fellow-citizens, their repugnance to intermarriages with the heathens,

their abhorrence of the flesh of swine, and their abstinence from warm

food on the Sabbath, were considered as the outcome of a perverse

nature, whilst their keeping aloof from intimate intercourse with

any but their own coreligionists was deemed a proof of their enmity

towards mankind in general. The serious nature of the Judæans, which

prevented their participation in childish amusements and mimic combats,

appeared to those around them the sign of a gloomy disposition, which

could find no pleasure in the bright and the beautiful. Superficial

persons, therefore, regarded Judaism only as a barbarous superstition,

which instilled hatred towards the generality of men, whilst the more

thoughtful and discerning were filled with admiration by the pure and

spiritual worship of one God, by the affection and sympathy which bound

the Judæans together, and by the virtues of chastity, temperance and

fortitude which characterized them.

Paganism, with the immoral life which sprang from it, stood revealed in

all its nakedness to the keen sight of the Judæans. The dreary idolatry

of the heathen, with its fabulous mythology which made divine nature

even lower than the human, the madness which allowed wicked emperors

to be worshiped as gods, the sensuality which had prevailed since the

fall of Greece and the closer connection of the Romans with demoralized

nations, the daily spectacle of evil lives and broken marriage

vows, the bacchanalian intoxication of superstition, unbelief, and

bestialities, fostered the pride of the Judæans in their own spiritual

and intellectual possessions, and urged them to make the superiority of

Judaism over heathenism manifest. In places where the Grecian language

facilitated exchange of thought, as in Egypt, Asia Minor and Greece,

there was considerable mental friction between the Judæans and the

heathens. Judaism, as it were, summoned paganism to appear before the

tribunal of truth, and there placed its own sublime faith beside the

low, degrading forms of belief of its adversary.

The Judæans were deeply anxious to impart the burning convictions that

filled their hearts to the blind, deluded heathens, and to attain that

object, their religion being hated by the latter, some of the most

cultivated among the Judæans had recourse to a sort of pious fraud,

by which heathen poets and soothsayers were made to bear witness to

the beauty and grandeur of Judaism. Skilful imitations in verse,

enunciating Judæan doctrines, were placed by Judæan-Grecian writers in

the mouth of the mist-shrouded singer Orpheus, and introduced among

the strains of Sophocles, the tragic poet who had celebrated the

all-powerful gods. When Rome had extended her empire far and wide,

and the legends of the prophetic Sibyls had become known through

many lands, Judæan poets hastened to make the latter stand sponsors

to tenets and views which they durst not proclaim themselves, or

which, if given in their own name, would have obtained no hearing.

In an oracular form the Sibyl was made to reveal the deep meaning of

Judaism, to stir the hearts of the people by pictures of the awful

result of infidelity to God, and to offer to nations engaged in bloody

conflict the olive branch of peaceful amity, opening out to them bright

prospects of the happier times, predicted by the Seers, to those

who believed in the eternal God of Judaism; and the Sibyl spoke in

prophetic strains of the glorious future, when all the nations of the

earth would rejoice in the blessings of the Messianic kingdom.

"Unhappy Greece, cease proudly to exalt thyself; offer prayers

for help to the immortal and lofty One, and take heed of thy

ways. Serve the mighty God, so that thou also mayest find thy

portion among the good when the end will have come and the day

of judgment, according to the will of God, will rise up before

man. Then will the teeming earth give abundantly to mortals

the fairest fruits of the vine and the olive and choicest

nourishing seeds. Also sweet honey dropping from heaven, and

trees with their fruit, and fat sheep. Likewise oxen and lambs

and the kids of the goat. For them rivers of milk will flow,

sweet and white. The cities will be filled with merchandise,

the earth will be rich, and there will be no more war or

fearful sound of fighting. Nor will the earth, loud groaning,

quake and be rent. War will cease, and there will be no drought

upon the lands, no more famine or fruit-destroying hail. But

great peace will reign over all the world, and to the end of

time each king will be the other's friend, and under one law

will the people of the whole world be governed by the Eternal

God, enthroned in the starry heavens--one law for all weak,

pitiable men; for He is one God, and there is no other, and the

wicked He will cast into the flames."

The aim of a long series of prose writings of the Judæan-Grecian school

was to set forth the futility and defects of paganism on the one hand,

and on the other to display Judaism in its most favorable light, and

thus to induce the heathen to become acquainted with the tenets of the

latter. Heathen kings who had been convinced that idolatry was empty

and vain, and that by Judaism, on the contrary, truth was revealed were

pointed out as examples.

"The Book of Wisdom" was even more decided and vigorous in its

denunciations of paganism than the Sibylline writings. Its unknown

author gave with philosophical acumen, but in a poetical garb, a

truthful exposition of idolatry, showed it to be the cause of vice and

immorality, and then, in marked contrast to these dark shadows, made

Judaism shine with increased purity and luster. It was the wisdom of

Judaism, embodied, as it were, in the wise King Solomon, that presented

these views, and in his name, turning to the monarchs of the earth

(the Roman governors), rebukes their shameless self-deification. "Love

righteousness, ye rulers of the earth," exclaims the Wisdom of Solomon,

"recognize the Lord in goodness, and seek Him in simplicity of heart"

(Book of Wisdom, i. 1). According to this author, the invention of

idols was the cause of lasciviousness, and leads to the destruction

of life. Idolatry did not exist from the beginning, neither will it

last forever. It arose through the vanity and ignorance of man, and

would endure but a short time. A father, suddenly plunged into deepest

grief by the death of a child, perhaps made for himself an image of

the latter; by degrees he worshiped the lifeless figure as a god, and

insisted upon the observance by his dependants of mystical rites in

its honor. In the course of time this godless practice became law, and

images, by the order of despots, received the worship of the people. In

the absence of the monarch, when he could not be personally adored by

his subjects, the tyrant was flattered by the incense offered to his

image. The ambition of the artist also fostered the growth of idolatry

among the ignorant masses. To please the potentates of the earth he

strove to make his images as beautiful as possible, and the public,

dazzled by the splendor and grace of the work, worshiped as gods those

whom they previously reverenced as men. Such beautiful productions of

art became a snare to those whom misfortune or tyranny had enslaved,

and induced them to deify carved stone and wood, and to bestow on them

the uncommunicable name of God. Not alone do the people err in their

religious creed, but they live in constant strife with one another

and call it peace; infanticide is celebrated as a rite, they observe

dark, mysterious ceremonies, and are guilty of unchastity. Each one

plays the part of spy on the other, or wounds his friend in his dearest

honor. All, without distinction, thirst for blood, love plunder, and

practice cunning, perjury, deceit, ingratitude, and every description

of impurity. For the worship of vain idols is the beginning, cause,

and end of every evil thing. "For health he calleth upon that which is

weak, for life prayeth to that which is dead, for aid humbly beseecheth

that which hath least means to help" (Book of Wisdom, xiii. 18).

After the author has thus shown the vanity of idolatry, he attempts to

describe the fundamental truths of Judaism:

"There is no God but Him whom the Jews adore. Divine wisdom

preserved the first-born, saved the righteous (Noah) from the

flood, upheld the righteous (Abraham) in innocence before God,

delivered the holy seed (the Judæan people) from the oppression

of the nations, filled the soul of the servant of God (Moses),

who appeared before kings with terrible signs and wonders.

Israel is the upright one whom God has chosen. He possesses the

knowledge of the Divine Being, and may call himself the Son of

God, who in His mercy sustains and upholds him."

These righteous ones will have eternal life. When Israel is persecuted

by the rulers of the earth, because his path lies apart from theirs,

and he condemns their godless ways, turns from them as unclean, and

calls God his Father; when the nations of the earth torture him and put

him to a shameful death--these are only trials imposed by God on His

chosen one, to prove him and make him worthy of His grace. He tries him

like gold in the furnace, and accepts him as a pure offering. Israel

shall judge the nations, and have dominion over the people, and their

God shall reign forever.

"Then will the upright one stand firmly before his oppressors.

They will be troubled with great fear; they will be amazed

at his glorious salvation, and repenting they will say,

'This was he whom we had in derision, and of whom we made a

laughing-stock. Ignorantly we accounted his life madness, and

his end to be without honor. And now he is numbered among the

children of God and his lot is among the saints. We strayed

from the way of truth, and the light of righteousness did not

shine for us.' Israel was the instrument through which God

gave the world the undying light of the law. In all things did

the Lord magnify His people and glorify them; He abandoned

them not, but assisted them in every time and place." (Book of

Wisdom.)

Like the Babylonian Isaiah, the Alexandrian-Judæan sage contemplated

his ideal in Israel, of whom a noble mission was required, and who

would hereafter shine in glory.

Whilst the Alexandrian Judæans were absorbed in Grecian literature

and philosophy, and were using that melodious language as a weapon

against paganism and the immorality it fostered, they were carried

beyond the object they had in view. Their desire was to make Judaism

acceptable to the cultivated Greeks, but in following out that design

it was, in some degree, lost to themselves. Greek conceptions had so

completely taken possession of their thoughts that at last they came

to find in the teachings of Judaism the current speculations of the

Greeks. The faith that they had inherited was, however, still dear

to them, and they managed, through sophistical means, to deceive

themselves into a belief of the genuineness of their exposition. The

Holy Scripture could not, indeed, always offer apposite passages to

the prevailing philosophy, but the Judæan-Alexandrian authors knew how

to help themselves out of that difficulty. They followed the example

of Greek writers, who found their own views of the world in the poems

of Homer, or put them there, and to accomplish that feat, employed a

peculiar kind of sophistical word-pictures. Thus the Judæan thinkers

of that period, in their interpretations of the Holy Scriptures, had

recourse to allegory, and instead of the plain, natural meaning

of a work, often gave it a different and seemingly higher import.

Starting with the assumption that the Scriptures cannot always receive

a literal explanation without the divine glory's being tarnished and

many biblical characters being degraded, they resorted to the arts of

allegory and metaphor. This method became so general that even the

masses lost all pleasure in the simple stories of the Holy Scriptures,

and took more delight in artificial explanations than in the plain

lessons and sublime laws of their sacred books. The pious men, who

were wont to explain the Scriptures on the Sabbath, were obliged, in

compliance with the taste of the time, to allegorize both the history

and the lessons contained in them. One result of this method was the

indifference that manifested itself among the cultivated Judæans of

Alexandria to the practice of the religion of their fathers. Allegory

undermined the ramparts that fenced the Law. If the latter was only the

garment in which philosophical ideas were robed, if the Sabbath was

merely intended to record the power of uncreated divinity, and the rite

of circumcision was only meant to show the necessity of placing a curb

on the passions, it would be sufficient to understand and adopt the

ideas underlying those forms. Of what use would be the practice of the

latter? From indifference to the practice of the laws to the desertion

of Judaism itself there was only one step, and thus can be explained

the apostasy to paganism of some Judæans who were unable to withstand

the difficulties and constant pressure they had to encounter. It was

also among the Alexandrian Judæans that the conflict between science

and faith first appeared.

The indifference towards Judaism was combated, indeed, by many who had

not wholly given themselves up to Greek culture. Philo, the greatest

genius which Alexandrian Judaism produced, opposed the lukewarm spirit

and the feelings of contempt which had grown up against the practice of

the Law. In his elevated and inspired diction he urged the obligation

of adhering to the letter of the Law, and induced his co-religionists

to regard it again with love and reverence. Philo indeed shared some

of the errors and prejudices of his contemporaries, but with his clear

intelligence, he soared above the mists which enthroned them. He

likewise made exaggerated use of the allegorical method employed by

his predecessors, and agreed with them in applying it to the entire

Pentateuch, or at least to the greater part of its history and laws.

To carry out this metaphorical line of scriptural interpretation he

devised symbolic numbers, explained Hebrew by Greek words, and from

one and the same sentence deduced different and opposite conclusions.

To Philo allegorical exposition became almost a necessity. Had he not

already found it in use, he would doubtless have invented it.

He wished to give the sanction of Holy Writ to the great thoughts

which were partly the productions of his own rich mind, partly adopted

from the philosophical schools of the Academy, the Stoics and the

Neo-Pythagoreans. Sharing, and indeed, surpassing in perversity the

allegorical explanations he found in vogue, he departed from them

just in that essential point which told against the necessity of the

practice of the Law, and in that lay his chief importance. He expresses

himself with decision and force against those who, satisfied with the

spiritual meaning contained in the Law, are indifferent to the Law

itself. He calls them superficial and thoughtless, acting as though

they lived in a desert, or as incorporeal beings who knew neither

of town nor village nor dwelling, or who, in fact, entertained no

intercourse with human beings, despising what is dear to mankind,

and seeking only abstract spiritual truths. The holy word, however,

while teaching us to seek out diligently the deepest spiritual meaning

of the Law, does not cancel our obligation of adhering to customs

introduced by inspired men who were in all things infinitely greater

than ourselves. Shall we, because we know the spiritual meaning of the

Sabbath, neglect its prescribed observance? "Shall we," he exclaims,

"make use of fire on the Sabbath, till the ground, carry burdens, plead

in courts of justice, enforce the payment of debts, and, in fact,

transact all our usual daily business? Shall we, because a festival

symbolizes the peace of the soul, and is intended as an expression of

gratitude to God, cease to observe the festival itself? Or shall we

give up the rite of circumcision now that we are acquainted with its

symbolic significance? In that case we should likewise renounce our

reverence for the sanctity of the Temple and abandon many religious

observances. But, on the contrary, both the inner truth contained in

the Law, and the Law itself, should be equally prized--the one as the

soul, the other as the body. Just as we take care of the body, looking

upon it as the habitation of the soul, so also should we value the

letter of the Law. By strict observance of the Law we shall attain a

clearer insight into its deepest meaning, and shall likewise escape the

remarks and reproaches of the people."

It is in the Hebrew Scriptures, according to Philo, that the most

profound wisdom is contained. All that is taught by the sublimest

philosophy the Judæans found in their precepts and customs--the

knowledge of the eternal God, the vanity of idols, and the universal

laws of humanity and kindness. "Is not the highest honor due," he

exclaims, "to those laws which teach the rich to share their wealth

with the needy, which console the poor by enabling them to look forward

to the time when they will no longer beg at the rich man's door, but

will have recovered their alienated property; for, at the opening

of the seventh year, prosperity would return again to the widow and

the orphan, and would restore to well-being those whom fortune had

disinherited?"

In opposition to the abuse hurled against Judaism by a Lysimachus and

an Apion, Philo brings forward the spirit of humanity which breathes

through the Judæan Law, and which affects even the treatment of animals

and plants. "And yet, though Judaism is founded in truth on love, these

miserable sycophants accuse it of misanthropy and egotism." In order

to ensure a better comprehension of the Judæan ethics by the cynics

and lawbreakers of his own race, as also by the Greeks, who had only a

false conception of Judaism, Philo arranged his writings so that they

should form a kind of philosophical commentary on the Pentateuch, with

the further object that the truths of Judaism might be brought within

the province of philosophy.

But if, on the one hand, Philo stood firmly on Judæan ground, on the

other he was no less imbued with the dogmas of the Grecian schools,

which ran counter to the former, and he seems to have been equally

swayed by the spirit of Judaism and that of Greece. Vainly he attempted

to bring the contradictory ideas into harmony. They were so completely

opposed from their very inception that they could not be reconciled. To

solve the difficulty between the conflicting views of a creating God

and a perfect deity who does not come into contact with matter, Philo's

system takes a middle course. God created first the spiritual world of

ideas, which were not merely the archetypes of all future creations,

but at the same time active powers which formed the latter. Through

these spiritual powers which surround God like a train of servitors,

He works indirectly in the world. Spiritual power acting, as it were,

intermediately between God and the world is, according to Philo, the

Logos, or creative reason, the divine wisdom, the spirit of God, the

source of all strength. In Philo's more mystical than philosophical

description, the Logos is the first-born son of God, who, standing on

the border-land of the finite and infinite, links both together. He

is neither uncreated like God, nor created like the things that are

finite. The Logos is the prototype of the universe, the delegate of

God, whose behests it communicates to the world, the interpreter who

reveals His will and constantly accomplishes it, the archangel who

shows forth his works, the high priest and intercessor between the

world and God. Early Christianity made use of this doctrine of the

Logos in order to assume a philosophic aspect.

The princely philosopher of the house of the Alabarchs combated

the Greek and Roman paganism, steeped in vice and bestiality. His

exposition of the Judæan Law was designed to darken still more, by

comparison with the pure light of Judaism, the shadows of idolatry, the

sexual looseness, frivolity, vanity and corruption which existed in the

Grecian-Roman world. He tried to show how false were the accusations

hurled against Judaism, and to make known the sublime grandeur and

beauty of its tenets. His principal works were written for his own

people and co-religionists, though he frequently addressed those who

stood outside that circle. Against the few laws of humanity which the

Greeks boasted to have possessed from ancient times, as, for example

that of granting fuel to any one requiring it, or of showing a wayfarer

the right path, Philo could have no difficulty in enumerating a long

array of benevolent duties contained in Scripture or transmitted by

word of mouth. At the head of unwritten laws he placed Hillel's golden

saying, "What is hateful to yourself do not unto others." Judaism does

not merely forbid any one to refuse fire or water, but commands that

what the poor and feeble require shall be given to them. It prohibits

the use of false weights and measures, the coinage of false money. It

does not allow children to be taken from their parents, or wives to

be separated from their husbands, even when they have been legally

acquired as slaves. Even towards animals the duty of mercy is impressed

upon man. "What, in comparison to these," he cries to the Greeks, "are

the few laws descending from primeval times, of which you boast so

much?"

In the following tone of mockery Philo answered malicious accusations

against the Lawgiver:

"Yes, verily, Moses must have been a sorcerer, not only to have

preserved a whole people, and supplied them abundantly whilst

they were journeying through many nations, exposed to the

danger of hunger and thirst, and ignorant of the way they were

pursuing, but likewise to have made them, in spite of their

mutinous spirit, which often broke out against himself, docile

and pliant."

Of the three great moralists who followed each other within a century,

Hillel the Babylonian, Jesus of Nazareth, and Philo the Alexandrian,

it was the last who in all things, great and small, upheld most

strenuously the glory of Judaism. He was superior to them likewise

in beauty of style and in depth of thought, whilst he was animated

with equally fervent convictions. The first two simply created an

impulse, but it was through their disciples that their ideas, variously

transformed, were introduced into a larger circle; whereas Philo,

by his own eloquent writings, made an important and lasting effect.

His works were perhaps read by cultivated heathens even more than by

Judæans, though all were affected by the warmth and glow which pervaded

everything he wrote about God, Moses, and the spirit of the Law.

Philo and the Alexandrian sages continued to promote the great work

of the prophets Isaiah, Habakkuk and Jeremiah, and laid bare all the

unreasonableness, the instability, the perversion and immorality

of the heathen religions. The transparent, shimmering ether with

which the Greeks invested Olympus, these writers resolved into mists

and vapors. Greeks and Romans, who felt deeply on the subject, were

moved to turn with contempt from a religion which not only gave so

unworthy a representation of the Divinity, but actually seemed to

sanctify immorality by the example set before them in the history

of their deities. Like most oriental people, the heathens felt the

need of religion, and those who were searching for true and elevated

teaching embraced Judaism, which was daily being brought more and more

home to them in the Greek translations of Judæan writings through

Greek-Alexandrine literature, and also through intercourse with

cultivated Judæans.

During the last ten years which preceded the destruction of the Judæan

State, there were more proselytes than there had been at any other

time. Philo relates from his own experience that in his native country

many heathens, when they embraced Judaism, not only changed their faith

but their lives, which were henceforth conspicuous by the practice

of the virtues of moderation, gentleness and humanity. "Those who

left the teachings in which they had been educated, because they were

replete with lying inventions and vanities, became sincere worshipers

of the truth, and gave themselves up to the practice of the purest

piety." Above all, the women, whose gentle feelings were offended by

the impurity of the mythological stories, seemed attracted towards the

childlike and sublime scenes in Biblical history. The greater part of

the women in Damascus were converted to Judaism, and it is related that

in Asia Minor there were also many female proselytes. Some over-eager

Judæans may have traveled with the intention of making converts, as was

proved in the story of the Roman patrician Fulvia.

It was by similar zeal for conversion that the Judæan faith was

introduced into an Asiatic court, the members of which remained

steadfast adherents to Judaism during several generations. Adiabene,

a province on the banks of the Tigris, situated where once lay the

Assyrian kingdom, was governed by a royal pair, Monobaz and Helen.

It was a small, but not unimportant state, and although it touched

the great domains of Rome and Parthia, it had been able to hold its

independence during some centuries. Monobaz had many children, the

offspring both of Helen and of other wives, but the youngest of all,

Izates, was the favorite of both parents. In order that he should not

suffer from the jealousy which that favoritism had caused among the

elder brothers, Monobaz sent him to the court of a neighboring king,

of the name of Abinerglus (Abennerig), who was so greatly pleased with

the young prince confided to his care, that he gave him his daughter in

marriage. A Judæan merchant by the name of Anania traded at this court,

and whilst he showed his merchandise to the princesses, he dilated at

the same time upon the tenets of Judaism with such success that he

converted them to his faith. Izates, whose wife, Samach, was one of the

converts, became interested in Anania, discoursed with him, and became

a sincere adherent of Judaism, which he openly embraced in the year 18

C. E. His mother, the queen Helen, had also, without the knowledge of

her son, been won over to Judaism. The deep impression which the Judæan

precepts had made upon the royal converts was proved when the throne

became vacant. The dying Monobaz passed over his eldest sons and named

Izates as his successor. When Helen related her husband's wishes to the

nobles of Adiabene, they suggested that the elder brothers should be

put to death, and thus prevent a civil war, to which their hatred and

jealousy might not improbably give rise. But Helen, softened by her

conversion to Judaism, would not follow this sanguinary advice, and

only kept the brothers in confinement, with the exception of her eldest

son, Monobaz II, to whom she confided the regency. When Izates arrived

at the capital of Adiabene, and had, according to his father's last

testament, received the crown from the hand of Monobaz, he considered

it an unmanly act of cruelty to leave his brothers to languish in

confinement, and he sent them as hostages into honorable banishment,

some to Rome and some to the Parthian capital.

Once on the throne, Izates intended to adopt Judaism, and even to

submit to the rite of circumcision, but he was dissuaded from doing so

by his mother, and by his physician, also named Anania, who, being an

Hellenic Judæan, represented to him that the latter was not essential.

Izates felt reassured for the time; but another Judæan, a Galilæan

of the name of Eleazar, and a strict follower of the Law, came to

his court and offered a contrary opinion. Eleazar, seeing the king

engrossed in reading the Pentateuch, probably a Greek translation,

could not help observing that to belong to the Judæan faith it was

not sufficient to read the Law, but it was necessary also to practise

its precepts. Thereupon Izates, and, according to some authorities,

also his elder brother Monobaz, secretly submitted to the rite of

circumcision. The queen-mother had anticipated dangerous results from

so decided a step, but they were not immediately forthcoming. Not only

was there perfect peace after the accession of Izates, but he was so

much respected that he was chosen to be arbitrator between the Parthian

king Artaban and the rebellious nobles of that monarch.

Some time later, when several of the king's relations avowed their

conversion to Judaism, some of the nobles of Adiabene formed a

conspiracy, and secretly induced Abia, the king of Arabia, to declare

war against him. Izates, however, was successful, and Abia killed

himself in despair. The nobles then conspired with Vologeses, the king

of Parthia, to make war against their king, who had been faithless

to the religion of his forefathers. This war, however, which might

have been most calamitous for Izates, Vologeses was prevented from

undertaking, and henceforth his reign, which lasted about thirty

years, continued undisturbed. Queen Helen, fired by the enthusiasm of

the Judæan faith, desired to visit Jerusalem, and, accompanied by her

son, she accomplished this long journey in about the year 43. Izates

sent five of his own sons to Jerusalem to learn the religion and the

language of the Hebrews.

How grand and joyous must have been the welcome offered by the

inhabitants of Jerusalem to a queen come from the far distant East

with the sole view of paying homage to their God and His Law! Was not

the word of prophecy fulfilled before their very eyes, that the second

Temple should be greater than the first, inasmuch as the heathens

should come and worship the one God?

Helen soon had the opportunity of appearing as the benefactress of the

people. A famine prevailed which created great distress in the country,

and the poorer classes especially suffered severely. Queen Helen sought

to relieve them by bringing from Alexandria and Cyprus whole ship-loads

of wheat and figs, which she distributed among the starving people

(48 C. E.). Abundant means were given her by Izates to carry out her

generous impulses. Her offering to the Temple consisted of a golden

shell-shaped portal for the door of the inner Temple, to receive and

reflect the first rays of the morning sun, and thus announce the break

of dawn to the officiating priests.

The piety and benevolence of the proselyte Helen were long remembered

with love and gratitude by the nation. She survived her son Izates,

who died at the age of fifty-five (55 C. E.); he is said to have left

twenty-four sons and the same number of daughters. He was succeeded

by his elder brother, Monobaz II, who declared himself also to be a

firm adherent to Judaism. When Helen died, Monobaz caused her remains,

as well as those of his brother, to be removed to Jerusalem, and to

be buried within the magnificent tomb which she had constructed there

during her lifetime. This mausoleum, which was about thirty stadia

north of Jerusalem, had beautiful pillars of alabaster, and was

considered a great work of art. Helen had built a palace in the lower

part of the town, and her granddaughter, the Princess Grapte, erected

another in that part of Jerusalem known as Ophla. Monobaz, who also had

his palace in Jerusalem, had golden vessels made for use in the Temple

on the Day of Atonement. The people of Adiabene remained firm friends

of the Judæan nation, and were always ready to give their powerful help

in times of danger.

This leaning towards Judaism, evinced by so many religiously inclined

heathens, was utilized by the teachers of the Nazarene creed. They took

advantage of and worked upon this enthusiasm, and thus laid the first

step to their future conquest of the world.

Two Judæans, both coming from countries where the Greek language was

spoken, Saul of Tarsus (known as Paul) and Jose Barnabas of Cyprus,

declared their intention of proselytizing the heathen. They thus

widened the sphere of the small community, and raised it from being

an insignificant sect of Judaism to the position of a distinct and

separate religious body, but in order to do so they were obliged to

change its original character and purpose.

During the short decade following the death of its founder the small

community had been augmented by Essenes and some Judæan inhabitants

of Greek countries. The former, who had hitherto lived in a mystic

land of visions and trusted to miraculous intervention for the arrival

of the kingdom of heaven, may have seen their dreams fulfilled in

the advent of Jesus. The Essenes, who had no families, were obliged

to augment their numbers from without. They could only add to

the community by dint of mystical persuasions, and, as believing

followers of Jesus, they continued their propaganda and attracted new

adherents from the lower classes, whom the leaders of the Pharisees

had neglected or avoided. Their untiring zeal incited the activity of

the first Christians, who had been awaiting, not so much an increase

of believers, as the speedy re-appearance of Jesus, enthroned in the

clouds of heaven. Apostles were now sent out from Jerusalem, where

they were chiefly established, to propagate the belief that Jesus

was the true Messiah. In order, however, to gain many converts, a

greater power of oratory was required than the simple fishermen and

mechanics of Galilee possessed. This want was supplied by the addition

of Greek-speaking Judæans. From Asia Minor, Egypt, Cyrene, from the

islands of Crete and Cyprus, there was an annual pilgrimage of Judæans

to Jerusalem at the time of the Passover festival. Besides men of

piety and enthusiasts, there were adventurers, seekers after novelty,

and beggars, ignorant of the Law. Of these pilgrims, numbers eagerly

adopted the new faith. Many adventurers among the Greek Judæans were

easily persuaded to accept the doctrine of the community of goods,

which the Ebionite Christians had retained from their Essene origin,

and which found great favor with these homeless wanderers. All those

who possessed any property sold it to increase the contents of the

general treasury, and those who were utterly impecunious lived without

any cares in the community. These Greek Judæans, who had learnt from

their heathen neighbors the art of speaking on every subject, and

even of veiling almost meaningless expressions in an attractive and

persuasive manner, presented the new religion in an attractive form.

They were best adapted to become the preachers and missionaries. When

converted themselves, they used all their efforts to convert others.

The Greek element soon predominated over the Galilæan, Ebionite and

Essene elements, of which the community had previously been composed.

These Greek Judæans, who had never been taught the Law in the schools

of Jerusalem and were, indeed, generally ignorant of its tenets,

transgressed them, sometimes unwillingly, but at times intentionally.

When taken to task they justified their actions by the belief which

they entertained in the Messianic character of Jesus, who, they

alleged, had also put aside the authority of the Law. In Jerusalem,

still considered as the holy city, each practice and observance was

made a matter of deep importance. People began to suspect that the

Nazarenes, who spoke in foreign tongues, were introducing innovations

and endeavoring to bring the Law into contempt, and the disciples of

Jesus were thenceforth watched, and their utterances in the synagogues

and in the market-places were carefully noted. Amongst those who were

most fanatical against the Nazarenes was Saul of Tarsus, a zealous

follower of the Pharisaic school, who held that no edict of either

the oral or the written Law might be tampered with. As he spoke Greek

himself, he was able to measure the boldness of the utterances of the

Judæan-Christian Greeks who were in Jerusalem, and his indignation was

great against them. One of these Greeks, of the name of Stephen, was

particularly violent in his attacks, and had recklessly spoken against

the holiness of the Law and the Temple. It appears that Saul proclaimed

him to be a blasphemer, and that he was stoned, whether after a

judicial trial or by an angry populace is not known. After that time

the Nazarenes were viewed with still greater suspicion, and were called

upon to defend themselves; and again it was Saul who watched the

proceedings of these Greek adherents of the new sect, and caused them

to be brought up for trial. They were imprisoned, and those who were

found guilty of contempt of the Law by their belief in the Messianic

attributes of Jesus were not punished by death, but were sentenced

to be scourged. The foreign Nazarenes, terrified by this severity,

hastened away from Jerusalem and dispersed in various Greek towns

in which there dwelt Judæan communities, among whom they continued

their work of proselytizing. Those followers of Jesus, however, who,

notwithstanding their new faith, did not deny the holiness of the

Law, remained unmolested. Their three leaders, James, a brother or a

relation of Jesus, Kephas or Peter, and John, son of Zebedee, lived at

Jerusalem without fear of persecution.

The other Nazarenes zealously continued the work of conversion in

foreign places. Homeless themselves, they endeavored to introduce into

their circle of followers the doctrine of the community of goods, which

would enable them to live on from day to day without care or thought

for the morrow. They were particularly attracted towards the towns of

Antioch and Damascus, where they found a large field for their labors

in the Greek-speaking community of men and women. The half-educated

multitude listened eagerly to the words of messengers who announced

that a heavenly kingdom was at hand, and to enter it they must accept

only baptism, and the belief that Jesus was the Messiah who had

actually appeared, had been crucified, and had risen again.

Soon these two Greek cities saw a Nazarene community settling within

their walls, who seemed to be Judæans, who lived according to Judæan

rule, who prayed, sang psalms, and ended their songs of praise with

the customary "Amen"; but who yet showed certain signs of forming a

new sect. They assembled together at a meal which they called Agape,

spoke the blessing over the wine, drank after one another from the same

vessel, broke their bread in remembrance of the last hours of Jesus,

and gave each other, men and women indiscriminately, the kiss of peace.

Then, in convulsive excitement, some arose and prophesied, others spoke

in strange tongues, whilst others again effected miraculous cures in

the name of Jesus. An unnatural and highly wrought state of enthusiasm

prevailed in these Greek-Nazarene circles, which would probably have

been deemed ridiculous, and would have evaporated in time; in short,

Christianity might have died a noiseless death, if Saul of Tarsus had

not appeared, and given it a new direction, a great scope, and thereby

imparted to it vital powers and vigor. Without Jesus, Saul would not

have made his vast spiritual conquests, but without Saul, Christianity

itself would have had no stability.

Saul (born in Tarsus in Cilicia, at the beginning of the Christian

epoch, and belonging to the tribe of Benjamin) had a very remarkable

nature. Weak and fragile in body, he was possessed of a tenacity which

nothing could daunt. He was excitable and vehement, could not endure

any opposition to his opinions, and was one-sided and bitter in his

treatment of those who differed from him in the slightest degree. He

had a limited knowledge of Judæan writings, and was only familiar

with the Scriptures through the Greek translation; enthusiastic and

fanciful, he believed in the visions of his imagination and allowed

himself to be guided by them. In short, Saul combined a morbid and an

iron nature; he seemed created to establish what was new, and to give

form and reality to that which seemed impossible and unreal.

He had persecuted the Greek Nazarenes, hunted them out of their

haunts of concealment to give them over to punishment, because they

had seceded from Pharisaic Judaism. But that did not suffice. Hearing

that some of them were established in Damascus, he followed them

thither with all zeal, intending, with implacable persecuting zeal, to

exterminate the community. But his disposition towards them suddenly

changed. In Damascus many heathens, particularly many of the female

population, had gone over to Judaism. The conversion of the royal house

of Adiabene had caused much excitement. Saul had probably himself

witnessed the great triumph of Judaism, the entry of Queen Helen, the

Princes of Adiabene and their retinue into Jerusalem. She probably

stayed in Damascus on her journey, and there must have received the

thanks of the Judæan inhabitants of that city. These events must

have made a deep impression on Saul, and may have given rise to the

thought: Had not the time foreseen by the prophets now arrived, when

every nation should recognize the God of Israel, bow down and swear

allegiance to Him alone?

If he was occupied with these thoughts he must also have been prepared

to wrestle with many doubts to which they gave rise. Would it be

possible to convert the heathen world if the Law were to bind them with

its trammels, if they were to be forced to observe the Sabbath and

the festivals, to keep the dietary laws, to distinguish between the

clean and the unclean, and even to submit to circumcision? Should the

heathen be required to follow even the severe Pharisaic ordinances?

In that case it would be impossible that other nations should enter

the Judæan community. But, on the other hand, could not the Law be

abrogated for the sake of the heathens, and might they not merely be

taught the knowledge of God and a loftier morality? Yet, as the whole

law originated from God, by whom it was revealed, and who had expressly

commanded that it should be fulfilled, how could it be set aside? A

saying of his teachers may then have occurred to Saul, that the Law

was only binding until the time of the Messiah, and that as soon as

the Redeemer came its importance and significance would cease. If the

Messiah had really appeared, then all the difficulties that surrounded

the conversion of the heathen would disappear. This train of thought

engrossed the mind of Saul. His nervous temperament and imaginative

nature easily dispelled all doubts, and he believed firmly and truly

that Jesus had made himself manifest to him. Much later he said of

the vision which had appeared: "If it were in the flesh I know not,

if it were supernatural I know not, God knows; but I was carried up

beyond the third heaven." This is not very reliable evidence to an

actual fact. Legend has adorned this conversion, which was of such

great importance to Christianity, in a fitting manner. It describes

Saul traveling to Damascus, and his path illumined by a great light.

Beholding this light, he is said to have fallen in terror to the earth,

and to have heard a voice, which called to him, "Saul, Saul, why dost

thou persecute me?" Blinded by the vision, he reached Damascus; and

after an interview with a Christian, who advised him to be baptized,

the scales at length fell from his eyes.

With the certainty that he had actually beheld Jesus, another doubt

was banished from Saul's mind, or a different Messianic point of

view was revealed to him. Jesus had certainly died--or rather had

been crucified--but, as he appeared to Saul, he must have risen from

the dead; he must have been the first who had been brought to life

again, and had therefore confirmed the fact that there would be a

Resurrection, which fact had been a matter of contention between the

various schools: and Jesus had also thereby announced the advent of

the kingdom of heaven, of which, as the prophet Daniel had predicted,

the resurrection of the dead was to be the forerunner. Thus the former

Pharisee of Tarsus was firmly convinced of three things--that Jesus

had arisen; that he was the true Messiah who had been predicted; and

that the kingdom of heaven, the period of the resurrection, was near,

and that the then existing generation, or rather the true believers

in Jesus, would soon witness its arrival. This belief led to further

results. If the Messiah had already appeared, or if Jesus were actually

the Christ, then the Law was of itself abrogated, and the heathens

could participate in the blessing of Abraham, without observing the

Law. This belief acted as an incentive to Saul. He felt himself called

upon to convert the depraved world of heathendom, and, through Christ,

to lead it back to the Father of all. No time was allowed to elapse

between the inception of this idea and its realization. Assuming the

name of Paul, he joined the Nazarenes of Damascus, who were not a

little astonished that their persecutor had now become their colleague,

and was seeking to make fresh converts.

Paul found many opportunities for converting in Damascus, as a strong

feeling in favor of Judaism prevailed there, and the sacrifice

incumbent on its followers alone kept many aloof. The newly-converted

Apostle could render this step easier, as he relieved them of all

duties to the Law by means of a belief in Jesus. He does not, however,

seem to have found a warm reception for his faith, resting as it did on

sophistry, even amongst his own countrymen. His theory that the whole

Law might be set aside was probably not considered as quite acceptable.

The people also seem to have felt distrust of their former persecutor.

In short, Saul-Paul could not maintain his ground in Damascus, and

fled to Arabia (Auranitis), where Judæan communities also existed.

When, however, he returned to Damascus for the second time, and his

coreligionists had acquired greater confidence in him, he could indulge

his love of proselytism. But his brusque, inconsiderate manner, and

his assertion that the Law was no longer in force, aroused the Judæan

community of Damascus against him. The Judæan ethnarch of the town, who

had been appointed or confirmed by Aretas Philodemus, sought to take

him prisoner. His companions saved him, by lowering him in a basket

from a window in the wall. Thus he escaped from those who rightly

considered him as the destroyer of Judaism. He returned to Jerusalem

three years after his conversion. He felt that there was a wide

difference between himself and the Galilæan Christians, and that he

would not be able to make terms with them. Paul was filled with the one

thought, that the blessing for all generations, the promise (evangel)

made to Abraham that he should be father of many nations, and that

the wealth of the heathen should belong to the children of Abraham,

was now finally to be realized, and that he (Paul) was called upon to

effect this work. He wished to put an end to the difference between the

Judæans and the Greeks, between slaves and freemen, and to make all

brothers in the covenant of Abraham--as the seed of Abraham--according

to the promise given in by-gone years. This was the glad message which

he brought to the people; it was a far-reaching thought, of which

the Ebionites in Jerusalem and the so-called main Apostles had no

understanding.

After a short stay in Jerusalem, Saul, accompanied by his disciple,

the Cyprian Joseph Barnabas, repaired to Cilicia, Paul's native

place, and traversed Asia Minor and Macedonia to Achaia. There his

endeavors were crowned with marvelous results. He founded in various

places Greek-Christian communities, especially in Galatia, in Ephesus,

Philippi, and Thessalonica, and in the town of Corinth. This result

may partly be laid to the credit of Judaism; for when Paul wished to

win over the heathens, he had to unfold to them the glorious past of

the Judæan nation, in order to speak of Jesus. He also had to contrast

the pure belief in God with the wild practices of heathendom. He found

a susceptibility for the pure teachings of Judaism among the heathen.

Not a few felt disgust at the mythological stories of the gods and

the deification of human beings. The remembrance was yet fresh in

their memories how all nations of the Roman kingdom, with unexampled

abjectness, had dedicated altars to the monster Caligula, and had

recognized and worshiped him as a god. Despairing and pure spirits

sought a God to whom they might elevate themselves, but they did not

find him. Now Paul had come and brought them this God, surrounded,

it is true, with wonderful stories, which, however, pleased them, on

account of the mythological strain in them. The heathen nations could

better comprehend the "Son of God" than the "Messianic Redeemer." The

wide-spread disease of immorality, which was rife throughout the Roman

empire, rendered the Judæan teachings acceptable and proper. Paul's

orations, delivered with the fire of enthusiasm, and uttered by one

who threw his whole soul into his words, could not fail to make an

impression on the better-disposed and purer-minded heathens. To this

was added the fear of the approach of the end of the world, which Paul,

through his firm belief in the resurrection and reappearance of Jesus,

had transformed into the hope that the dead would arise, in refulgent

form, at the trumpet-call, and that the living would be carried up into

heaven in a cloud.

Thus Paul appealed to the imagination of many heathens in his apostolic

wanderings from Jerusalem to Illyria. At first he aroused only people

of the lower classes, slaves, and especially women, by his glad

tidings. To the cultivated Greeks the Christianity which Paul preached,

based on the so-called resurrection of Jesus, appeared as a ridiculous

absurdity. The Judæans were naturally displeased with him. Paul's chief

topics, on which he dilated to the heathens whom he wished to convert,

were the Judæan nation, Judæan writings, and the Judæan Law; without

these his preaching about a Messiah or salvation had no foundation.

The Greeks must have been told about Israel and Jerusalem, or his

words would have fallen on deaf ears. He, therefore, could only resort

to those towns where Judæan communities dwelt, from whom the heathen

nations had received some faint notion of the history and doctrines of

Judaism.

Paul's efforts were directly aimed at destroying the bonds which

connected the teachings of Christ with those of Judaism. He therefore

inveighed against the Law, as it proved a hindrance to the reception of

heathen proselytes. He asserted that it was detrimental to the pursuit

of a higher spiritual life and to following the way of truth. Paul not

only disapproved of the so-called ceremonial laws of Judaism, but also

of those relating to morality. He affirmed that without laws men would

not have given way to their evil desires. "Thou shalt not covet" had

first aroused covetousness; thus through the Law the knowledge of sin

had arisen. Man is sensual and inclined to sin, for flesh is weak and

inclined to resist the Law. Paul set up a new teaching. He maintained

that man had only become sensual, weak and sinful because the first

man had sinned. Adam's fall had given birth to an inextinguishable

hereditary sin, and by this means death had come upon humanity. The

Law was not able to overcome this hereditary sin. In order to destroy

sin and death, God had made a special dispensation. He had given up

the Messiah, His son, to death, and again re-animated him, and he

had become the second Adam, who was to obliterate hereditary sin,

to conquer death, and establish everlasting life. Thus the Redeemer,

instead of bringing about the redemption of nations from the yoke

imposed on them, had redeemed them from sin.

Paul therefore conceived Christianity to be the very opposite of

Judaism. The one was founded on law and compulsion, the other owed

its origin to freedom and grace. Jesus or Christianity had brought

about the holy state foretold by the prophets. The ancient times had

departed, and a new state of things had arisen; the old covenant

(Testament) must yield to the new one; Abraham himself had not

been judged as just through the Law, but through faith. Thus Paul

sophistically explained the Scriptures. From the Law it is to be

inferred that whosoever does not abide by it, and refuses wholly and

entirely to comply with its precepts, stands under a curse. The great

service which Jesus had rendered was that he had delivered all men

from this curse, for through his means the Law had been set aside. How

could the Judæans submit to this open desecration of the Law of Sinai

for which their forefathers had suffered death, and for which, but a

short time since, under Caligula, they had determined to sacrifice

their lives? It is not to be wondered at that they rose against the

man who despised the Law, and persecuted him. They, however, contented

themselves with flogging Paul when he fell into their hands, but they

left his life unharmed; five times, as he himself relates, he was

chastised with thirty-nine strokes. Not only the Judæans but also the

Nazarenes, or Judæan Christians, were incensed against Paul for his

attack on the Law, and by this means dissension and schisms arose

in the midst of young Christianity. Peter, or Kephas, who came as a

messenger to the Judæans, taught a Christianity which differed from

that of Paul, and that of the other Apostles who sought to make

converts amongst the heathen; whilst Apollos from Alexandria, and a

certain Chrestus preached another version.

The Judaic Christians saw with terror the fruits of the ceremonial

freedom preached by Paul in the communities founded by him in Corinth

and Ephesus, where every species of vice and immorality was rife. Other

Apostles, therefore, followed Paul, and proclaimed his teachings full

of error and misrepresentation, and maintained that the Law of Judaism

was binding on Christians, as it was only by this Law that the lower

passions could be held in check. In Antioch a violent quarrel arose

between Paul and the Judaic-Christian Apostle. Peter, who till then had

disregarded the dietary laws and eaten at one table with the heathens,

was censured by the leaders of the severe party of the Apostle James,

and was now obliged to acknowledge his fault, and to speak openly

against Paul's contempt of the Law. Paul, on the other hand, reproached

him with hypocrisy. The influence of the severe, Law-loving Judaic

Christians was, however, so great that all the Judæan Christians of

Antioch gave up eating at the tables of the heathen, and their example

was even followed by Barnabas, the disciple of Paul.

Racial feelings also helped to widen the breach between the two

parties. The Greek Christians despised the Judaic Christians in the

same way as the Hellenes had looked down upon the Judæans. Paul sent

out violent epistles against the adherents of the Law, and laid a

curse on those who preached salvation in a manner differing from his

own. These did not spare him either, and related how he had loved

the daughter of a high priest; how, on being despised by her, he had

in disgust written against circumcision, the Sabbath, and the Law.

Thus, within barely thirty years after the death of its founder,

Christianity was split into two parties, namely, a Judaic-Christian

and a heathen-Christian sect. The Judaic Christians remained attached

to the foundations of Judaism, compelled their converts to adhere to

the Law, and clung to Jerusalem, where they awaited the return of

the Messiah. The heathen Christians, on the other hand, separated

themselves more and more from Judaism, and took up an inimical position

towards it.

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