Seward parleying with the rebel commissioners -- Corcoran's
dinner -- The crime in full blast! -- 75,000 men called for --
Massachusetts takes the lead -- Baltimore -- Defence of
Washington -- Blockade discussed -- France our friend, not
England -- Warning to the President -- Virginia secedes --
Lincoln warned again -- Seward says it will all blow over in
sixty to ninety days -- Charles F. Adams -- The administration
undecided; the people alone inspired -- Slavery must perish! --
The Fabian policy -- The Blairs -- Strange conduct of Scott --
Lord Lyons -- Secret agent to Canada.
Commissioners from the rebels; Seward parleying with them through some
Judge Campbell. Curious way of treating and dealing with rebellion,
with rebels and traitors; why not arrest them?
Corcoran, a rich partisan of secession, invited to a dinner the rebel
commissioners and the foreign diplomats. If such a thing were done
anywhere else, such a pimp would be arrested. The serious diplomats,
Lord Lyons, Mercier, and Stoeckl refused the invitation; some smaller
accepted, at least so I hear.
The infamous traitors fire on the Union flag. They treat the garrison
of Sumpter as enemies on sufferance, and here their commissioners go
about free, and glory in treason. What is this administration about?
Have they no blood; are they fishes?
The crime in full blast; _consummatum est._ Sumpter bombarded;
Virginia, under the nose of the administration, secedes, and the
leaders did not see or foresee anything: flirted with Virginia.
Now, they, the leaders or the administration, are terribly startled;
so is the brave noble North; the people are taken unawares; but no
wonder; the people saw the Cabinet, the President, and the military in
complacent security. These watchmen did nothing to give an early sign
of alarm, so the people, confiding in them, went about its daily
occupation. But it will rise as one man and in terrible wrath. _Vous
le verrez mess. les Diplomates._
The President calls on the country for 75,000 men; telegram has
spoken, and they rise, they arm, they come. I am not deceived in my
faith in the North; the excitement, the wrath, is terrible. Party
lines burn, dissolved by the excitement. Now the people is in fusion
as bronze; if Lincoln and the leaders have mettle in themselves, then
they can cast such arms, moral, material, and legislative, as will
destroy at once this rebellion. But will they have the energy? They do
not look like Demiourgi.
Massachusetts takes the lead; always so, this first people in the
world; first for peace by its civilization and intellectual
development, and first to run to the rescue.
The most infamous treachery and murder, by Baltimoreans, of the
Massachusetts men. Will the cowardly murderers be exemplarily
punished?
The President, under the advice of Scott, seems to take coolly the
treasonable murders of Baltimore; instead of action, again parleying
with these Baltimorean traitors. The rumor says that Seward is for
leniency, and goes hand in hand with Scott. Now, if they will handle
such murderers in silk gloves as they do, the fire must spread.
The secessionists in Washington--and they are a legion, of all hues
and positions--are defiant, arrogant, sure that Washington will be
taken. One risks to be murdered here.
I entered the thus called Cassius Clay Company, organized for the
defence of Washington until troops came. For several days patrolled,
drilled, and lay several nights on the hard floor. Had compensation,
that the drill often reproduced that of Falstaff's heroes. But my
campaigners would have fought well in case of emergency. Most of them
office-seekers. When the alarm was over, the company dissolved, but
each got a kind of certificate beautifully written and signed by
Lincoln and Cameron. I refused to take such a certificate, we having
had no occasion to fight.
The President issued a proclamation for the blockade of the Southern
revolted ports. Do they not know better?
How can the Minister of Foreign Affairs advise the President to resort
to such a measure? Is the Minister of Foreign Affairs so willing to
call in foreign nations by this blockade, thus transforming a purely
domestic and municipal question into an international, public one?
The President is to quench the rebellion, a domestic fire, and to do
it he takes a weapon, an engine the most difficult to handle, and in
using of which he depends on foreign nations. Do they not know better
here in the ministry and in the councils? Russia dealt differently
with the revolted Circassians and with England in the so celebrated
case of the Vixen.
The administration ought to know its rights of sovereignty and to
close the ports of entry. Then no chance would be left to England to
meddle.
Yesterday N---- dined with Lord Lyons, and during the dinner an
anonymous note announced to the Lord that the proclamation of the
blockade is to be issued on to-morrow. N----, who has a romantic turn,
or rather who seeks for _midi a 14-3/4 heures_, speculated what lady
would have thus violated a _secret d'Etat_.
I rather think it comes from the Ministry, or, as they call it here,
from the Department. About two years ago, when the Central Americans
were so teased and maltreated by the filibusters and Democratic
administration, a Minister of one of these Central American States
told me in New York that in a Chief of the Departments, or something
the like, the Central Americans have a valuable friend, who, every
time that trouble is brewing against them in the Department, gives
them a secret and anonymous notice of it. This friend may have
transferred his kindness to England.
How will foreign nations behave? I wish I may be misguided by my
political anglophobia, but England, envious, rapacious, and the
Palmerstons and others, filled with hatred towards the genuine
democracy and the American people, will play some bad tricks. They
will seize the occasion to avenge many humiliations. Charles Sumner,
Howe, and a great many others, rely on England,--on her anti-slavery
feeling. I do not. I know English policy. We shall see.
France, Frenchmen, and Louis Napoleon are by far more reliable. The
principles and the interest of France, broadly conceived, make the
existence of a powerful Union a statesmanlike European and world
necessity. The cold, taciturn Louis Napoleon is full of broad and
clear conceptions. I am for relying, almost explicitly, on France and
on him.
The administration calls in all the men-of-war scattered in all
waters. As the commercial interests of the Union will remain
unprotected, the administration ought to put them under the protection
of France. It is often done so between friendly powers. Louis Napoleon
could not refuse; and accepting, would become pledged to our side.
Germany, great and small, governments and people, will be for the
Union. Germans are honest; they love the Union, hate slavery, and
understand, to be sure, the question. Russia, safe, very safe, few
blackguards excepted; so Italy. Spain may play double. I do not expect
that the Spaniards, goaded to the quick by the former fillibustering
administrations, will have judgment enough to find out that the
Republicans have been and will be anti-fillibusters, and do not crave
Cuba.
Wrote a respectful warning to the President concerning the unavoidable
results of his proclamation in regard to the blockade; explained to
him that this, his international demonstration, will, and forcibly
must evoke a counter proclamation from foreign powers in the interest
of their own respective subjects and of their commercial relations.
Warned, foretelling that the foreign powers will recognize the rebels
as belligerents, he, the President, having done it already in some
way, thus applying an international mode of coercion. Warned, that the
condition of belligerents, once recognized, the rebel piratical crafts
will be recognized as privateers by foreign powers, and as such will
be admitted to all ports under the secesh flag, which will thus enjoy
a partial recognition.
Foreign powers may grumble, or oppose the closing of the ports of
entry as a domestic, administrative decision, because they may not
wish to commit themselves to submit to a paper blockade. But if the
President will declare that he will enforce the closing of the ports
with the whole navy, so as to strictly guard and close the maritime
league, then the foreign powers will see that the administration does
not intend to humbug them, but that he, the President, will only
preserve intact the fullest exercise of sovereignty, and, as said the
Roman legist, he, the President, "_nil sibi postulat quod non aliis
tribuit_." And so he, the President, will only execute the laws of
his country, and not any arbitrary measure, to say with the Roman
Emperor, "_Leges etiam in ipsa arma imperium habere volumus._" Warned
the President that in all matters relating to this country Louis
Napoleon has abandoned the initiative to England; and to throw a small
wedge in this alliance, I finally respectfully suggested to the
President what is said above about putting the American interests in
the Mediterranean under the protection of Louis Napoleon.
Few days thereafter learned that Mr. Seward does not believe that
France will follow England. Before long Seward will find it out.
All the coquetting with Virginia, all the presumed influence of
General Scott, ended in Virginia's secession, and in the seizure of
Norfolk.
Has ever any administration, cabinet, ministry--call it what name you
will--given positive, indubitable signs of want and absence of
foresight, as did ours in these Virginia, Norfolk, and Harper's Ferry
affairs? Not this or that minister or secretary, but all of them ought
to go to the constitutional guillotine. Blindness--no mere
short-sightedness--permeates the whole administration, Blair excepted.
And Scott, the politico-military adviser of the President! What is the
matter with Scott, or were the halo and incense surrounding him based
on bosh? Will it be one more illusion to be dispelled?
The administration understood not how to save or defend Norfolk, nor
how to destroy it. No name to be found for such concrete incapacity.
The rebels are masters, taking our leaders by the nose. Norfolk gives
to them thousands of guns, &c., and nobody cries for shame. They ought
to go in sackcloth, those narrow-sighted, blind rulers. How will the
people stand this masterly administrative demonstration? In England
the people and the Parliament would impeach the whole Cabinet.
Charles Sumner told me that the President and his Minister of Foreign
Affairs are to propose to the foreign powers the accession of the
Union to the celebrated convention of Paris of 1856. All three
considered it a master stroke of policy. They will not catch a fly by
it.
Again wrote respectfully to Mr. Lincoln, warning him against a too
hasty accession to the Paris convention. Based my warning,--
1st. Not to give up the great principles contained in Marcy's
amendment.
2d. Not to believe or suppose for a minute that the accession to the
Paris convention at this time can act in a retroactive sense;
explained that it will not and cannot prevent the rebel pirates from
being recognized by foreign powers as legal privateers, or being
treated as such.
3d. For all these reasons the Union will not win anything by such a
step, but it will give up principles and chain its own hands in case
of any war with England. Supplicated the President not to risk a step
which logically must turn wrong.
Baltimore still unpunished, and the President parleying with various
deputations, all this under the guidance of Scott. I begin to be
confused; cannot find out what is the character of Lincoln, and above
all of Scott.
Governors from whole or half-rebel States refuse the President's call
for troops. The original call of 75,000, too small in itself, will be
reduced by that refusal. Why does not the administration call for more
on the North, and on the free States? In the temper of this noble
people it will be as easy to have 250,000 as 75,000, and then rush on
them; submerge Virginia, North Carolina, etc.; it can be now so easily
done. The Virginians are neither armed nor organized. Courage and
youth seemingly would do good in the councils.
The free States undoubtedly will vindicate self-government. Whatever
may be said by foreign and domestic croakers, I do not doubt it for a
single minute. The free people will show to the world that the
apparently loose governmental ribbons are the strongest when everybody
carries them in him, and holds them. The people will show that the
intellectual magnetism of convictions permeating the million is by far
stronger than the commonly called governmental action from above, and
it is at the same time elastic and expansive, even if the official
leaders may turn out to be altogether mediocrities. The self-governing
free North will show more vitality and activity than any among the
governed European countries would be able to show in similar
emergencies. This is my creed, and I have faith in the people.
The infamous slavers of the South would even be honored if named
Barbary States of North America.
Before the inauguration, Seward was telling the diplomats that no
disruption will take place; now he tells them that it will blow over
in from sixty to ninety days. Does Seward believe it? Or does his
imagination or his patriotism carry him away or astray? Or, perhaps,
he prefers not to look the danger in the face, and tries to avert the
bitter cup. At any rate, he is incomprehensible, and the more so when
seen at a distance.
Something, nay, even considerable efforts ought to be made to
enlighten the public opinion in Europe, as on the outside,
insurrections, nationalities, etc., are favored in Europe. How far the
diplomats sent by the administration are prepared for this task?
Adams has shown in the last Congress his scholarly, classical
narrow-mindedness. Sanford cannot favorably impress anybody in Europe,
neither in cabinets, nor in saloons, nor the public at large. He looks
and acts as a _commis voyageur_, will be considered as such at first
sight by everybody, and his features and manners may not impress
others as being distinguished and high-toned.
Every historical, that is, human event, has its moral and material
character and sides. To ignore, and still worse to blot out, to reject
the moral incentives and the moral verdict, is a crime to the public
at large, is a crime towards human reason.
Such action blunts sound feelings and comprehension, increases the
arrogance of the evil-doers. The moral criterion is absolute and
unconditional, and ought as such unconditionally to be applied to the
events here. Things and actions must be called by their true names.
What is true, noble, pure, and lofty, is on the side of the North, and
permeates the unnamed millions of the free people; it ought to be
separated from what is sham, egotism, lie or assumption. Truth must be
told, never mind the outcry. History has not to produce pieces for the
stage, or to amuse a tea-party.
Regiments pour in; the Massachusetts men, of course, leading the van,
as in the times of the tea-party. My admiration for the Yankees is
justified on every step, as is my scorn, my contempt, etc., etc., of
the Southern _chivalrous_ slaver.
Wrote to Charles Sumner expressing my wonder at the undecided conduct
of the administration; at its want of foresight; its eternal parleying
with Baltimoreans, Virginians, Missourians, etc., and no step to tread
down the head of the young snake. No one among them seems to have the
seer's eye. The people alone, who arm, who pour in every day and in
large numbers, who transform Washington into a camp, and who crave for
fighting,--the people alone have the prophetic inspiration, and are
the genuine statesmen for the emergency.
How will the Congress act? The Congress will come here emerging from
the innermost of the popular volcano; but the Congress will be
manacled by formulas; it will move not in the spirit of the
Constitution, but in the dry constitutionalism, and the Congress will
move with difficulty. Still I have faith, although the Congress never
will seize upon parliamentary omnipotence. Up to to-day, the
administration, instead of boldly crushing, or, at least, attempting
to do it; instead of striking at the traitors, the administration is
continually on the lookout where the blows come from, scarcely having
courage to ward them off. The deputations pouring from the North urge
prompt, decided, crushing action. This thunder-voice of the twenty
millions of freemen ought to nerve this senile administration. The
Southern leaders do not lose one minute's time; they spread the fire,
arm, and attack with all the fury of traitors and criminals.
The Northern merchants roar for the offensive; the administration is
undecided.
Some individuals, politicians, already speak out that the slaveocratic
privileges are only to be curtailed, and slavery preserved as a
domestic institution. Not a bit of it. The current and the development
of events will run over the heads of the pusillanimous and
contemptible conservatives. Slavery must perish, even if the whole
North, Lincoln and Seward at its head, should attempt to save it.
Already they speak of the great results of Fabian policy; Seward, I am
told, prides in it. Do those Fabiuses know what they talk about?
Fabius's tactics--not policy--had in view not to expose young,
disheartened levies against Hannibal's unconquered veterans, but
further to give time to Rome to restore her exhausted means, to
recover political influences with other Italian independent
communities, to re-conclude broken alliances with the cities, etc. But
is this the condition of the Union? Your Fabian policy will cost
lives, time, and money; the people feels it, and roars for action.
Events are great, the people is great, but the official leaders may
turn out inadequate to both.
What a magnificent chance--scarcely equal in history--to become a
great historical personality, to tower over future generations. But I
do not see any one pointing out the way. Better so; the principle of
self-government as the self-acting, self-preserving force will be
asserted by the total eclipse of great or even eminent men.
The administration, under the influence of drill men, tries to form
twenty regiments of regulars, and calls for 45,000 three years'
volunteers. What a curious appreciation of necessity and of numbers
must prevail in the brains of the administration. Twenty regiments of
regulars will be a drop in water; will not help anything, but will be
sufficient to poison the public spirit. Citizens and people, but not
regulars, not hirelings, are to fight the battle of principle.
Regulars and their spirit, with few exceptions, is worse here than
were the Yanitschars.
When the principle will be saved and victorious, it will be by the
devotion, the spontaneity of the people, and not by Lincoln, Scott,
Seward, or any of the like. It is said that Seward rules both Lincoln
and Scott. The people, the masses, do not doubt their ability to
crush by one blow the traitors, but the administration does.
What I hear concerning the Blairs confirms my high opinion of both.
Blair alone in the Cabinet represents the spirit of the people.
Something seems not right with Scott. Is he too old, or too much of a
Virginian, or a hero on a small scale?
If, as they say, the President is guided by Scott's advice, such
advice, to judge from facts, is not politic, not heroic, not thorough,
not comprehensive, and not at all military, that is, not broad and
deep, in the military sense. It will be a pity to be disappointed in
this national idol.
Scott is against entering Virginia, against taking Baltimore, against
punishing traitors. Strange, strange!
Diplomats altogether out of their senses; they are bewildered by the
uprising, by the unanimity, by the warlike, earnest, unflinching
attitude of the masses of the freemen, of my dear Yankees. The diplomats
have lost the compass. They, duty bound, were diplomatically obsequious
to the power held so long by the pro-slavery party. They got accustomed
to the arrogant assumption and impertinence of the slavers, and,
forgetting their European origin, the diplomats tacitly--but for their
common sense and honor I hope reluctantly--admitted the assumptions of
the Southern banditti to be in America the nearest assimilation to the
chivalry and nobility of old Europe. Without taking the cudgel in
defence of European nobility, chivalry, and aristocracy, it is
sacrilegious to compare those infamous slavers with the old or even with
the modern European higher classes. In the midst of this slave-driving,
slave-worshipping, and slave-breeding society of Washington, the
diplomats swallowed, gulped all the Southern lies about the
Constitution, state-rights, the necessity of slavery, and other like
infamies. The question is, how far the diplomats in their respective
official reports transferred these pro-slavery common-places to their
governments. But, after all, the governments of Europe will not be
thoroughly influenced by the chat of their diplomats.
Among all diplomats the English (Lord Lyons) is the most sphinx; he is
taciturn, reserved, listens more than he speaks; the others are more
communicative.
What an idea have those Americans of sending a secret agent to Canada,
and what for? England will find it out, and must be offended. I would
not have committed such an absurdity, even in my palmy days, when I
conspired with Louis Napoleon, sat in the councils with Godefroi
Cavaignac, or wrote instructions for Mazzini, then only a beginner
with his _Giovina Italia_, and his miscarried Romarino attempt in
Savoy.
Of what earthly use can be such _politique provocatrice_ towards
England? Or is it only to give some money to a hungry, noisy, and not
over-principled office-seeker?