THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE CIVIL WAR.
Abraham Lincoln reached Washington on the 23d of February, 1861, having
come from Harrisburg _incognito_, and in advance of the announced
time, because of threats of assassination. Mr. Chandler was one of the
first persons informed of his arrival, called upon him at once, and
was in frequent consultation with him thereafter with reference to the
formation of his Cabinet and the policy to be pursued toward the South.
Mr. Chandler earnestly opposed placing any but the most uncompromising
Union men at the head of the departments, urged bold and decisive
measures toward armed traitors for the sake of the moral effect of such
a course, and advised the most emphatic declarations in the inaugural
of the President's intention to enforce the laws at all hazards. Mr.
Lincoln had seriously thought of inviting two gentlemen from the
Southern States to seats in his Cabinet, the names chiefly considered
by him being those of Alexander H. Stephens of Georgia, and James
Guthrie of Kentucky. Mr. Chandler strongly opposed any such concession
to the rampant dis-unionism of the slave States, and the hostility
of the wing of the party with which he acted finally led Mr. Lincoln
to abandon his original plan and select Edward Bates of Missouri and
Montgomery Blair as the Southern members of the Cabinet. Mr. Chandler
also advised that Breckenridge, Wigfall, and other avowedly disloyal
Congressmen should be arrested at once, and urged that the "Secession
Commissioners," when they came to Washington, should be dealt with
summarily as traitors and not be permitted to even informally negotiate
with the Administration. He always believed that this summary
treatment of rebellion at the outset would have greatly curtailed its
dimensions, but the President was guided by Mr. Seward and others,
whose counsels were different and who hoped to prevent the impending
war by mildness. Accordingly the inaugural was almost apologetic in
tone toward the South; throughout March, men like Stephen A. Douglas
inquired whether the Administration meant peace or war; flagrant
treason was still defiantly uttered on the floor of Congress, and John
Forsyth and M. J. Crawford, embassadors from the "Confederacy," spent
weeks in Washington holding relations with the new Secretary of State
which, if not "official," looked like a concession in fact of the
practical independence of the seceded States. The first official favor
Mr. Chandler asked from President Lincoln was the appointment of his
life-long friend, James M. Edmunds, as Commissioner of the General Land
Office, and Mr. Edmunds was promptly nominated to that position and
confirmed by the Senate.
At noon on March 4, 1861, Vice-President Hamlin took the chair of the
Senate and directed the secretary to read this proclamation convening
an extra session of that body:
BY THE PRESIDENT of THE UNITED STATES:
A PROCLAMATION.
WHEREAS, Objects of interest to the United States require that the
Senate should be convened at twelve o'clock on the 4th of March
next, to receive and act upon such communications as may be made to
it on the part of the Executive: Now, therefore, I, James Buchanan,
President of the United States, have considered it to be my duty
to issue this, my proclamation, declaring that an extraordinary
occasion requires the Senate of the United States to convene
for the transaction of business, at the capitol in the city of
Washington, on the 4th day of March next, at twelve o'clock at noon
on that day, of which all who shall at that time be entitled to act
as members of that body are hereby required to take notice.
[Sidenote: [L. S.]]
Given under my hand and the seal of the United States at
Washington, the 11th day of February, in the year of our
Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one, and of the
independence of the United States of America the eighty-fifth.
JAMES BUCHANAN.
By the President: J. S. BLACK, _Secretary of State_.
Sixteen new Senators then took the oath of office, and at fifteen
minutes past one o'clock James Buchanan and Abraham Lincoln entered the
Senate chamber, arm in arm, accompanied by Senators Foote, Baker and
Pearce, members of the Committee of Arrangements, and were conducted
to seats in front of the secretary's desk. In a few moments afterward,
those assembled in the Senate chamber proceeded to the platform on the
central portico of the eastern front of the capitol, to listen to the
inaugural address of the President elect. Then the oath of office was
administered to him by the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, and the
administration of the government by the Republican party had commenced.
The business of this extra session of the Senate was chiefly limited to
the confirmation of executive appointments, although there were some
exciting discussions upon the political situation. Mr. Chandler, on
taking possession (as the new chairman) of the room of the Committee
on Commerce, had his righteous wrath at the men who had availed
themselves of their official positions to plot treason against the
government still further stimulated by finding in one of the drawers
of the large committee table the original draft of the secession
ordinance of Alabama, which had been prepared in the national capitol
by Senator Clement C. Clay, his predecessor in the chairmanship of
the committee.[19] This illustration of Southern perfidy Mr. Chandler
carefully kept, and at his death it was among his private papers. The
executive session of the Senate closed on March 28, 1861, and Mr.
Chandler at once returned to Detroit.
At 5.20 A. M. on April 12, 1861, a mortar in the rebel battery on
Sullivan's Island in the harbor of Charleston fired a shell into Fort
Sumter. This was the announcement to the world of the decision of the
rebels to delay no longer, but to at once
"ope
"The purple testament of bleeding war."
On the 13th Major Anderson abandoned the unequal contest, and
surrendered the blazing ruins of his fortress to Beauregard; on the
14th his garrison marched out with the honors of war; and on the 15th
Abraham Lincoln called for 75,000 volunteers, a force which it was
believed would trample out rebellion in ninety days. The North answered
Charleston's cannon and the President's appeal with a magnificent
assertion of its latent patriotism, and the war spirit flamed up in
every State. On April 17 the business men of Detroit held a public
meeting at the invitation of its Board of Trade, at which the firm
purpose to support the government in its contest with treason was
emphatically declared, and all needed assistance in troops and money
was pledged. Senator Chandler escorted General Cass to this gathering,
and their entrance, arm in arm, typifying as it did the solidification
of the Union sentiment of the North, was followed by long-continued
cheering. Both gentlemen spoke in tones of earnest loyalty and amid
constant applause. That night the following letter was mailed to
Washington:
DETROIT, April 17, 1861.
_Hon. Simon Cameron._
DEAR SIR: One of the most distinguished Democrats in this
country[20] says: "Don't defend Washington. Don't put batteries on
Georgetown Heights, but shove your troops directly into Virginia,
and quarter them there."
Stand by the Union men in Virginia and you will find plenty of them.
By this bold policy you will save Virginia to the Union as well as
the other border States.
There is but one sentiment here. We will give you all the troops
you can use. We will send you two regiments in thirty days,
and 50,000 in thirty days more if you want them. General Cass
subscribed $3,000 to equip the regiments.
There are no sympathizers here with treason, and if there were we
would dispense with their company forthwith. Your friend,
Z. CHANDLER.
Michigan justified her Senator's pledges by promptly raising and
equipping many more troops, than the State was required to furnish
under the call for 75,000 volunteers, and this correspondence soon
followed:
DETROIT, April 21, 1861.
_Hon. Simon Cameron._
MY DEAR CAMERON: ... I will esteem it a very great favor if you
will officially call for at least one more regiment to go to the
front immediately from this State. You did not call for but one,
but we have got two all ready, and have raised $100,000 by private
subscription to equip them. Truly yours,
Z. CHANDLER.
[REPLY.]
WASHINGTON, April 29, 1861.
_Hon. Z. Chandler._
DEAR SIR: ... It would give me great pleasure to gratify your
wishes, but this can only be done in one way. The President has
determined to accept no more for three months' service, but to add
to the regular army twenty-five more regiments whose members shall
agree to serve two years unless sooner discharged. This will enable
the Department to accept another regiment from your State. Truly
yours,
SIMON CAMERON, _Secretary of War_.
To this suggestion the response was prompt, and the enlistment of men
and formation of companies for three years' service went briskly on,
Michigan sending only one three-months' regiment to the field. Mr.
Chandler was active in stimulating and organizing the war movements at
home, both by untiring personal labor and by liberal subscriptions of
money, until the first regiments were ready for marching orders. He
was one of the speakers at an imposing Union meeting held in Detroit
on April 25, with Lewis Cass in the chair, and he there said: "A
greater contest than the Revolutionary war is now about to take place.
It is to be tested whether a republican government can stand or not.
The eyes of all Europe are upon us, and we will convince them that
ours is the strongest government on earth." He also made an earnest,
and in the end successful, effort to procure from the War Department
such orders as should obtain for the Michigan men an opportunity for
prompt service against the enemy. It was originally intended to send
the regiments from his State to Cairo, but his influence accomplished
a change in this plan and they were directed to report to Washington
for immediate duty. In May Mr. Chandler went to the capital to aid in
preparing for their reception and to urge upon the authorities, who
were then declining the profuse offers of troops, the importance of
accepting all the regiments tendered by his own and other States and
of promptly attacking the constantly growing rebellion by invading
its territory and interfering with the organization of its armies.
On the 17th of May, 1861, the First Regiment of Michigan Volunteers
arrived in Washington, Col. O. B. Willcox commanding. They were met at
the depot by Senator Chandler and escorted to quarters he had aided
in securing for them in a business block on Pennsylvania Avenue. Mr.
Chandler was active in providing for their comfort, purchased supplies
for them out of his own private purse, was present at their parade when
they were formally mustered into the service of the United States by
Adjutant-General Thomas, and asked the Secretary of War to send them at
once to the front for active duty. His request was complied with and
this regiment was prominent in the first important military movement of
the war.
After he had seen the Michigan troops well cared for, Mr. Chandler, on
the 19th of May, in company with Senators Wade and Morrill and John
G. Nicolay, the private secretary of President Lincoln, sailed for
Fortress Monroe to visit General Butler, and see the condition of his
newly-organized army. On the following day the party started to return
on the steamer Freeborn, and as they were passing through Hampton Roads
heard heavy cannonading, which proved to be an artillery duel between
the steamer Monticello and a battery erected by the rebels at Sewell's
Point, where the Elizabeth river empties into Hampton Roads. The
Freeborn went at once to the assistance of the Monticello, and being of
light draft approached within 300 yards of the battery and opened fire
with her guns. The columbiads of the Virginians were soon disabled, and
the rebels were scattered in every direction, Mr. Chandler pronouncing
the spectacle "the best ball-playing he had ever seen." On her voyage
up the Potomac the Freeborn seized two suspicions boats, and found them
loaded with a company of fifty rebel soldiers on their way to join
"the Confederate army." Both vessels were brought to the Navy Yard at
Washington and they were the first prizes taken during the war, and the
men on board were the first rebel prisoners captured.
On the night of the 23d of May, the Union forces at Washington crossed
the Potomac and proceeded to seize and fortify advantageous positions
on Virginia soil. The First Michigan accompanied the famous Zouave
regiment by ferry-boats to Alexandria, taking possession of that city
in the night. Mr. Chandler went with the Michigan men, and was the only
civilian who was allowed to accompany this wing of the expedition. He
was with a detachment of soldiers who surprised and captured a party of
forty rebel dragoons, including four officers, and he was in Alexandria
when Colonel Ellsworth fell and private Brownell instantly avenged his
death. Of this event, since obscured by four years of carnage, but
which then first brought to excited millions some sense of the dreadful
realities of war, he was the first to bear the news to the authorities
at Washington.
Mr. Chandler remained at the capital some weeks, working industriously
in helping on the preparations for war, and urging the most vigorous
and sweeping measures upon the Administration. He believed and said
repeatedly that the call for 75,000 men for three months was a mistake.
He was no optimist, and never thought that a rebellion, so carefully
organized and left so long undisturbed, could be subdued without a
desperate and bloody struggle. He thought that 500,000 rather than
75,000 volunteers should have been called for to serve through the
war, and judged that the effect of such a proclamation upon the
country, and particularly upon the South, would have been salutary, as
showing the determination of the government to crush the rebellion at
once and forever. While the raw levies of volunteers were massing in
Washington in May and June, there was a lamentable lack of discipline
and organization. The commissary department of the army was feeble and
inefficient, and there was a want of proper and sufficient food for the
soldiers. Mr. Chandler's executive capacity was very useful then to the
Secretary of War in assisting in the organization of a commissariat
and in procuring supplies and equipments, and he spent no small sum
in obtaining food for the soldiers when the regular rations were not
forthcoming. Although entirely without military training, Mr Chandler's
business experience, his quick perception, and his clear judgment made
his services at this period of confusion and mismanagement of great
value to the country. In June he returned to Michigan for a few days,
and on the 21st of that month spoke (with the Hon. Charles M. Croswell)
at Adrian, on the occasion of the presentation by the ladies of that
city of a stand of colors to a volunteer regiment in camp there.
On the 4th of July, 1861, the Thirty-seventh Congress met in extra
session, and adjourned on the 6th of August, after having enacted laws
to increase the army and navy, and to provide the means and authority
necessary for the vigorous prosecution of the war. The scope of the
work undertaken by this Congress was far greater than that of any
preceding session. Many of the members had but little experience in
legislative matters, but their patriotism was sincere and ardent, and
their acts embodied the national purpose to maintain the integrity of
the republic at any cost. On the second day of the session Mr. Chandler
said in the Senate:
I desire to give notice that I shall to-morrow or on some
subsequent day introduce a bill to confiscate the property of
all Governors of States, members of the Legislature, Judges of
Courts, and all military officers above the rank of lieutenant
who shall take up arms against the United States, or aid or abet
treason against the government of the United States, and that said
individual shall be forever disqualified from holding any office of
honor, emolument or trust under this government.
This bill was introduced on July 15, and was referred to the Committee
on the Judiciary; it reported back a measure of much narrower scope,
which was passed, and is known as the confiscation act of 1861. The
origin of Mr. Chandler's bill was the fact that John Y. Mason of
Virginia, who had been expelled from the Senate for treason, owned a
large amount of property in Pennsylvania, and so indignant were the
people of the county in which it was located at his treachery, that a
guard was kept over it constantly to prevent its destruction by a mob.
Mr. Chandler believed it was important that the government should be
enabled to legally seize for its own use such property as this; there
were also many officers of the army and navy who were undecided whether
to go with the rebellion or remain at their posts. He wished to add
to the penalties of treason to affect them, as well as those wealthy
citizens of Washington and Maryland who had formerly been in office
and who sympathized with the rebellion and gave the South as much
encouragement as they dared. His proposition proved then too vigorous
to obtain the endorsement of his colleagues, but within a year its
principle received Congressional sanction. During this session (on July
18) Mr. Chandler said in the Senate with characteristic force:
The Senator from Indiana says there are three parties in the
country. I deny it, sir. There are but two parties, patriots and
traitors--none others in this body nor in the country. I care not
what proposition may be brought up to save the Union, to preserve
its integrity, patriots will vote for it; and I care not what
proposition you may bring up to dissolve the Union, to break up
this government, traitors will vote for that. And those are the
only two parties there are in the Senate or the country.
It is not necessary to add that Mr. Chandler voted at this session
for every measure to organize armies and to raise means for their
maintenance, and that he favored at all times vigorous and summary
measures in dealing with the enemies of the republic.
General McDowell's "invasion of Virginia" on May 23 was followed by
several weeks of military inactivity on the Potomac, broken only by a
dash of the Union cavalry into Fairfax Courthouse and the skirmish at
Vienna, where a regiment of Ohio troops, who were backed on a railroad
train into a rebel ambuscade, lost twenty men. On July 16 the Union
army began a forward movement against the rebels who were found in
position about and along a creek known as Bull Run. After a short
and indecisive engagement on that day, General McDowell commenced to
concentrate his forces for an attack on Beauregard's line, but various
delays prevented any definite movement until Sunday, July 21. On that
date was fought the battle of Bull Run, ending in a complete Union
defeat, attended by severe losses and a panic-stricken retreat by many
regiments, and followed by great national dismay and alarm. An inquiry
into the blundering strategy, political half-heartedness, and poor
generalship, which were the causes of this unnecessary and most serious
reverse, are foreign to the purpose of this work. Mr. Chandler was one
of a large number of members of Congress who joined the army on the eve
of battle, and watched its progress to the final disaster. The First
Michigan was among the regiments engaged in the thickest of the fight,
and the Second and Third were in the brigade of Gen. I. B. Richardson,
which acted as a rear-guard in the retreat of the army and prevented
defeat from becoming a total rout. Mr. Chandler himself aided in
halting and rallying the panic-stricken fugitives,[21] and reached
Washington late at night, covered with mud and wearied with travel
and hunger. He drove at once to the White House, where he found Mr.
Lincoln despondent, exhausted with his labors, and greatly depressed
by the defeat and the loss of life involved. Mr. Chandler urged upon
the President the necessity of vigorous measures, the wisdom of calling
for more troops, and the certainty that the North would follow the
Administration in meeting a reverse with undismayed and redoubled
energies. He asked Mr. Lincoln to issue an order for the enrolling of
500,000 men at once, "to show to the country and the rebels that the
government was not discouraged a whit, but was just beginning to get
mad." Mr. Chandler's vitality, the timely vigor of his bold words, and
his overwhelming earnestness acted as a tonic upon the over-burdened
Executive, and he left Mr. Lincoln cheered, encouraged and resolute.
The governors of the loyal States were at once appealed to for more
troops, and the answer of the North to Bull Run was the rush of tens
of thousands of men into camp and the organization of great armies
along the Potomac, the Ohio and the Mississippi. Secretary Stanton,
who knew of this midnight interview, estimated its effect upon the
course of events as of the utmost importance, and repeatedly said that
Mr. Chandler's opportunely-manifested courage and vigor then saved the
Union from a great peril.
In the task of reorganizing the army after Bull Run, of clearing
Washington of fugitives, and of extracting order from chaos, Mr.
Chandler rendered important aid to the authorities, and after the
adjournment returned to Michigan and threw his strong energies into
the work of raising and equipping troops. This letter (which was not
followed by any practical results, owing to various causes) is of
interest as showing the spirit of those days:
DETROIT, Aug. 27, 1861.
_Hon. Simon Cameron, Secretary of War._
MY DEAR CAMERON: A Colonel Elliott, member of the Canadian
Parliament, is desirous of raising a regiment of Canadian cavalry
for the war against treason. I don't know how the Administration
may look upon this proposition, but there are many reasons in favor
of its acceptance.
1. Colonel Elliott is a brave and experienced officer.
2. He is in favor of the closest union between the Canadas and the
United States, and believes that this fraternal union upon the
battle-field would tend strongly to cement a yet closer connection.
3. It would satisfy England that hands-off was her best policy.
The moment it is proven that black men are used in the Southern
army _against us_, I propose to recruit a few regiments of negroes
in Canada myself to meet that enemy, and I think this would be an
opening wedge for the movement of emancipation.
My colleague will introduce Colonel Elliott to you and explain more
at length. Truly, your friend,
Z. CHANDLER.
To this same period also belongs this characteristic defense of his
State and the Northwest against what Mr. Chandler believed--and with
reason--to be an unjust statement:
_To the Editor of the New York World_:
My attention has been called to an article in your valuable and
patriotic paper in which you say: "The extreme Northern States,
from Maine to Michigan, have not done their duty, and it is high
time that State pride aroused them to emulate the noble example
of New York, Massachusetts, and Rhode Island." As I am sure you
would not willingly do injustice to Michigan, I ask you to state
editorially, the population and the number of regiments in the
field for the war from each of the States whose example is to be
emulated. Michigan had at Bull Run one three-months' regiment (now
recruiting and in for the war) and three regiments for the war,
_and not a private soldier in camp in the State_. Since that time
she has sent seven regiments for the war, making ten regiments now
present in the army, in addition to which she furnished to other
States over 2,000 men, _now in the field_, for the reason that the
government would accept no more men from Michigan at that time,
and the patriotic ardor of our citizens could not be restrained.
We have now in camp nearly 4,000 men, and shall send two regiments
this week and two more within a few days.
The Northwest has done her whole duty; how is it with the East?
The Northwest has exceeded every call made upon her, and yet you
lack men and are denuding over 2,000 miles of border territory of
troops for the defense of Washington. If New York, Pennsylvania,
New Jersey, and the New England States cannot defend Washington, in
God's name what can they do? The Northwest will defend the lines
from the mountains of Virginia to the Rocky Mountains. She will
sweep secession and treason from the valley of the Mississippi,
aye, _and will defend the Potomac, too, if she must_. But is
not this Union worth as much to New York, Pennsylvania, and
Massachusetts as to the Northwest? Why, then, so tardy in supplying
troops? Had five of the forty Northwestern regiments now on the
Potomac been with Lyon he would have won the battle and cleared
Missouri! Had five been with Mulligan he would now be in possession
of Lexington! Could ten of them be sent into Kentucky to-morrow (in
addition to what they have) they would clear the State of secession
in ten days, and threaten Tennessee! Could ten be sent to Rosecrans
he would clear the mountains of Virginia and threaten the rear of
the grand army! But, no; this cannot be done--because the East will
not do her duty. If she does not at once, the whole world will cry
shame. Respectfully, your obedient servant,
Z. CHANDLER.
DETROIT, Sept. 30, 1861.
During the Congressional recess he also sent this letter of
characteristic suggestions to the Secretary of War:
DETROIT, Nov. 15, 1861.
_Hon. Simon Cameron, Secretary of War._
MY DEAR SIR: The time for delivering a battle upon the Potomac has
now passed, and something _must and can be done_. In my opinion the
following plan is still feasible, and will close the war:
Let Rosecrans be ordered immediately to Kentucky with his army
of veteran Northwestern troops. Substitute an equal or larger
number of Eastern troops with an Eastern general, who will act
strictly upon the defensive. Send your Northwestern troops now
upon the Potomac to Cairo _at once_. Send Pope (if he is the man)
to Missouri with sufficient arms to supply all the Northwestern
regiments in readiness to march on the 1st day of December. Let an
abundance of transports and material be provided at Cairo and St.
Louis, by that date (December 1st).
Give the order, "Forward," and _then cut the wires_.
Stop all official communication with the Army of the Northwest.
That army, if thus untrammeled, will _spend New Year's day in New
Orleans_, _via_ Memphis, and will reach Washington _via_ Richmond
by the 1st of May next.
In the meantime Sherman, Butler, and Burnside can take care of
South Carolina, Georgia, and Alabama, and North Carolina will fall
of itself with Virginia and the Gulf States.
Is this plan feasible?
None but a traitor will say you Nay, for you and I know that
200,000 Northwestern soldiers, with Rosecrans's and Lyon's
veterans, _can_ and _will go wherever they are ordered_, and _on
time_.
As to your Army of the Potomac, select 100,000 men of your city
regiments which look well on parade, and keep them for reviews.
Send the balance to the Gulf States. We want none of them out West.
We will, by recruiting during the winter, keep our Grand Army up to
200,000 men, and furnish garrisons as fast as needed for captured
towns. Very truly yours,
Z. CHANDLER.
Congress re-assembled for its regular session in December, 1861,
and Mr. Chandler was called upon (on Jan. 17, 1862) to present
the credentials of the Hon. Jacob M. Howard as his colleague from
Michigan, _vice_ Kinsley S. Bingham, who had died suddenly in the
preceding October. Mr. Howard remained a Senator for ten years, winning
distinction in that position. Throughout his term his relations with
his colleague were intimate and cordial, and the foremost merchant
and the first lawyer of Michigan stood side by side in the Senate in
the support of every important measure which had for its object the
encouragement of loyal sentiment, or the strengthening of the military
and financial arms of the government, or the prompt suppression of the
rebellion.
FOOTNOTES:
[19] Mr. Clay (C. C. Clay, Jr., of Alabama), chairman of the Committee
on Commerce, drew up in the room of that committee the original
ordinance of secession for the State of Alabama, while he, a rebel
traitor, was drawing the pay of this government. It was drawn upon
government paper, written with government ink, and copied by a clerk
drawing $6 a day from this government. I found it in that room and I
have it now.--_Zachariah Chandler in the Senate, April 12, 1864._
[20] This undoubtedly refers to Lewis Cass.
[21] Whatever credit there was in stopping the rout (at this point) is
due wholly to Senators Chandler and Wade, and Representatives Blake,
Riddle, and Morris. These gentlemen, armed with Maynard rifles and navy
revolvers, sprang from their carriages some three miles this side of
Centreville, and, presenting their weapons, in loud voices commanded
the fugitives to halt and turn back. Their bold and determined manner
brought most at that point to a stand-still. Many on horseback, who
attempted to dash by them, had their horses seized by the bits. Some of
the fugitives who were armed menaced these gentlemen. None, however,
were permitted to pass until the arrival of the Second New Jersey
Regiment, on its way to the battle-ground, turned back the flying
soldiers and teamsters.--_Washington Intelligencer, July 22, 1861._