claim kinship with those of the Kasilaían and Argáwan Rivers, but their
migration from the Agúsan Valley seems to have been comparatively
recent, if I may believe their own testimony.
[8] _Ság-ui_.
As to the origin and departure of these invaders nothing seems to be
known, but they devastated the valley from Butuán to Veruéla and from
east to west.
The solitary woman who had hidden in the _runo_ reeds of Argáwan
continued to eke out an existence and to pass her time in weaving
_abaká_ cloth. One day as she was about to eat she found a turtledove's
egg in one of her weaving baskets and she was glad, for meat and fish
were scarce. But when the hour to eat arrived she forgot the egg. Thus
it happened day after day until the egg hatched out, when lo! instead of
a little dove there appeared a lovely little baby girl who, under her
foster mother's care and guidance, throve and grew to woman's estate.
Now it happened that, as the war had ended, scouts began to travel
through the country to discover whether the Ikúgan had really departed,
and one day a band of them found the woman and foster daughter. Amazed
at the young girl's marvelous beauty the chief asked for her hand. The
foster mother granted his request, but upon one condition--that he would
place a married couple upon every river in the valley. Well pleased with
such a simple condition he started upon his quest and before long
succeeded in placing upon every river a married couple. In this way came
about the repopulation of the Agúsan Valley. The chief then married the
beautiful maiden and peace reigned throughout the land.
GIANTS
The great mythic giants of Manóboland are _Táma_, _Mandayáñgan_, and
_Apíla_. All three are described as of marvelous height, "as tall as the
tallest trees of the mountains," and their domain is said to be the deep
and dark forest.
_Táma_ is a wicked spirit, whose special malignancy consists in
beguiling the steps of unwary travelers. Leading his victim off the
beaten trail by cunning calls and other ruses, he devours him bodily.
His haunt is said to be sometimes the balete tree, as the enormous
footprints occasionally seen in its vicinity testify. A Manóbo of the
Kasilaían River assured me that he had seen them and that they were a
fathom long. I have heard various accounts of this fabulous being all
over eastern Mindanáo.
_Mandayáñgan_, on the contrary, is a good-natured, humanlike giant, who
loves to attend the combats of Manóboland. He is said to have been one
of the great warriors of the days of yore. His dwelling is in the great
mountain forests, where live the gods of war.
_Apíla_ is an innocuous giant whose one great pleasure is to leave his
far-off forest home and, crashing down the timber in his giant strides,
go in quest of a wrestling bout with Mandayáñgan. The noise of their
fierce engagement can be heard, it is said, for many and many a league,
and there are not wanting those who have witnessed their mighty struggle
for supremacy.
Besides these three greater giants, there are others, lesser but more
human, the principal of whom is _Dábau_. _Dábau_ lived on a small
mountain in view of the present site of Veruéla. It is said that, before
beginning his trip up the Agúsan, he sent word to the inhabitants of the
Umaíam River that on a certain day he would pass through the lake region
and that all rice should be carefully protected against the commotion of
the waters.[9]
[9] The nearest settlements to the channel through which _Dábau_ must
have passed were several kilometers distant.
On the appointed day he is said to have seized the trunk of a _palma
brava_ palm and, using it for a pole, to have poled his bamboo raft from
Butuán to the mouth of the Maásin Creek, near Veruéla, in one day.[10]
With him lived his sister, also a person of extraordinary strength, for
it is on record that she would at times pluck a whole bunch of bananas
and throw it to her brother on a neighboring hill.
[10] This trip is a row of from 8 to 12 days in a large native canoe and
under normal conditions.
PECULIAR ANIMAL BELIEFS
There is, besides the various omens taken from birds, bees, dogs, and
mice, a very peculiar observance prevailing among the tribes of eastern
Mindanáo with regard to members of the animal kingdom. This strange
observance consists in paying them a certain deference in that they must
not be laughed at, imitated, nor in anywise shown disrespect. This
statement applies particularly to those creatures which enter a human
haunt contrary to their usual custom. To laugh at them, or make jeering
remarks as to their appearance, etc., would provoke the wrath of
Anítan[11] the thunder goddess, who dwells in Inugtúhan. If they enter
the house, they must be driven out in a gentlemanly way and divinatory
means resorted to at once, for they may portend ill luck.
[11] Called also _Á-nit_ and _In-a-ní-tan_.
I have myself at times been upbraided for my levity toward frogs and
other animals. I also received numerous accounts of disrespect shown to
brute visitors to a house and of the ill results that might have
followed had not proper and timely propitiation been made to Anítan. The
two following incidents, of which the narrators were a part, will
sufficiently illustrate the point.
Two Manóbos of the Kasilaían River entered a house and, upon perceiving
a chicken that was afflicted with a cold, began to make unseemly remarks
to it by upbraiding it for getting wet. Shortly after it began to
thunder and, remembering the offense that they had committed, they had
recourse to their aunt, a priestess, who decided that Anítan was
displeased and had to be propitiated. Finding no other victim than a
hunting dog, for the chicken was considered by her ceremonially unclean,
she at once ordered the dog to be killed for Anítan. The thunder and the
lightning passed away promptly. It may be noted here that the dog may
have had considerable value, for a really good hunting dog commands as
high a value as a human life.
In another case on the same river the narrator had captured a young
monkey. When he arrived at the house its uncouth appearance caused a
little merriment and induced the owner to place upon its head a small
earthen pot in imitation of a hat. Almost immediately the first
mutterings of thunder were heard, and the owner, remembering his
indiscretion, slew the monkey and offered it in propitiation to Anítan.
As he had expected he averted the danger that he feared from the
threating[sic] thunderbolts.
In some cases those who are guilty of this peculiar offense become
turned into stone, unless they take the proper means of appeasing divine
wrath, as the following legend will show.
THE PETRIFIED CRAFT AND CREW OF KAGBUBÁTAÑG
In the old, old days a boat was passing the rocky promontory of
Kagbubátañg.[12] The occupants espied a monkey and a cat fighting upon
the summit of the promontory. The incongruity of the thing impressed
them and they began to give vent to derisive remarks, addressing
themselves to the brute combatants, when lo and behold, they and their
craft were turned into stone, and to this day the petrified craft and
crew may be seen on the promontory and all who pass must make an
offering,[13] howsoever small it be, to the vexed souls of these
petrified people. If one were to pass the point without making an
offering, the anger of its petrified inhabitants might be aroused and
the traveler might have bad weather and rough seas.[14]
[12] _Kag-bu-bá-tañg_ is a point within sight of the town of Placer,
eastern Mindanáo.
[13] The offering may consist of a little piece of wood, in fact
anything, and must be thrown overboard while one is passing the point.
[14] There is said to be a similar locality near Taganíto, between
Clavér and Carrascál.
In further explanation of this singular belief it may be stated that the
imitation of the sounds made by frogs is especially forbidden, for it
might be followed not merely by thunderbolts, as in some cases, but by
petrifaction of the offender; in proof of this I will adduce the legend
of Añgó, of Bináoi.[15]
[15] _Bin-á-oi_ is the name of an oddly shaped peak at the source of the
River Añgadanán, tributary of the Wá-wa River. From the upper Tágo its
white crest may be seen overlooking the source of the stream Malitbug
that delivers its waters to the Tágo River through the Borubuán.
AÑGÓ, THE PETRIFIED MANÓBO
Añgó lived many years ago on a lofty peak in the eastern Cordillera with
his wife and children. One day he went to the forest with his dogs in
quest of game. Fortune granted him a fine big boar, but he broke his
spear in dealing the mortal blow. Upon arriving at a stream he sat down
upon a stone and set himself to repairing his spear. The croaking of the
near-by frogs attracted his attention and, imitating their shrill notes,
he boldly told them that it would be better to cease their cries and
help him mend his spear. He continued his course up the rocky torrent,
but noticed that a multitude of little stones began to follow behind in
his path. Surprised at such a happening he hastened his steps. Looking
back, he saw bigger stones join in the pursuit. He then seized his dog
and in fear began to run but the stones kept on in hot pursuit, bigger
and bigger ones joining the party. Upon arriving at his _camote_ patch
he was exhausted and had to slacken his pace, whereupon the stones
overtook him and one became attached to his finger. He could not go on.
He called upon his wife. She, with the young children, sought the magic
lime[16] and set it around her husband, but all to no avail, for his
feet began to turn to stone. His wife and children, too, fell under the
wrath of Anítan. The following morning the whole family had petrified up
to the knees, and during the following three days the process continued
from the knees to the hips, then to the breast, and then on to the head.
And thus it is that to this day there may be seen on Bináoi Peak the
petrified forms of Añgó and his family.
[16] Limes and lemons, it will be remembered, are supposed to be objects
of fear to the evil spirits.
CHAPTER XXIX
THE GREAT RELIGIOUS MOVEMENT OF 1908-1910
THE EXTENT OF THE MOVEMENT
The religious revival of 1908 to 1910 began, according to universal
report, among the Manóbos of the Libagánon River.[1] It was thence
propagated eastward till it extended over the whole region that lies
south of the eighth parallel of north latitude and east of the Libagánon
and Tágum Rivers. If the rumors that it spread among the Manóbos of the
upper Paláñgi, among the Subánuns, and among the Atás be true (and the
probability is that it is so), then this great movement affected
one-third of the island of Mindanáo, exclusive of that part occupied by
Moros[2] and Bisáyas. I am acquainted with some Bisáyas who, moved by
the extent and intensity of the movement on the upper Agsúan[sic],
became adherents.
[1] The Libagánon River is the western influent of the Tágum River,
which empties into the northern part of the gulf of Davao.
[2] I am informed by Capt. L. E. Case, P.O., deputy-governor of Davao,
that the Moros of Máti took a zealous part in the movement. It is then
not improbable that the Moros of the gulf of Davao participated in it
likewise.
Among the Christianized and non-Christianized Manóbos, Mandáyas,
Mañgguáñgans, and Debabáons I know of only a few men and of not a single
woman or child old enough to walk who did not take part in it.
Upon my arrival in Compostela I was told about this religious revival,
but to make myself better informed I went to the settlement of the one
who had introduced the movement into the Agúsan Valley. The following is
his story, corroborated since that time in every detail by unimpeachable
evidence.
REPORTED ORIGIN AND CHARACTER OF THE REVIVAL
One Meskínan,[3] a Manóbo of the Libagánon River, was taken sick with
what appeared to be cholera. He was abandoned by his relatives. On the
third day, however, he recovered and went in search of his fugitive
people. Naturally his appearance caused consternation, but he allayed
the fears of his fellow tribesmen by assuring them that his return was
not due to the influence of any evil spirit but to that of a beneficent
spirit, who, he asserted, had presented him with a medicine which he
showed them. They readily gave credence to his story in view of his
marvelous recovery, and also because of the extraordinary state of
trembling and of apparent divine possession into which he fell after
recounting his story. Accounts of this event spread far and wide, until
it reached the Mawab River,[4] but in so altered a form that it not only
attributed to Meskínan an ordinary priesthood but declared that he had
actually been transformed into a deity, and that as such he could impart
himself to all whom he might desire to honor. The chief of the Mansáka
group of Mandáyas on the Mawab sent an urgent message to relatives of
his near Compostela. My informant was one of these, and he described to
me the midnight exodus of the whole settlement on its way to Mawab. The
following is substantially his account.
[3] Meskínan is the religious pseudonym of Mapákla, a Manóbo of the
Libagánon River.
[4] A tributary of the Híjo River which empties into the gulf of Davao.
Upon their arrival at Mawab the most powerful chief on the river laid
before them the messages that had been received from Libagánon; how
Meskínan had been changed into a deity and had ceased to perform the
natural functions of eating and drinking. On the following day a
messenger arrived at Mawab settlement, purporting to come directly from
Meskínan. He stated that Meskínan had announced the destruction of the
world after one moon. The old tribal deities would cease to lend their
assistance to those that garbed themselves in black.[5] In the
intervening time he (Meskínan) would direct men how to save themselves
from destruction.
[5] My informant interpreted this as meaning non-Christianized people.
This reference to dark-colored dress is not clear.
My informant said that the following orders were issued by Meskínan:
(1) All chickens and pigs were to be killed at once; otherwise they
would devour their owners.
(2) No more crops were to be planted.
(3) A good building for religious purposes was to be erected in each
settlement.
(4) In each settlement there was to be one priest[6] who must have
received his power from Meskínan himself, and several assistants[7] who
were to help to propagate the news and to perform the prescribed
services in distant "churches."
[6] Called _pun-ó-an_.
[7] _Tai-tái-an_, that is, "bridges," meaning probably that these
emissaries were to be the bridge over which the religious doctrines
would pass in spreading from settlement to settlement.
(5) The services were to consist of praying to Meskínan, performing
sacred dances in his honor, and _forwarding offerings to him_.
My informant described to me how several people of Máwab settlement went
over the Libagánon for the purpose of ascertaining the truth of the
numerous messages and of the ceaseless rumors. On their return they
reported that Meskínan was truly a deity; that his body was all golden;
that he ate only the fragrance of offerings made to him; and that he
bestowed his special protection on those alone who made these offerings.
The visitors to Libagánon brought the news that the toppling over[8] of
the world would take place within one moon, and that the orders of
Meskínan, the Magbabáya, should be carried out at once, for otherwise,
when the day of destruction arrived, all would be irretrievably lost;
husband would be separated from wife, and mother from child; pigs and
chickens would prey upon whomsoever they could catch, and all would live
a life of darkness and despair. But those who had complied with
instructions would be saved; their bodies, at the moment of the fall of
the world, would become golden and they would fly around in the air with
never a care for material wants, _the men on their shields, and the
women on their combs_.
[8] _Kíliñg_.
A high priest from the Tágum River conferred a "_Magbabáya_"[9] or
spirit upon my informant and upon several others who were to act as his
assistants and emissaries.
[9] As the narration proceeds an attempt will be made to explain this
term.
The people who had assembled at Máwab settlement decided accordingly to
erect an immense house for the performance of the religious acts
enjoined by the Magbabáya of Libagánon. In this edifice they passed one
month in expectation of the impending cataclysm. Men, women, and
children, half starving as my informant assured me, danced and sang to
the sound of drum and gong, while he and his assistants broke out at
intervals into supplications to the Magbabáya of Libagánon and fell into
the state of violent exaltation that was the outward manifestation of
the fact that a spirit had taken possession of them.
SPREAD OF THE MOVEMENT
Toward the end of the month word was received from Meskínan that the end
of the world would not take place for three more moons in order that
every settlement might have an opportunity of erecting its religious
house and of saving itself thereby from the impending doom. The priests
and their assistants were bidden to spread the news far and wide, even
in the most inaccessible haunts of the land.
My informant and his relatives then returned to their settlement on the
Báklug River, but only to find that their pigs and chickens had been
stolen by Christianized people of Compostela. They constructed a
religious house of very fine appearance and faithfully fulfilled all the
other behests of the Magbabáya.
All this time reports and messages as to the approach of the end of the
world kept pouring into Compostela from Libagánon, so that it was not
long before my informant was invited to establish a religious house in
Compostela. As this town is the principal intertribal trading point to
which Christianized Manóbos, Mañgguáñgans, and Mandáyas resort, it is
evident that within a short time word of the approaching calamity was
received and believed by all the surrounding peoples, and my informant,
the high priest, was invited to establish "churches" in all the
settlements of Mandáyaland. Through the instrumentality of other priests
and their assistants the movement spread among the Debabáons of the
Sálug country, among the Mañgguáñgans of the Mánat and Sálug districts
and among the Manóbos of the upper Agúsan, the Baóbo, the Ihawán, and
the Simúlau Rivers.
This great religious movement was known as "Túñgud."[10]
[10] I am unable to give any suggestion as to the meaning of this word,
nor have I been able to find anyone, from high priests down, who
pretended to know its meaning.
ITS EXTERIOR CHARACTER AND GENERAL FEATURES
When I arrived on the upper Agúsan the movement was in full swing, and I
had every opportunity to hear the messages and rumors from Libagánon and
to watch the proceedings of the high priests and of their assistants. I
was handicapped by my inability to follow the language used in the
sacred songs and supplications, but I had many of them interpreted to
me. With this exception the following statements as to the character of
the movement are first hand.
The first and most tangible feature of the revival was the lack of food.
No rice nor taro had been planted because of the Magbabáya's injunction,
so that the whole population of the upper Agúsan and of the Mandáya
country had been compelled to subsist for the months preceding my
arrival on the taro that had already been planted and on the _camote_
crop. Hence on my arrival rice was so scarce that it cost me three days'
wandering, no little amount of begging, and a good round sum of money to
procure a supply sufficient for my own needs. The scarcity or utter lack
of food was further made evident by the fact that on several occasions I
had to leave settlements because I was unable to get food.
When in their homes the people showed fear at all hours, but especially
during the night. The falling of a tree in the forest, the rumbling of
thunder, an earthquake, an untoward report from Libagánon, and similar
things would draw from them the repetition, in low fearful tones, of the
mystic word "túñgud" and would send them off in a hurry to the religious
house. In Compostela the people vehemently denied to the visiting
Catholic missionary their adherence to the new movement, but as he was
leaving the town an earthquake occurred and the words "_túñgud,
túñgud_," broke from the lips of one of the most influential men in the
town.
Another and very noticeable feature of the movement, indicative of its
profound influence, upon these people, was the cessation of all feuds
and quarrels. After all that has been said on the subject of Manóbos in
general and their social institution of revenge in particular, one can
readily realize and greatly marvel at the paramount influence exerted by
the great revival of those two years. Bisáyas and others more or less
conversant with Manóbo ways and character were amazed at the wonderful
effect which this religious movement exerted on these peoples, one and
all. From tribe to tribe, from settlement to settlement, from enemy to
enemy, traveled priests, assistants, everybody. Mañgguáñgans, who seldom
or never visited Compostela, might be found performing their religious
services there. Some of them even went so far as to penetrate into the
almost inaccessible haunts of the upper Manorígao Mandáyas, the
hereditary and truculent enemies of Compostela whom even the Catholic
missionaries could never convert. Debabáons from the Sálug-Libagánon
region went fearlessly over to the Karága, Kasaúman, and Manái districts
and returned unscathed. Many a time in Compostela and other places I
heard it remarked concerning a particular individual that, were it not
for the order of the Magbabáya of Libagánon to refrain from quarrels and
to forego revenge, he would be killed.
So great then was the sway of this religious movement that the natural
law of vengeance yielded to it and its adherents almost starved
themselves for it.
THE PRINCIPAL TENETS OF THE MOVEMENT
NEW ORDER OF DEITIES
In the first place the spirit that received a particular individual
under his tutelary protection was either a new divinity communicable to
others or one of a new class of divinities. I incline to the latter
interpretation as being more in accordance with general Manóbo religious
ideas. In either case the old order of deities was relegated to an
inferior position, and no further worship was paid to them. The
Magbabáya, whether one or more, had come, according to all the
statements of Meskínan, to announce the dissolution of the world or at
least of that part of the world inhabited by those who dressed in
black--that is, pagan peoples--and to teach men to save themselves from
a future life of darkness and desolation.
After his deification Meskínan acquired the power to impart himself to
such as he deemed worthy, if they presented themselves to him. They were
said, after being thus endowed, to have a _Magbabáya_, in much the same
way as we speak of a person having got the spirit. Upon further
development of the movement certain individuals acquired the power of
imparting their spirit to others, but a spirit bestowed personally by
Meskínan was considered to be of greater potency than that granted by
others.
OBSERVANCES PRESCRIBED BY THE FOUNDER
The means prescribed by Meskínan through his priests and emissaries for
escaping from the consequences of the approaching demolition were:
(1) The construction of well-made and clean religious buildings[11] in
each settlement.
[11] _Ka-má-lig_.
(2) The frequent worship of him in these buildings by dance and chant
under the direction of local priests or of their assistants.
(3) The material offerings of worldly goods to these same officiants.
That these injunctions were carried out faithfully and in the most
remote regions I can personally testify. All through the mountainous
Mandáya country (Kati'il, Manorígao, Karága, and the very sources of the
Agúsan) I found the same religious structures, the same class of priests
and faithful congregations. As I learned in my last trip in 1911 up the
Karága, the Christianized Mandáyas of the coast towns in the
municipalities of Karága, Bagáñga, and Kati'il had joined the movement.
From Bagáñga to the point on the Libagánon that was the cradle of the
movement is a linear distance of some 120 kilometers, and it takes under
very favorable conditions at least seven days of continuous travel over
unspeakable trails to communicate from one point to the other. Yet the
religious movement spread from Libagánon to Bagáñga and to more distant
points in an incredibly short time.
As a further proof of the fidelity with which the observances were
carried out, let me say that I frequently dropped into settlements only
to find the houses practically empty and the inhabitants all assembled
in the religious house. While passing along the trails I could hear on
all sides the roll of drums from the distant almost inaccessible
settlements as the settlers danced in honor of their unseen gods. Upon
my arrival probably the first words that greeted me would be "Túñgud,
túñgud."[12] In some places, as on the central Kati'il, I could not open
my mouth to speak without hearing the women and children utter at once
these strange words. Perhaps it was their idea that my conversation
might bring about the consummation that they feared so much.
[12] Besides this there was another mystic word equally unintelligible,
_ta-gá-an_.
In many places I was not allowed to enter the religious buildings, being
assured that the new local deity might be displeased, but in such places
as I was permitted to enter I noticed the following:
(1) A small alcove[13] in one corner, frequently provided with a door,
sometimes of the folding type. The purpose of this alcove was to serve
as a sanctuary solely for the priests and for their assistants. Within
they were supposed to hold closer communion with their deities, while
the worshipers chanted and danced outside. As the story of the movement
proceeds, the real purpose of this alcove or stall will be explained.
[13] Called _sin-á-buñg_.
(2) An altar consisting of a shelf supported on two legs and having on
it offerings of bolos, daggers, lances, and necklaces, together with a
supply of drink.
(3) A drum and gong, a mat or two for dancing, and a hearth made out of
four logs set upon the floor.
(4) Eight or more rudely carved posts supporting the house. Along the
walls small carved pieces of wood intended for ornamentation.
(5) Great cleanliness under and in the immediate vicinity of the
building. In Compostela the devout worshipers actually carried sand from
the river and spread it on the ground around the building. Flowers, a
variety of wild begonia, I think, were planted around some of the
buildings. Such actions as these showed the zeal with which the movement
inspired them, for in the regulation of their homes such ornamentation
is unprecedented.
(6) An offering stand close to the building. On this were placed
offerings of betel nut and drink, which were deemed acceptable to the
deities.
RELIGIOUS RITES
Several rites, such as that of the conferring of a Magbabáya, I was
unable to witness, because up to the time of my departure from the upper
Agúsan they were not usually performed there, but nearly always over on
the Libagánon, Tágum, or Mawab Rivers. The investment of priests and
emissaries with Magbabáya spirits did take place a few times in
Compostela, but I was not permitted to attend, the assigned reason being
that my presence might be displeasing to these deities. The ordinary
religious performance, however, in honor of Meskínan I witnessed
repeatedly, and will now describe a typical one.
The ceremony was performed at a settlement on the central Kati'il. The
high priest and his assistants were my guide and carriers who had taken
advantage of my trip to earn a little and at the same time to spread the
new religion.
Upon our approach to the settlement one of the assistant priests went
ahead to announce our arrival. The first building we reached was the
religious house. Before ascending the notched pole that served for a
stairs the high priest gave a grand wave of his arm and asked in a loud
voice: "Art thou here already, perchance?" In answer I heard a distinct
whistle proceeding, as I thought, from the building. The priest went on:
"When dids't thou get here?" This was answered by several low whistling
sounds which the priest interpreted to mean "early this morning." The
dialogue was continued in a similar strain for several minutes, the
responses always being in the form of low prolonged whistling or low
sharp chirps, and always proceeding, as it seemed to me, from the
building, though to others the sound appeared to come from the opposite
direction or from the sky, so they said. I questioned the priest and he
pointed his hand in a diametrically opposite direction to that from
which the sounds appeared to me to come.
When we went up into the building we found nearly the whole settlement
assembled. The high priest gave the latest report from Libagánon, which
was to the effect that Meskínan had determined not to overthrow the
world for three months more in order to give the settlements that had
not yet joined the movement an opportunity to do so and thereby to save
themselves. The high priest went on to tell the listeners how the
Magbabáya of Libagánon had departed to the underworld and had taken up
his abode near the pillars of the earth; how he had been engaged in
weaving a piece of cloth and had only 1 yard to finish, upon the
completion of which the world would be destroyed. After having convinced
the audience of the necessity of making known these particulars to
neighboring clans and of complying with the orders of Meskínan, he
announced the request of Meskínan that a certain number of lances be
donated from each settlement. When he had concluded his narration, which
was substantiated by his assistants, it was proposed by the assembled
people that he perform the _túñgud_ services, whereupon he and his
assistants danced and chanted for about an hour, the tenor of the chants
being, according to the interpretation given to me, the latest doings
and orders of the great Magbabáya of Libagánon.
The following morning it was decided to hold a sacrifice in honor of
Meskínan, so the chief of the settlement with great difficulty procured
a pig. All being ready and the pig being in position on the sacrificial
table with the usual fronds, the ceremony began. Even while vesting
himself in a woman's skirt, according to the customs adopted in the
performance of the religious dance, the high priest manifested signs of
the influence of his Magbabáya, for he trembled noticeably. One feature
of the dance was different from those of the ordinary religious dance in
that the priest carried a small shield in one hand and a dagger in the
other, though he did not make any pretense of performing the dagger
dance as described in a previous part of this monograph.[14] The use of
this shield was enjoined as part of the new ritual and was intended to
remind the congregation that faithful male followers would be saved by
means of their shields when the world toppled over.
[14] It may be noted here that the Mandáya dance is neither so graceful
nor so impressive as the Manóbo dance. The feet move faster and there
are fewer flexings of the body and no mimetic movements, so
characteristic of the Manóbo dance. Neither is a woman's skirt worn nor
are handkerchiefs carried in the hands.
The high priest danced only about two minutes, because his spirit came
upon him, and he fell down upon one knee, unable to rise. I never saw a
more gruesome spectacle. A bright unnatural light gleamed in his eyes,
his countenance became livid, the eyeballs protruded, a copious
perspiration streamed from his body, the muscles of his face twitched,
and his whole frame shook more and more vehemently as the intensity of
the paroxysm increased. Fearing an utter collapse, I assisted him to his
feet and left him resting against the wall.
As soon as the high priest fell under the spell of his spirit, one of
the assistants broke forth into a loud chant, which ever and anon he
interrupted with a loud coughlike sound followed by the words, "_túñgud,
túñgud, tagáan_." This chant, as well as the subsequent ones, was taken
up by several of the assistants successively and, according to the
interpretation furnished me, dealt with the wondrous doings of Meskínan
in the underworld and described in detail the end of the world as
announced by Meskínan. In succession each of the priests, including the
local ones, danced and fell under the influence of their deities, but
not with such vehemence as the high priest whose spirit was declared to
be "very big."
An important point to be noted in the dance was the removal by the
dancer at some part of the dance of his sacred headdress,[15] the emblem
of his new priesthood. This was a kerchief which was supposed to have
been given personally by Meskínan to everyone upon whom he had conferred
a _Magbabáya_. Removing his handkerchief the priest waved it over the
heads of the congregation and finally over or near any object that he
desired. This was an intimation that such object became consecrated and
thereby the property of the great Magbabáya of Libagánon. A refusal to
surrender it was tantamount to perdition when the end should come. Such
was the doctrine universally preached and as uniformly believed and
practiced.
[15] _Mo-sá_.
Continuing the ceremony, the high priest made several efforts to dance,
but always with the same result. He chanted, however, frequently, but
always made use of many words that had been taught him by his spirit and
which were unintelligible to my interpreters.
After about two hours we all left the religious building and took up our
positions around the sacrificial table, the priests in the center. Those
whose spears, daggers, bracelets, and other property had been
consecrated by the waving of a priest's headdress now deposited them
under or near the table.
The high priest was the principal officiant, but was assisted by his
fellow priests from the Agúsan and by the new local priests. None of the
priests of the old religion took any part, the old gods being supposed
to have yielded to the new Magbabáya.
The only divergences from the usual ceremonial proceedings on the
occasion of a sacrifice were the placing of the sacred headdresses over
the victim and the omission of omen taking, blood libation, and blood
drinking. The pig was killed by plunging a dagger through its left side,
the blood was caught in a pan, and the meat was consumed in a subsequent
feast in which the priests did not participate, not being permitted,
they said, by their respective deities.
The scene that followed the killing of the pig was indescribable. The
priests covered their heads and faces with their sacred kerchiefs and
trembled with intense vehemence, some leaning against the posts of the
sacrificial table, the high priest himself groveling on the ground on
all fours, unable to arise from sheer exhaustion. When the death-blow
had been dealt to the victim they broke into the mystic words, "_túñgud,
túñgud, tagáan_," with loud coughs at the end. These words were taken up
by the bystanders and shouted with vehemence. Many of them, especially
the small girls, fell into paroxysms of trembling. Many of the men and
adult women divested themselves of their property, such as necklaces,
bracelets, and arms, and laid them near the sacrificial table. Others
promised to make an offering as soon as they could procure one.
THE REAL NATURE OF THE MOVEMENT AND MEANS USED TO CARRY ON THE FRAUD
I can state unqualifiedly that the whole movement carried on in the
Agúsan Valley among the Mandáyas, Debabáons, and Mañgguáñgans of the
Sálug-Libagánon region was a fraud from beginning to end. I state this
on the testimony of the high priest who introduced it into the Agúsan
Valley, on that of the other priests, and on my own discovery of the
fraud. The abandonment of the movement and the open avowal of the
Mandáyas of the Karága, Manorígao, Bagáñga, Mánai, and Kasáuman Rivers,
who are still bemoaning the loss of many valuables that they had given
as offerings, is unimpeachable evidence that the whole movement was a
great religious deception.
I have no reason for doubting the wonderful recovery of Meskínan, whose
real name was Mapákla, nor do I see any improbability in the report that
he fell suddenly under the influence of a spirit, for such an occurrence
is not without precedent in Manóboland. I will admit even that at the
beginning belief in the revival was sincere, but as time went on and the
reputation of the power of Meskínan's spirit became greater, abuses
crept in, so that shortly after my arrival in Compostela the whole
system became an atrocious deception for the purpose of wheedling
innocent believers out of their valuables.
The scheme was most probably engineered by some Mandáyas of the Tágum
River in league with one of the men of the Mawab River and two of the
upper Sálug. The Mandáyas of the Tágum River have had dealings with
Moros from time immemorial, and undoubtedly they learned from them much
craft and chicanery. It is far from being impossible that they were
prompted by Moros in the present case or that Moros themselves set the
movement afoot. I have one reason for being inclined to adopt the latter
opinion, namely, that the Moros did actually originate a movement of
this kind in the seventeenth century as stated by Combes in his
"Historia de Mindanáo," and a similar movement about the year 1877, as
is mentioned in one of the Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús.
Let us now examine the various artifices by which the fraud was carried
out.
THE SACRED TRAFFIC
Meskínan lived somewhere up the Libagánon River, far from the Tágum, and
was therefore practically out of communication with the Agúsan. Hence
there was little danger of discovery in reporting him deified and his
body all golden. After his deification he was always absent, either
"down at the pillars of the earth" or on an "island at the sea" or
winging his way "on a shield through the starry region." It is easy to
understand how difficult it would be to secure an interview with him
under these circumstances.
As soon as it was reported from the Tágum and Máwab Rivers that Meskínan
could take anyone under his special protection--in other words, that he
could bestow his spirit upon others--several went over to Tágum and
Mawab and did actually receive a spirit, but only at the hands of those
who purported to be the representative of Meskínan. Now those who
received this spiritual influence were expected to give a
consideration[6] for the gift, or _Magbabáya_, as it was called. As time
went on this usage developed into the custom of paying the equivalent of
a slave (P30) for every _Magbabáya_ received from the representatives of
Meskínan. This payment had to be made not only for the original bestowal
of these spirits but also in case of their flight and return, for they
were of a fugitive disposition. I have seen several young fellows start
off for Libagánon in fear and trembling to redeem their runaway spirits.
It may be noted here that the flight of a spirit was ascribed to some
act on the part of its possessor that provoked its displeasure. Thus one
young fellow assured me that his _Magbabáya_ had fled because of his
failure to abstain from eating rice.
[6] Called _á-lo_. Perhaps this is an abbreviated form of the Spanish
word _regalo_, which means gift, and which is a word of frequent use
among those with whom the Catholic missionaries came in contact.
I have seen Mandáyas of the Kati'il River, men of influence and of
renown, travel over to the Mawab--a wearisome journey of some four
days--loaded down with lances, bolos, daggers, slaves, and other
chattels, with which to purchase a _Magbabáya_. I saw them return, too,
happy in the possession of their newly acquired spirits but worse off in
a worldly way.
But the religious traffic was not confined to the sale of _Magbabáya_
alone. Wooden images and sacred handkerchiefs, supposed to proceed from
Meskínan, were sold at very profitable rates, as were also religious
shields, and various other objects. Thus on one occasion I made a
present to a high priest of several yards of cloth. My astonishment may
be imagined when I discovered that he had cut it up into handkerchiefs
which he had disposed of far down the Kati'il River for the equivalent
of 5 pesos apiece, assuring the purchasers that they had been made and
consecrated by the great _Magbabáya_ of Libagánon, and that they were of
the utmost efficacy in case of sickness, and above all on the day of
dissolution. I asked my friend, the high priest, why he dared to
perpetrate such a fraud on his fellow tribesmen. He said that the Mawab
and Tágum people had fooled him out of all his possessions and that he
was taking this means to get back the equivalent.
A chief from the upper Sálug sold a wooden religious image for the value
of P15 on the Bahaían River. He asserted that it was presented to him by
Meskínan as a marvelous cure for all the ills of life. I was present in
the house of this selfsame chief and high priest while he was whittling
out similar ones.
During my recent trip to the Manorígao River I was shown kerchiefs of
khaki that had been sold by a highpriest of Compostela about two years
before. The indignation and threats of the owners were terrible when I
explained to them that I had traded the khaki for some Mandáya skirt
cloth. One cunning individual made a feint at throwing the
responsibility on me, but happily I was able to evade the liability.
RELIGIOUS TOURS
In order that the pious fraud might be carried out more effectively and
with less risk to the missionaries of it, it was proclaimed at the
beginning that all feuds should cease and that all quarrels were
tabooed. This permitted intercourse between former enemies and enabled
the priests and their assistants to travel unmolested from settlement to
settlement. Together with an injunction that prohibited any controversy
as to the truth of the movement or of any of its tenets, under penalty
of failing to participate in its ultimate advantages, the proscription
of feuds and quarrels insured personal safety to all who might desire to
visit other settlements.
To provide a lodging for the great number of priests and others who
would presumably visit settlements outside of their own, the originators
of the fraud decided and proclaimed that religious structures should be
erected in every settlement. It was thought, probably, that the erection
of these would give greater eclat to the affair and thereby tend to
bring about a general and more ready adherence to the movement.
As a safeguard against the discovery of the fraud, it was taboo to
dispute or to express doubts about any detail of the doctrines, even the
most minute. As a further precaution against the suspicions of doubting
Thomases, great care was exerted in the selection of priests and of
their assistants. In nearly every case the persons selected were active,
popular, and, apparently at least, guileless young men. I myself was
shocked on discovering to what length these young fellows, in all other
respects attractive and popular, went in their propagation of the fraud
and of their insidious utilization of its benefits.
They traveled from settlement to settlement, bearing the latest reports
about Meskínan; how he had failed to come to an agreement with the
ancient deities, how he was wandering around in the starry regions; how
he had assistants who were forging chains of steel with which to pull up
the religious building in the hour of the earth's doom. After convincing
their listeners of the gravity of the situation and of the necessity for
renewed efforts, they would dance, chant, tremble, prophesy, shake their
sacred kerchief at or over some desired object, receive a harvest of
donations, and go on their way rejoicing with the sacred booty in their
possession.
An idea of the magnitude of the pious offerings sometimes made may be
gained from the following list of articles received by a high priest
from the upper Sálug during a religious tour from the Agúsan to the
Manorígao, Karága, Mánai, and Kasaúman districts.
3 old English muzzle-loaders.
100 ornamental silver breastplates.
300 old Spanish and Mexican pesos.
60 pieces of Mandáya skirt cloth.
9 pigs (not including those that had been sacrificed in the course of
the tour).
30 various other objects, such as suits of clothes.
I estimate the cash value of the above to be, more or less, 1,000 pesos,
an amount with which the priest could have purchased 33 slaves or 5 of
the most costly maids in his tribe.
The case of a high priest who was under old financial obligations to me
is another instance of the extent of the sacred traffic. Upon my arrival
I advised him of my purpose and told him to get ready to settle his
debt. Though he had absolutely no property at the time, he assured me
that he could pay as much as a thousand pesos, so he started out for a
trip among the Mandáyas of Manorígao and within a few weeks received
enough pious offerings wherewith to pay his debt.
THE WHISTLING SCHEME
The greatest deception of all was the whistling scheme. This was carried
on usually at night, because it was distinctly against the spirit of the
movement to call upon one's _Magbabáya_ for an answer except at
nighttime and in the absence of a bright light, unless the _Magbabáya_
of the priest or priests present first intimated his desire to speak.
The method of audible communication between the priest and his familiar
deity was very simple. The priest called out in his ordinary voice,
"_Magbabáya_." If the deity was present, and had not gone off on some
errand of his own, or had not run away, he answered by a long, low
whistle. The interrogating priest then went on to consult the deity
about the matter which he had in view, whether the end of the world was
nigh, whether the prospective trip would be dangerous, or whether a boar
hunt would be successful. The deity answered by a number of whistles,
intelligible to the priest only, and long or short according to the
amount of information supposed to be conveyed.
That this procedure was fraud I need not say. I investigated the matter
personally and found that the whistling was done either by the priest
himself or by a colleague of the priest. Thus in Kati'il, where I first
heard it, I slyly looked into the alcove whence the sound proceeded and
descried[sic] one of my companions, an assistant of the priest, squeezed
into one corner with his hand over his mouth for the purpose of
disguising the direction of the sound.
Upon the first favorable opportunity I quietly upbraided my companion,
the high priest, for his complicity, but he merely conjured me not to
reveal it to anyone else lest he and his companions be killed.
On another occasion I heard a high priest question his divinity as to
the amount of a fine to be imposed and distinctly heard 15 low chirps
proceeding from the supposed _Magbabáya_ in answer. The priest
interpreted this to signify 15 pesos. As the priest continued to consult
his familiar on various subjects, I proceeded to investigate and saw a
young friend of mine seated in a hammock, his head bent down and his
hand placed at his mouth in an effort to divert the direction of the
sound. I was within a few feet of this young fellow and could plainly
see by the light of the kitchen fire the attitude of the impersonator
and distinctly hear his whistling. The seance continued for some 10
minutes, the impersonator chirping out answers to the questioning
priest. The listeners were fully convinced that the sounds were of
divine origin and expressed that conviction by uttering some such
expressions as, "Oh what a beautiful voice the Magbabáya has," "Túñgud,
Túñgud," "Oh, he is up on the roof now!" As it is often difficult to
determine the direction whence a sound comes, the people would sometimes
dispute as to where the god was, one maintaining, for example, that he
was above the house, while another maintained that he was below it. Of
course such matters were referred to the priest, who always knew the
exact location of the imaginary god.
Some priests made use of small bamboo contrivances and some used their
little hawk bells to produce the voice of their spirits. In one case the
use of a small jingle bell elicited expressions of great admiration for
the softness and sweetness of the supposed deity's voice. "Oh, what a
melodious voice," one would say, while another would respond, "Yes; it
is like a tiny flute."
Seances of this kind were of constant occurrence and yielded the priest
a harvest of donations. Those who desired to acquire definite knowledge
concerning any subject of importance had to ask a priest to consult his
deity, and after the consultation they were expected to make a suitable
offering. I once called upon a priest to find out for me the name of the
individual who had stolen my scissors. The deity did not respond at the
first call, for the reason that, as the priest informed me, he had gone
on a trip to Libagánon, so we postponed the consultation in order to
afford him time to recall the absent divinity. I can not say what means
he was supposed to have taken to bring about the return of the spirit,
but the extra service cost me a trifle more. Not long after, when the
fire did not cast such a glare and the light had been extinguished,
there was a fairly audible chirp proceeding, as all those present said,
from the _camote_ clearing. "Ah! he is here," they all said. The priest
then accosted the deity in this manner: "Why dids't thou delay,
Magbabáya?" and then went on to find out the name of the stealer of my
scissors. The supposed deity, however, would not reveal the actual name
lest I should quarrel with the individual--a proceeding that would be in
violation of a current taboo--but he vouchsafed me the information that
it was a female that was guilty. As it turned out subsequently the
supposed divinity erred on this point, so as a matter of policy I
claimed the restitution of what I had paid the priest for the
consultation.
PRETENDED CHASTITY AND AUSTERITY
Chastity and austerity also were means calculated to promote faith in
the sincerity of the priest, and consequently in the truth of their
assertions and divine interpretations. The abstention from sexual
intercourse was strictly enjoined on all who had received a _Magbabáya_,
and observance of the restriction was rigid apparently. The priests and
their wives slept in the religious building, but did not cohabit, the
men sleeping in one place and the women in another. But, as I was told
by one high priest before my departure that he had observed the
injunction only in appearance, I am inclined to think that the same was
true of all the other priests.
Abstinence from food was also enjoined by the decrees of the great
_Magbabáya_ of Libagánon. Hence priests pretended to abstain from all
food when in their own settlements but during their religious tours ate
and drank on the plea that the spirits had forbidden them to abstain, as
such abstinence might cause offense because of the laws of hospitality,
which require a visitor not to refuse the bounty of his host. The
customs as to abstinence were not uniform. One priest maintained that
his deity required from him total abstinence while he was in his own
settlement. Another asserted that only partial abstinence was required
of him, as, for example, from rice, or from chicken, or from drink, and
he observed the rule rigidly. Total abstinence, however, was only a
pretense. I had occasion to verify this fact in the case of a priest who
maintained emphatically that he had not eaten a morsel for three whole
days. I went to his house and found him eating inside the mosquito-bar.
Of course I was fined for my curiosity.
The doctrine of the withdrawal of the ancient tribal divinities and the
substitution for them of the new-fangled ones at a time of such common
peril was well calculated to arouse the inherent religious fanaticism
and fear of these primitive peoples. Let us review the principal points
of the creed. The ancient deities had abandoned the world in disgust and
decreed its downfall. The great _Magbabáya_ of Libagánon had gone down
to the pillars of the world and was prepared to shake the earth to its
very foundations until it toppled over. He and the spirits with whom he
communicated were powerful deities, able and disposed to rescue their
worshipers not only in the awful moment of dissolution when the earth
would become a vast charnel house full of darkness and desolation, but
also in all the concerns of life up to the very end.
These new-fangled spirits were endowed with marvelous powers. They could
resuscitate the dead, restore the sick to health, discern the future,
impart invulnerability and other wondrous qualities, and in the moment
of final dissolution rescue their faithful worshipers from the
irrevocable vengeance of the ancient tribal divinities. Many and many a
Manóbo told me, when I suggested to him the possibility of error or of
deception in the whole system, that it was better to be sure than sorry,
and that it was well worth the loss of the worldly goods to be sure of
securing immunity from the threatened danger. Who would not be afraid
when even the mighty _Magbabáya_ of Libagánon would at times demand a
lance from every settlement and keep careful watch? When many of them
began to discover the fraud they were ashamed to confess their credulity
and fanaticism, and so, seeing a good opportunity to recover their
pecuniary losses, joined in the fraud and deliberately swindled others
out of their temporal goods.
THE END OF THE MOVEMENT
The beginning of the end came about December, 1910. The various
inconsistencies in the reports from Libagánon, the continual
postponement by Meskínan of the end for one flimsy reason or another,
the discovery by individuals of lies and fraudulent conduct on the part
of the priests, the hunger and misery consequent upon the abandonment of
the crops, the constant advice on the part of Bisáyas and others, and
the ever-increasing scarcity of valuables that might be given as
offerings to the priests and to their assistants--all these contributed
to bring about the termination of a religious swindle that victimized at
least 50,000 people.
It is evident that when the time announced for the dissolution
approached some reason for its failure to take place would have to be
patched up and propagated. Thus in the beginning the catastrophe was to
take place after one moon, but Meskínan made a long journey for the
purpose of interceding with the old tribal gods and succeeded in getting
a prorogation of three moons. Toward the end of the three moons,
Meskínan decided to wait for one more before putting into execution the
fatal decree. And so things went on from moon to moon. Now the end would
be postponed because Meskínan had to finish a mystic piece of cloth on a
loom near the pillars of the world. Then it would not take place because
he had hied him to an "island of the sea." And thus things continued
until people began to weary of the suspense and to suspect the fraud.
At the time of my departure from the upper Agúsan the whole country was
getting into a turmoil. The Mandáyas, enraged at the loss of their
property bootlessly bestowed on the priest, threatened to make an attack
upon the people of the Agúsan. The Manóbos announced their intention of
raiding the Debabáons. The Mañgguáñgans menaced the Tágum Mandáyas. In a
word trouble was so imminent that had it not been for the establishment
of government on the upper Agúsan to protect the Christianized peoples
already settled in towns, probably there would have been much bloodshed.
SIMILAR MOVEMENTS IN FORMER YEARS
In the "Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús" I find similar
movements reported. One is reported in a letter of Father Pastells of
May 2, 1877, and the other in some other letter, the date and writer of
which I am unable to cite. The general features were the same, that is,
the appearance of a person, in one case a woman, in another a child,
with body all golden, who announced the destruction of the world. Crops
were not to be planted, domestic animals were to be killed, and all were
to await in prayer and fasting the consummation. The object of these
frauds was to make the Christian conquest of the upper Agúsan peoples
impossible.
On my trip to the upper Karága a venerable old Mandáya informed me that
in his youth there had been a similar fraud which was engineered by the
Moros of Súmlug, on the east side of the gulf of Davao, and that when
the Mandáyas of Karága discovered the fraud they made a raid on the
authors of it and killed many.
I also find mention of a similar movement in a letter from Father
Urios,[17] dated Jativa, July 26, 1899. It seems that one Manáitai, a
Manóbo chief, residing at the headwaters of the Bahaían River, was told
by his familiar spirit, Sindatúan, to lead all the Manóbos of Patrocinio
back to the mountains. By orders of Sindatúan the whole clan was to meet
in one house and for the space of one moon they were to unite in prayers
and shouts, at the end of which time all would be transported, body and
soul, into the sky.
[17] Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús, 9; 533, 1891.
The letter states that Manáitai was obliged to abstain from everything
except roots, sugar-cane, and fish. The worshipers of Sindatúan complied
with directions in every particular, even to the burning of candles; but
as there was no immediate prospect of a celestial assent, the belief was
abandoned and the parties concerned returned to their original creed and
observances.
From these examples it does not seem too bold to state that religious
revivals of a similar character may be looked for periodically, perhaps
every 10 or 15 years, especially on the occurrence of public perils such
as contagious diseases or fear of invasion.
APPENDIX
HISTORICAL REFERENCES TO THE MANÓBOS OF EASTERN MINDANÁO
EARLY HISTORY UP TO 1875
From 1521 until 1877 Manóbo history is for the most part veiled in the
obscurity of traditional accounts of the past. Now and then it is
brightened by the transient light of a missionary's pen only to relapse
into the unfathomable darkness of the past. The few traditions that come
down to us in Manóbo legendary song and oral tradition furnish but
little light in the darkness, arid that little is probably not the pure
and simple light of truth, but the multicolored rays of the popular
imagination that have transformed warriors into giants and enemies into
hideous monsters. Thus Dábao, of whom mention will be made presently,
was a giant according to the general tradition. The Moros that invaded
the Agúsan are spoken of as "tailed men." There is, however, one
tradition--persistent and universal--to the effect that up to 1877, and
even later, though in a lesser degree, there was war--ruthless,
relentless, never-ending war. This tradition is borne out by the events
that succeeded the advent of the missionaries and their efforts to
thrust Christianity upon a people who neither understood its doctrines
nor relished its rigorous precepts.
1521
Mention of the Agúsan River and of Butuán is found in the writings of
various historians, notably of Father Francisco Combes[1] who states
that Magellan landed in Butuán in 1521. It is believed by various
historians that the first mass in the Philippine Islands was celebrated
here, and that the planting of a cross on a small promontory at the
mouth of the Agúsan River was intended by Magellan as a formal
occupation of the Philippine Islands in the name of Spain.[2] A later
governor, to commemorate this event, erected a monument which stands to
this day near the mouth of the Agúsan River.
[1] Historia de Mindanáo y Jolo (Madrid, 1897), 76.
[2] It is strange that Pigafetta who records the doings of Magellan with
such marvelous minuteness, does not mention this first mass.
1565-1574
A letter from Andrés Mirandola to Philip II[3] some time after the
arrival of Legaspi in 1565 states that Mirandola was ordered to explore
the islands of Magindanáo and to seek a port called Butuán. Upon arrival
in that town he made friends with the chief. He found Moros trading at
the port. He describes the people as being of a warlike character. In
another letter of Mirandola,[4] dated 1574, we find Butuán spoken of as
a district with much gold.
[3] E. H. Blair and J. A. Robertson, The Philippine Islands, 34: 202,
1906.
[4] Ibid., 3: 233.
1591
In various letters and other documents translated by Blair and Robertson
from original sources we learn that the district of Butuán was an
_encomienda_[5] and that tributes were collected as early as 1591.
[5] An _encomienda_ was a royal allotment or grant of land, including
the natives that lived thereon, to a Spaniard for the purpose of
government.
1596
In Chirino's[6] relation it is set forth that in 1596 the Jesuits,
Valero de Ledesma and Manuel Martinez, began their missionary labors in
the Agúsan Valley where they found the inhabitants "by no means
tractable on account of their fierce and violent nature." Christianity,
however, made surprising advances, so great that the principal chief of
the district, Siloñgan, divorced five of his wives, and protected the
missionaries in every way possible.[7] Religious fervor is said to have
reached such a height that the people publicly flagellated themselves
until the blood flowed.
[6] Ibid., 12: 315.
[7] Ibid., 13: 47, et seq. It is interesting to note here that Ledesma
in one of his letters mentions the fact that the Ternatans were
accustomed to swoop down on the coast of Mindanáo and kept the natives
of Mindanáo on the alert. In citations from other writers quoted by
Blair and Robertson we find evidence of dealings of the Ternatans, both
friendly and unfriendly, and with the natives of Mindanáo.
Ledesma and Martinez were succeeded by other Jesuit missionaries who
preached the doctrine to the Hadgaguanes,[8] "a people untamed and
ferocious--to the Manóbos and to other neighboring peoples."[9]
[8] Perhaps the Hadgaguánes here referred to are the Higagáons or
Banuáons of the present day.
[9] Ibid., 44: 60.
There must have been opposition to the propagation of Christianity as we
find that a fort was constructed in Línao[10] some time after 1596. The
headman, however, of the Línao region invited one Father Francisco
Vicente to visit his people and it seems that "even the blacks[11]
visited him and gave him hopes of their conversion."[12]
[10] Línao was a town situated some miles to the south of Veruéla. It
and the surrounding country subsided in recent times. Its former site is
now under a maze of mad torrents that carry the waters from the upper to
the middle Agúsan.
[11] We should bear in mind that Spanish historians frequently referred
to the mountain people as _little blacks_ (Negrillos), otherwise we
might be led to believe that the ancestors of the present people living
in the vicinity of the old townsite of Línao were Negritos.
[12] Ibid., 44: 60, et seq.
Morga in his Sucesos[13] speaks of Butuán as being peaceable. He makes
mention of the industry of obtaining civet from the civet cats.
[13] Ibid., 15.
1597
In the General History of the Discalced Augustinian Fathers, by Fray
Andres de San Nicolas,[14] we learn that missionaries had penetrated the
district of Butuán as early as 1597, but that they had been unable to
withstand the hostility of the mountain people.
[14] Ibid., 21.
1622
In 1622 the Recollects succeeded the Jesuits in ecclesiastical
administration of Butuán district. Father Jacinto de Fulgencio seems to
have been the most energetic of the band of eight that undertook the
conquest, for it is related[15] that he traveled 50 leagues up the
river, preaching the faith to the villages. "He had serious and frequent
difficulties in making himself heard," polygamy and slavery being the
two great obstacles to the reception of the Christian doctrines. The
results, however, were successful, for he is said to have converted
3,000 souls, and to have founded three _conventos_[16] one of which was
in the village of Línao.[17] At this period Butuán is said to have had
1,500 Christians, and Línao, or Laylaía as it was also called, 1,600
souls.
[15] Ibid., 21: 221.
[16] A convento is a building erected for the accommodation of the
spiritual administrators of a town and their assistants.
[17] Ibid., 21: 221.
1629
In 1629[18] there was a general uprising of the Súlus and of the
Karágas. One Balíntos arrived in Butuán with letters from the famous
Corralát, decreeing the death of all the missionaries and urging the
people of Butuán to rebel, but they, "with a faithfulness that has ever
been a characteristic of them," refused to follow the orders of
Corralát, and instead of killing the missionaries, protected them by
every means in their power.
[18] Ibid., 35: 65.
1648
The arrival of the Dutch in Manila[19] in 1648 incited the natives to
sedition. A decree, issued by the Governor of Manila, Don Diego Faxardo,
helped to foment the restlessness into rebellion. Santa Teresa[20] sets
forth some of the results of the rebellion among the Manóbos.
[19] Ibid., 36: 126.
[20] Historia de los religiosos descalzos, translated by Blair and
Robertson (36: 128, et seq.).
He says that there were certain wild Indians in the mountains of Butuán
in the Province of Karága.[21] "They had kinky hair, oblique eyes, a
treacherous disposition, brutish customs, and lived by the hunt.[22]
They had no king to govern them nor houses to shelter them. Their
clothing was just sufficient to cover the shame of their bodies, and
they slept wherever night overtook them. They were pagans, and in their
manner of life almost irrational. They were warlike and waged an
incessant war with the coast people." Santa Teresa describes how Dábao,
a Manóbo chieftain of great strength and sagacity and undoubtedly the
original of the legendary giant that still lives in Manóbo tradition,
stirred up rebellion and succeeded in killing many Spaniards in
Línao.[23]
[21] The Province of Karága at this time extended from Dapítan on the
northwest of Mindanáo to Karága on the southeast.
[22] The reference to the possession of kinky hair might lead us to
think that the ancestors of the present Manóbos were Negritos. The only
trace of curly hair among the Manóbos of the Agúsan Valley is observed
among those who occupy the northwestern parts of the valley, and
northeastern contiguous to Butuán.
[23] Santa Teresa says that a poisoned arrow pierced the leg of a
soldier. This reference to the use of poisoned arrows, taken in
consideration with Santa Teresa's description of the Manóbos of that
region as being kinky haired, and living by the hunt, seem to indicate
that the Manóbos of those days were Negritos. A further evidence is
added by the application of the term _Negrillos_ (little Negroes) to
Manóbos. The use of poisoned arrows is, to this day, a distinctly
Negrito custom. At the present time the use of poisoned arrows is
unknown to Manóbos and, as far as I have been able to learn, no
tradition as to the former employment of them exists.
The rebellion extended all over the valley and Fray Augustin and other
churchmen lost their lives as a result. It was finally suppressed by the
capture of innumerable slaves. "Manila and its environments were full
of slaves." "The Butuán chiefs, who were the mirror of fidelity,
suffered processes, exiles, and imprisonments; and although they were
able to win back honor, it was after all their property had been
lost."[24] In 1651 peace was restored by the return of the innumerable
slaves captured by the Spanish forces.
[24] Blair and Robertson, 36: 134.
1661-1672
Between the years 1661 and 1672 the Recollects pursued their evangelical
labors in the Agúsan Valley, notwithstanding the constant opposition of
the Manóbos. Father Pedro de San Francisco de Asis describes the natives
as being "robust and very numerous." He says that in time of peace they
were tractable, docile, and reasonable, had regular villages, lived in
human society, were superior to the surrounding mountain people, and
were easily converted. He claims that there were 4,000 converts living
between Butuán and Línao. The people to whom he refers are most probably
the ancestors of the Bisáyas of the present day, because, as we shall
see later on, the Christianized Manóbo towns of the present day did not
exist before 1877.
Father Combes[25] is the authority for the statement that Butuán was the
origin of "the rulers and nobility of all the islands of Jolo and
Basilan." The following is the extract:
[25] Ibid., 40: 126.
But the rulers and nobility of all the islands of Jolo and Basilan
recognize as the place of their origin the village of Butuán (which,
although it is located in this island, is within the pale of the Bisáyan
Nation) on the northern side, in sight of the Bóol, and but a few
leagues away from Leyte and from Bóol, islands which are in the same
stage of civilization. Therefore, that village can glory at having given
kings and nobility to these nations.[26]
[26] San Francisco in his Cronicas (see Blair and Robertson, 40: 312)
says: "They [the Butuáns] are the origin of the best blood and nobility
of the Basílans and Joloans, for the king of Jolo even confessed that he
was a Butuán." It is surprising to note the dialectical similarity
between Súlu and the variety of Bisáya spoken in the Agúsan Valley.
Words that are not found in any other Bisáya dialect, are common to
these two dialects. It is therefore probable that formerly there was
intercourse between the two peoples.
Speaking of the native peoples and their customs San Antonio[27] in 1744
says that "Some of the Manóbos in the mountains of Karága (who are
heathen and without number, although some are Christians, a people
civilized and well inclined to work, who have fixed habitations and
excellent houses) pay tribute."
[27] Ibid., 40: 298,
We learn from the same authority that one of the missionaries obtained
wonderful results in the conversion of Manóbos in Línao. He was unable
to specify the number but says that it increased greatly, for up to that
time there were only 3,000 converts in the whole district of Butuán. My
authority seems to believe that there were two classes of people around
Línao, the one whom he distinctly calls Manóbos--"tractable, docile, and
quite reasonable," living in villages in human society in a very well
ordered civilization--and the other, an inferior people leading a
brutish life. It is reasonable to suppose that the people whom San
Antonio refers to as Manóbos are the ancestors of the present Bisáyas of
Veruéla, Bunáwan, and Talakógon, who have traditions as to the pagan
condition of their ancestors.
Concepcion[28] gives a detailed record of the Moro raids in Mindanáo.
"Butuán was laid waste and some 200 captives seized; the little military
post at Línao, up the river, alone escaped." The tradition of the fight
between the Moros and the people of Línao still exists among the Bisáyas
of the Agúsan Valley. A statue of the Virgin is still preserved in
Veruéla that is said to have been struck by a ball from a Moro _lantaka_
(small cannon). It is believed that this unseemly accident aroused the
anger of the Virgin herself, who promptly turned the tide of battle
against the Moros. The only tradition regarding this invasion that I
found extant among the Manóbos is the legend of the tailed men, and of
their own flight.
[28] Ibid., 48: 163.
FROM 1875 TO 1910 1800-1877
For the nineteenth century we have few historical records of the Manóbos
until the Jesuits who had been expelled from the Philippines in 1768 and
returned in 1859, resumed their work in eastern Mindanáo in 1875. The
material concerning the Manóbos is contained in a series of selected
letters[29] from the missionaries in the field to their provincial and
higher superiors. Though containing little ethnological data of a
detailed character, they afford in their ensemble, a vivid picture of
the work of the missionaries in reducing the pagan tribes of Mindanáo to
civilization and outward Christianity. Dates of the formation of the
various town and _rancherias_[30] are furnished; with the names of the
chiefs, friendly and in many cases unfriendly, the opposition on the
part of the mountain people to the adoption of Christianity, and the
armed resistance on their part to its implantation, as well as the
interclan feuds, frequently with details as to the number of slain and
of captives, and the number of converts in each district are stated. In
a word, these letters form a most valuable and accurate account of the
Christian subjugation of a large portion of the pagan peoples of
Mindanáo.
[29] These letters are called Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús
de la mision de Filipinas, and were printed consecutively in Manila from
1876 to 1902 and probably later.
[30] A rancheria is a small dependent settlement of Christianized
people.
1877
In the Agúsan Valley the first efforts of the missionaries were directed
to the Bisáyas or old Christians, as they are called, of Butuán,
Talakógon, Veruéla, and Bunáwan. Father Bove[31] in 1877 writes that he
reunited many Bisáyas of Híbung and Bunáwan in Talakógon, which is at
present one of the few municipalities in the sub-Province of Butuán. He
notes the extent of the slave trade between Manóbos and Bisáyas, and
that he made a preliminary trip to the upper Agúsan and to the upper
Sálug. In the same year Peruga visited Bunáwan and organized the church
among the Bisáyas of Bunáwan who had not been annexed to Talakógon. In
the meantime Urios and others rounded up the stragglers of Butuán,
Tolosa (now Kabarbarán), and Maínit.
[31] Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús, 3.
1879
In 1879 Urios reports the establishment of Las Nieves, Remedies,
Esperanza, Guadalupe, Maásam (now Santa Ines), and San Luis, all of
which _rancherias_ of _conquistas_[32] or Christianized Manóbos are
still in existence.
[32] _Conquista_ is a Spanish word meaning conquest. It is of universal
use in the Agúsan Valley to denote a recently Christianized member of a
non-Christian tribe.
In the same year Luengo, who was in charge of the Bisáya settlement of
Talakógon, succeeded in settling the Manóbos to the south of Talakógon
in the town of Martines. These Manóbos were for the most part from the
Rivers Pudlúsan, Lábnig, and Aniláwan. He comments on the ignorance of
the Talakógon Bisáyas who came, he asserts, from the Rivers Sulibáo and
Híbung, and from the district west of Mount Magdiuáta.
The same year Pastells converted 771 Manóbos of the Simúlao River. He
then visited the upper Agúsan, and negotiated with the pagans of that
district--a conglomerate group of Mandáyas, Mañgguáñgans, Manóbos, and
Debabáons--for the foundation of Compostela and Gandia. He founded
Moncayo, and Jativa (pronounced Hativa), with Debabáon and Manóbo
converts, respectively.
Urios took up the work of Pastells on the River Simúlao and baptized
1,000 Manóbos, whom he induced to found the town of Tudela. He then
pursued his work among the Manóbos to the south of Veruéla and founded
the town of Patrocinio. He reports that for some trifling reason the
town was moved not long after. From 1905 to 1909 I know that the site of
the town was changed five times.
La Concepcion,[33] near Nasipit, San Vicente, San Ignacio, and Tortosa
were founded the same year. Urios remarks that the class of people that
he induced to settle in the last-mentioned town were half-Negrito. The
present inhabitants are known as Manóbos but a casual glance will
convince one of their Negrito derivation.
[33] This rancheria is not in existence.
During the same year Urios founded Loreto on the Umaíam River, and
succeeded in getting the Manóbos of San Rafael to settle in Túbai. This
is interesting as the inhabitants of Túbai pass for Bisáyas at the
present day.
1881-1883
From 1881 to 1883 we find continuous reports of the armed opposition of
all the unconverted peoples to the adoption of Christianity, so much so
that troops had to be stationed in Esperanza and Talakógon. Guadalupe
and Amparo were abandoned, the ostensible reason being fear of Doctor
Montano who was taking anthropometrical measurements of Manóbos in the
towns through which he passed, but as Urios remarks, this was only a
pretext for withdrawing from a form of life that did not suit them.
Guadalupe was burned by the pagans shortly after its abandonment.
Several new towns had been formed, namely, Maásao, Bugábus, Óhut, Los
Remedies, and Hauilián, but the opposition of the still un-Christianized
people increased, and, as a result, all the newly formed towns on the
lower and middle Agúsan, except La Paz, Loreto, and the Simúlao towns,
were abandoned. One reason assigned for this was the fear entertained by
the inhabitants that revenge might be taken on them for the murder of
certain Butuán Bisáyas who had been killed by the _conquistas_ of
Esperanza. However, there is little doubt but that the real reason for
the abandonment was the fear on the part of the newly Christianized
people toward their mountain congeners and relatives, for it must be
borne in mind that the newly Christianized people were the tools used by
the missionaries to reach the pagans. These _conquistas_ were prevailed
upon to act as intermediaries, interpreters, guides, carriers, and
soldiers. It is obvious that their cooperation with the missionaries,
especially in armed expeditions, brought upon them the enmity of the
pagan peoples whom the missionaries intended to convert, sometimes
_nolens volens_. To avoid the ill feeling of the pagans and the results
that would follow as a consequence, the _conquistas_ preferred to flee and
join the pagans, or at least to maintain a neutral attitude.
1883
The desertion of all the towns on the lower Agúsan meant the return of
some 5,000 _conquistas_ to their original manner of life, for at this
period the total number of converts in the valley was 11,000.[34] The
upper Agúsan had 1,500, La Paz, 1,000, and the Simúlao district, 2,000.
[34] Ibid., 5: 71.
On the upper Agúsan affairs followed the same trend. The Mandáyas of the
Kati'il River killed 180 on the Húlip River. Jativa and Búal were
attacked by Mandáyas, the latter place being abandoned immediately.
Baóbo, "the river of _bagáni_,"[35] continued to keep Patrocinio, Búai,
and Gracia on the alert.
[35] A _bagáni_ is a Mandáya, Mañgguáñgan, Debabáon, or Manóbo warrior
who has a certain number of deaths to his account and who gives evidence
of being under the influence of war deities.
Notwithstanding these vicissitudes, the missionaries succeeded in
establishing Pilar, a Mañgguáñgan town, on the Mánat. It is described as
being made up of the most ignorant and depraved people on the upper
Agúsan. In the same year (1883) Gracia was founded between Patrocinio
and Jativa. This town is not now in existence, and I am unable to state
just where its location was, unless it may have been near the present
site of Langkiláan. On the lower Agúsan, Gángub, or Nuevo Guadalupe, and
Tortosa on the Kabarbarán River were formed. Neither of them is in
existence at the present day.
The missionaries, not yet being able to reunite the Manóbos, directed
their activities to the conversion of Mamánuas. Hence in 1883 we read
that the Mamánua settlements of Santa Ana, San Roque, San Pablo,
Santiago, and Tortosa were formed, the total number of converts being
about 800. Most of these settlements are still in existence, though
there are times when not a soul may be found in any of them.
1884
In 1884 little is recorded. It was calculated that at this time there
were still 6,000 unconverted pagans in the upper Agúsan district.
Jativa, which was the headquarters of the mission, and which had a
population of 156 families, was attacked by Mandáyas. On the lower
Agúsan matters were at a standstill, the conversion of 134 Mamánuas
being the only important item that is recorded in the letters.
1885
On the Pacific coast the labors of the missionaries had been confined to
the Bisáyas up to 1885, in which year Peruga converted the pagan
Mandáyas of Marihátag and Kagwáit. He also ascended the Tágo River
converted the pagan Mandáyas of Alba, establishing at the same time a
town of that name.
Guardiet worked among the Manóbos to the west of Hinatu'an and baptized
217 in Ginhalínan near Javier (pronounced Havier). He made his way over
to the Híbung River and founded Los Arcos with 80 converts.
There is no record of the work in 1885 among the Manóbos of the lower
Agúsan except that Urios founded the town of San Ignacio near Butuán. On
the upper Agúsan, however, things took a turn for the worse. Eighty
families, or a little more than half of Jativa, abandoned the town. All
the people of Gandia went out but were finally persuaded to return and
associate themselves with the people of Compostela. The Mañgguáñgans of
Clavijo (pronounced Claviho)[36] moved to Gandia. Not long afterwards
Compostela, Gandia, and Jativa were abandoned, the town of Compostela
having been burned on two separate occasions. The same year, however,
they were re-formed.
[36] I can not state just where the town of Clavijo on the upper Agúsan
was located. Up to 1908 there was a town of the same name on the middle
Agúsan, near the mouth of the Ihawán River, but it consisted entirely of
Christianized Manóbos, and not of Mañgguáñgans such as are stated by my
authority to have been the people of Clavijo on the upper Agúsan.
1886
In 1886 Moncayo and Pilar were deserted and Jativa was attacked. On the
lower Agúsan affairs remained in status quo. The Mamánua settlements
were increased by one which was located on the Dáyag River, near Maínit.
In the middle Agúsan, Gracia and Concepcion were founded on the Ihawán
River.
It is interesting to note that the total number of converts in the
Agúsan Valley from 1877 to 1886 is put down at 17,840 souls, living in
42 towns.[37]
[37] Ibid., 11, appendix.
1887
In 1887 it became necessary to increase the number of troops in Jativa,
owing to the flight of the inhabitants of Moncayo, Compostela, and
Gandia. As a consequence of this move, these towns re-formed. San Isidro
was abandoned this same year.
1887-1888
On the lower Agúsan the missionaries, notably Urios, continued their
labors and succeeded in gaining over to Christianity many of the Banuáon
people of the upper hut and Libang Rivers. The year 1887-88 seems to
have been one of comparative peace except in the district to the west of
La Paz, on the Argáwan River, where it became necessary to make use of
armed troops.
1889
In 1889 cholera got into the Agúsan Valley. The inhabitants of Tortosa
abandoned their town. On the Pacific coast Puntas penetrated among the
Manóbos of the Tágo River above the town of Alba, and Alaix visited the
Mamánuas of Kantílan and Lanusa, among whom he made 84 converts. In the
same year Peruga made more Mandáya converts in Alba on the Tágo River.
1890
In 1890 Moncayo and Gandia had a feud, as a result of which the people
of the former abandoned their town. Matters progressed so favorably on
the Argáwan that Sagunto was pacified and Asuncion was founded farther
up on the same river. This town is no longer in existence, but a small
_rancheria_ called Tilyérpan was founded in 1906 nearer to Sagunto. Bása
on the Kasilaían River and San Isidro on the Bahaían River were founded
the same year, but, on the other hand, an outbreak of fever led to the
abandonment of Gracia and Concepcion on the Ihawán. Many Mamánua and
Mandáya converts were added to Los Arcos. The conversion of these is
attributed to the fighting that had previously taken place in Las Navas
and Borbon, on the same river. Milagros on the Óhut was founded this
same year.
1891
The year 1891 does not show any further special development except the
foundation of a Banuáon settlement, called Concordia, on the Líbang
River.
In 1892 Vigo and Borja (pronounced Borha) on the Baóbo River were
established. Manóbos of the Sibágat River were converted and a
settlement was founded at its juncture with the Wá-wa. This settlement
is now called Pait. San Miguel on the Tágo River was founded with 25
families, most of whom were Manóbos. This town is no longer in
existence. Amparo, on the other hand, was abandoned, and my authority
for this statement remarks that this was the seventh time since its
foundation that the town had been abandoned. Other towns had passed
through the same experience, though not so many times.
1893
In 1893 Misericordia, now no longer in existence, was reestablished on
the Bugábus River. San Estanislao, at the mouth of the Labáo River, was
founded this year. It is not in existence under this name. Santa Fe is
the present name and the settlement occupies a new site, selected in
1908, I think.
On the Tágo River the conversion of the Mandáyas was completed and more
Manóbos were added to the roll of Christians, thus bringing the number
of Christianized Manóbo families to 80.
In the Agúsan Valley, Moncayo and Milagros were abandoned.
1894
In 1894 Castellon was founded at the mouth of the Lángkilaan River. At
the present day no such town is in existence, though near the old town
site of Castellon there is a small rancheria called Lángkilaan.
During the same year Pilar, which up to this time had been on the Mánat,
was transferred to the Agúsan, between Gandia and Compostela. Another
town is said to have been founded on the Mánat River. Gerona, between
Moncayo and Gandia, Cuevas on the Bahaían, and Corinto on the Agsábo, a
branch of the Óhut, were founded during this year, and San Isidro was
re-formed.
1900-1905
I have been unable to peruse the letters of the missionaries from 1894
to the present day, but I was given to understand by well-informed
Bisáyas of Butuán that at the time of the Philippine insurrection in
1898 the Christianized Manóbos lived in a state of comparative
tranquillity. During the time of the revolution few outbreaks are
recorded, notwithstanding the fact that the missionaries had abandoned
their upriver parishes and the Spanish troops had been withdrawn. From
1900 to 1905 affairs on the lower and middle Agúsan, excepting along the
upper Kasilaían, Argáwan and Umaíam, were very peaceful, a fact that was
due to the enthusiasm with which the Christianized Manóbos devoted
themselves to the culture of _abaká_ and to the production of its fiber.
On the upper Kasilaían, Argáwan and Umaíam, Ihawán, and Baóbo there
occurred occasional killings and the country was always in a condition
of alarm.
On the upper Agúsan, especially in the region of Compostela, the old
feuds broke out and it became necessary for the government of the Moro
Province to station troops at Compostela.[38]
[38] Upon my arrival in the Agúsan Valley in 1905 I found the following
_rancherias_ in existence:
On the main river, Butuán (a Bisáya settlement), San Vincente, Amparo,
San Mateo, Las Nieves, Esperanza, Guadalupe, Santa Ines, San Luis,
Martines, Clavijo, San Pedro, Veruéla (a Bisáya settlement), Patrocinio,
Langkiláan, Hagimítan, Tagusáb, Búai, Moncayo, Gerona, Gandia, Pilar,
Compostela, and Taga-únud.
On the Óhut River, Milagros and Remedies.
On the Wá-wa River, Vérdu.
On the Líbang River, Concordia.
On the Kasilaían River, Basa.
On the Híbung River, Borbon, Ebro, Prosperidad, Azpeitia, and Los Arcos.
On the Súlibao River (tributary of the Híbung), Novele and Rosario.
On the Argáwan River, La Paz and Sagunto.
On the Umaíam River, Loreto, Kandaugong.
On the Simúlao River, San Jose, Bunáwan (a Bisáya settlement), Libertad,
Basa, Tudela, and San Isidro.
On the Nábuk River, Dugmánon.
From 1905 to 1910 the following towns were formed:
Santa Fe, at the mouth of the Labáo River.
Pait on the Wá-wa, at the mouth of the Sibagat River.
Nuevo Trabajo (pronounced Trabaho), a few hours up the Maásam River.
Ba'ba', on the Híbung River between Prosperidad and Azpeitia.
Tilierpan and Kamóta, above Sagunto on the Argáwan.
Violanta, Santo Tomas, and Wálo, on the upper Umaíam.
Maitum, on the river of the same name, which is a tributary of the
Híbung River.
Mambalíli, below Bunáwan on the Simúlao River.
Comparing the towns in existence at the beginning of 1910 with those
whose establishment is reported in the Jesuit letters we find that the
following towns have ceased to exist:
Tolosa, some few hours up the Kabarbarán River.
Tortosa, on a river to the west of the present Máasao.
San Ignacio, a little to the south of Butuán.
Concepcion, near the town of Nasípit.
San Rafael (I do not know the location of this town, but I am under the
impression that it was located near Túbai).
Nuevo Guadalupe, near the present Guadalupe.
Misericordia, about 12 miles up the Bugábus River.
Hauwilián, at the mouth of the Hauwilián River.
San Estanislao, at the mouth of the Labáu River.
Patai, between Martires and Borbon.
Basa, on the Kasiliágan River.
Las Navas, on the Híbung.
Asuncion, on the Argáwan River.
Clavijo, on the Agúsan near the mouth of the Ihawán River,
Gracia and Concepcion, on the Ihawán River.
Bigo and Borja, on the Baóbo River.
Castellon, Gracia, Clavijo, and Jativa, on the upper Agúsan
San Miguel, on the Tágo River (Pacific coast).
The number of converts from the pagan peoples in the Agúsan Valley up to
1898 must have reached 25,000, divided as follows: Mamánuas, 1,000;
Banuáons and the branch of Manóbos occupying the northeastern part of
the valley, 3,000; Mandáyas, 2,000; Mañgguáñgans, 1,000; Debabáons,
1,000; Manóbos, 17,000. These came finally to live in some 50 towns,
including the unstable settlements of Mamánuas. From 1898 until the
present time the conversion of pagans in the Agúsan Valley has been
insignificant.
METHODS ADOPTED BY THE MISSIONARIES IN THE CHRISTIANIZATION OF THE
MANÓBOS
The methods adopted by the missionaries in the conversion of the pagans
in Mindanáo are made clear in a report by Father Juan Ricart, S. J., to
the Governor General of the Philippine Islands.[39] The following
extracts are pertinent:
[39] Ibid., 11, appendix.
The first thing that the missionaries seek to attain before penetrating
the territory occupied by these pagans is a knowledge of the various
races or tribes dwelling therein, of their customs and superstitions, of
their feuds and wars, who are their enemies and their allies,
respectively, the names of the principal chiefs, their traits of
character, and finally their particular dialect as far as it may be
possible to acquire it. Then they dispatch selected and trustworthy
emissaries, preferably inhabitants of the Christian towns who have
commercial dealings with the pagans, bidding them announce the intended
visit of the missionary. On the appointed day, the missionary, armed
with meekness and condescension, presents himself, speaking to them with
dignity and authority. He tells them that he is their friend, that he
wishes them well, that he has known of such-and-such misfortunes that
have befallen them, and that in pity he comes to succor them. He invokes
the name of the king and of the governor of the district, whose power
they had learned to fear and respect through their dealings with the
Christians. He reminds them of some wrong that either they or their
neighbors had committed on the Christians, for it is seldom that they
are not guilty of some fault or other, and intimates to them that it is
the intention of the governor to send soldiers to punish them for their
conduct. He (the missionary), however, has interceded with the governor
on their behalf and has received a promise from him that he will not
only pardon their fault but that he will take them under his protection
and defend them against their enemies. He (the missionary) goes on to
explain the advantages of civilized life, and the mildness of Spanish
rule, as far as their limited understanding can grasp. He undoes their
suspicions, forestalls their misgivings, and overcomes their fears; and
by means of presents and kind words, especially to the little ones, he
strives to soften their hearts. These interviews and lengthy discussions
are repeated as often as it is opportune or necessary, every effort
being made in the meanwhile to convince and gain over the chiefs and
elders, a result that will be attained all the more quickly if he
succeeds in settling their differences, in bringing about peace with
some more redoubtable enemy, or in helping them in the attainment of any
proper object that they may have in view. All this does not take place
without great long-suffering and bitterness on the part of the
missionary. Having decided on a site that is to their own liking and
even according to their superstitions, though sometimes it be not best
adapted for the purpose, a day is selected for the clearing, a plaza[40]
and streets are plotted out, and then the erection of the tribunal and
of the private dwellings begins.
[40] A public square.
It is at this period that the constancy and firmness of the missionary
is taxed, for he has to overcome the unspeakable sluggishness of the
uncivilized people, and to defeat the futile and continuous pretexts
that they invent for the purpose of desisting from the work and of
returning to the obscurity of the forest. It is helpful to be able to
provide sufficient alimentation for them for a few days at least, so
that it will not be necessary for them to return to the mountains in
search of food. At the same time it is expedient to give them little
rewards to induce them to begin their plantations near the new town by
planting _camotes_ and other crops which yield quickly.
The appointment of officers for the government of the settlement is the
next step and must be conducted in a most solemn manner, it being
sometimes necessary to increase the number of jobs in order to satisfy
the ambition of the chiefs and of the elders. The chosen ones are
presented with the official staff of command in the name of the
governor, and with the traditional jacket. Thus the new town is
established. It is placed under the rule and guardianship of the
Gobernadorcillo[41] of the nearest Christian town, for the purpose of
bringing about compliance with the orders that emanate from the chief of
the province.
[41] This means in Spanish "little governor," and was the name given to
the chief executive of a municipality in Spanish days. It corresponds to
"mayor" at the present time.
The missionary maintains his power and influence through an inspector,
who is usually a person of trust and worth among the older Christians,
and through two teachers, preferably a married couple selected from
among the best families. These then take up their residence in the new
town and begin their teaching.
As soon as the new settlement gives evidence of stability and
perseverance, an effort is made to have the governor of the district
visit it in order that the newly converted Christians may lay aside
their fear, gain new courage, and learn to become devoted to the
government.
The presence of an armed force upon suitable occasions is also
calculated to have some effect at this early period, as it serves to
keep quiet the dissatisfied and grumbling ones, of whom there are always
some, as well as to infuse a feeling of fear into outside enemies who
might be inclined to trouble the settlement, either because they do not
regard it in an auspicious light or because they wish to satisfy a
desire for revenge which they have harbored for a long time. Up to this
time these unhappy people (the pagans) have had no other law than the
caprice of their chiefs, nor other justice than oppression by the
strong, nor other customs than an amorphous mass of practices that are
at once repulsive and opposed to the natural law. Their guides and their
teachers have been augurs or visionary women who, in connivance with the
chief, sometimes make them abandon the territory in which they live for
fear of some invisible deity, sometimes make them launch themselves on
neighboring peolpe[sic] in order to avenge some supposed grievance, or
sometimes induce them to sacrifice a slave to appease the anger of their
gods. While such influences are paramount, there can be no firmness nor
possible security for the new settlement; on the day least expected it
will be found deserted and even burned. On the other hand, it becomes
necessary to give these people, recently denizens of the forest, a
simple code that contains the principal duties of man, that sets forth
the relation of one to another, that teaches subjects to obey their
superiors, the strong to protect the weak, and parents to teach their
children, and that enjoins upon all work and mutual respect.
It is also necessary to satisfy the innate desire, if we may so speak,
for a cult, that natural feeling for a religion which these people, like
all others, have. It is necessary to substitute for their barbarous and
inhuman practices others that may lift them up and revive their drooping
and pusillanimous spirits. It is necessary that in the town there should
be something to attract and to hold them with irresistible charm. In a
word, the faith must be preached to them and they must be baptized; a
religion and a church are necessary. Until a great part of the
inhabitants of a new settlement have been baptized, until the feast of
the patron saint and other religious ceremonies have been solemnly
celebrated, it is useless to hope for the stability of the new town. The
Catholic religion is a simple and powerful means for transforming those
savages into good Spanish subjects; it is the mold wherein they leave
their barbarous practices and shape themselves perfectly unto ours.
The missionaries do not speak of baptism nor of religion till they have
gained the good will of the pagans, until they realize that they are
being listened to willingly and that they (the pagans) put trust in
their words. When they begin to like the Spaniards, and to hold in
esteem their customs and ideas, then the missionaries gently insinuate
themselves and begin to teach them the truths of our holy faith and to
show them the observances and rites of our religion. At the beginning
some sick person or other is baptized: afterwards, when there is some
prospect of stability, the children, and finally the adults, provided
that they have been instructed as much as their capacity and the
circumstances permit. With this prudent procedure the missionary
encounters no serious obstacle. His evangelic[sic] eloquence easily
convinces those simple people of truths so much in harmony with human
nature and of practices so much in accord with the good inclinations of
mankind. The tendency that they still retain to maintain their ancient
superstitions vanishes before the sway exerted by that superior man from
whom they have received so many favors. The greatest difficulty for them
consists in leaving the free life of the forest and in bringing
themselves to live in a settlement with its attendant restrictions; this
is especially true in the case of the chiefs and of such others as
previously had exercised any authority. But having once adopted
Christianity, baptism costs them nothing. Here and there one finds a
chief who is opposed at the beginning to being baptized because he has
several wives, but this condition, though it is not approved, is
tolerated, provided he does not trouble the others nor disturb the
settlement. But as a rule all become ashamed and repent, and end by
yielding and by following the example of the rest. The grace of God is
of transcendent power in these transformations. The savage, as long as
he continues pagan, is governed in all his acts by ancient observances
inspired by superstition and fanaticism. It is only when he has been
baptized that he understands the necessity of a change of life and
customs. Then he ceases to be Manóbo or Mandáya, in order to be a
Christian; he relinquishes his pagan name and in the course of time can
hardly be distinguished from the inhabitants of the ancient Christian
towns. Even the Mamánuas, a group of Negritos usually considered to be
recalcitrant, now live submissively and joyfully in their settlements.
THE SECRET OF MISSIONARY SUCCESS
I endeavored during my tours in the interior of eastern Mindanáo to
ascertain definitely the secret of the success of the Spanish
missionaries in inducing forest-loving people to leave their ancient
homes and ways and adopt a life of dependence, political, economic, and
religious, and I have arrived at the following conclusions, based on the
information furnished me by the _conquistas_, both those who are still
living under the effective control of the Government and those who have
returned to their primitive haunts.
(1) In a great many regions the first factor of success is the personal
equation. Some of the missionaries, notably Urios and Pastells, must
have been men of wonderfully winning ways and of deep tact, if I am to
believe my informants. In districts such as the upper Sálug, where many
of the Christianized Debabáons had retired for many years, I was told
stories of the wonderful condescension of Urios, and of his
understanding of Debabáon ways and customs. The pagans present on one
occasion assured me that if Urios were to visit them, they would all be
baptized. In other districts I heard other missionaries spoken of whose
names were so garbled that I have been unable to identify them. In most
of the districts there were kind inquiries for one or another of the
missionaries and expressions of regret that they could not see them
again.
(2) In other regions (upper Umaíam, upper Argáwan, and others) the chief
means used were threats of extermination, and, in cases, armed
expeditions were actually sent out to overcome opposition to the
adoption of Christianity. I base this statement on the testimony of
_conquistas_ who asserted that they were acquainted with the facts, and
who went into such minute details as to lead me to believe that they
were telling the truth.
How far such action is due to irresponsible and overzealous officers
leading these expeditions I am unable to say, but the impression given
me by my informants invariably was that such expeditions were planned by
the missionaries for the purpose of forcing Christianity upon the
pagans. Bisáyas were frequently in charge of native soldiers and for
commercial reasons were interested in the conversion of the mountain
people to Christianity, so that it would not be surprising if they took
unauthorized measures to effect the Christianization of the pagans.
(3) The third factor of success was the distribution of presents and
alms by the missionaries. Frequent mention is made of this throughout
the Jesuit letters. It undoubtedly did a great deal toward attracting
the pagan people and convincing them of the friendship, from their point
of view, of the missionaries toward them. It has been my experience that
with a people of this stamp one present has more persuasive force than
ten thousand arguments. It opens the way to conviction more readily than
kind words and condescending manner, as it puts the tribesmen under a
feeling of obligation.
(4) The fourth factor was the general policy adopted by the missionaries
of posing as mediators between the Government and the pagans. This,
coupled with a previous general knowledge of the conditions of the
country, and of the customs and language of the people, and accompanied
by a dignified but condescending and genial manner, enabled the
missionaries to ingratiate themselves at once into the favor of the
people they were visiting.
(5) The next and last factor in the conversion of the pagan peoples was
the religious character of the men who undertook it. Religion appeals
strongly to all primitive people and especially to the peoples of
eastern Mindanáo, in which, as will be seen in the fourth part of this
monograph, there seems to occur periodically a religious movement that
for the time being subverts the ancient religious beliefs. It is natural
then, that the pomp and glitter of Catholic ceremonial appealed strongly
to the Manóbo. I can not say, from my observation, that he became a very
devout worshiper in his new faith. In fact, I know that the average
Christianized Manóbo understands little, and practices less, of the
Catholic doctrines. In so far, however, as the imposition of the
doctrine was a means to an end, namely, to radicate[sic] him in selected
centers where he fell within social and governmental control, it can not
be criticized. On the other hand, the effect of the change was, I am
inclined strongly to believe for the worse, for he lost that spirit of
manliness and independence that is a characteristic of the pagan, and he
became a prey to the more Christianized people within whose sphere of
influence and exploitation he fell. I have always been struck by the
differences, moral, economic, and even physical, between the
debt-ridden, cringing _conquistas_, and his manly, free, independent,
vigorous pagan compeer. One-half of the _conquista's_ time is consumed
in contracting debts to the Bisáya trader, and the other half in paying
them. His rice is sold before it is harvested. His _abaká_ patch often
is mortgaged before the planting is completed. He is an economic serf to
an inconsiderate taskmaster.[42]
[42] The special government established in the subprovince of Butuán
took immediate steps toward ameliorating the condition of the
_conquistas_ by opening trading posts on the lower and middle Agúsan, so
that the above observations refer to the period preceding the formation
of the special government.
EXPLANATION OF PLATES
PLATE 1. _a_, _b_, Manóbo women. Lankilaan, upper Agúsan. Note
tattooing. _c_, Forearm of woman in _d_. _d_, Mandáya woman. Compostela.
Note shaven eyebrows and personal ornaments.
PLATE 2. _a_, Mañgguáñgan man and Manóbo woman. Jativa, upper Agúsan.
_b_, Debabáon man and Manóbo woman. Upper Agúsan. _c_, Manóbo woman.
Tagusáb, upper Agúsan. _d_, Mandáya man. Compostela, upper Agúsan.
PLATE 3. _a_, Manóbo man. Tagusáb, upper Agúsan. _b_, Manóbos. Ihawán
River, Agúsan Valley. PLATE 4. _a_, Manóbo women. Umaían River, Agúsan
Valley. _b_, Manóbo house. Moncayo, upper Agúsan. Note thatched roof,
notched pole, and opening around the sides above the walls.
PLATE 5. _a_, Manóbo house, built for defense. Near Veruéla, upper
Agúsan. _b_, Manóbo house, Gandia, upper Agúsan. Note notched pole,
numerous posts, smoke vent, gable pieces, thatched roof, and bamboo
shingles.
PLATE 6. _a_, Typical Manóbo house. Near Compostela. _b_, Manóbo house.
Central Agúsan. Built on a tree stump for defense. Such houses are now
very rare.
PLATE 7. _a_, Armor coat made of _abaká_, with war chief's red jacket
inside. Upper Agúsan Manóbos. _b_, Manóbo _abaká_ skirt, woven in red,
white, and black. This is the only lower garment worn by women. It
serves at night as a blanket. _c_, White trousers made of _abaká_.
Central Agúsan. _d_, Trousers made of blue cotton cloth. Upper Agúsan.
_e_, Mandáya _abaká_ skirt. Worn by Manóbos when obtainable. The design
is produced by the tie and dye process.
PLATE 8. _a_, _b_, Women's jackets of cotton and _abaká_, embroidered
with red, yellow, white, and black cotton yarn. Upper Agúsan. _c_, War
chief's red jacket. Insignia of _bagáni_-ship used by Manóbos of the
upper Agúsan. _d_, War chief's red headkerchief. This indicates that the
wearer has killed at least three people. _e_, Hat of sago palm bark.
Middle Agúsan. _f_, Man's jacket worn by wild Manóbos of the eastern and
central Cordilleras. _g_, Man's jacket. Upper Agúsan style. _h_, Central
Agúsan style. _i_, Hat worn in the Agúsan Valley south of 8° latitude.
_j_, Woman's jacket. Central Agúsan. _k_, Ihawán and Baóbo style. _l_,
Manóbo-Mañgguáñgan style. _m_, Manóbo betel-nut bag. _n_, Betel-nut bag
made of Mandáya _abaká_ and cotton cloth.
PLATE 9. _a_, Cage for keeping the sacred omen bird. _b_, _d_, Bamboo
guitars. _c_, Wooden two-stringed guitar. _e_, _f_, _h_, Bamboo flutes.
_g_, Bamboo jew's-harp. _i_, Drum with head of deerskin. _j_, _l_, _m_,
_n_, Fish traps and fishing line. _k_, _o_, _p_, _q_, _r_, Rattan
baskets. _s_, _t_, Women's incised bamboo combs. _u_, _z_, _cc_, Bead
necklaces, worn by Manóbo men and women. _v_, _y_, Seed and shell
necklaces, worn by Manóbo women. _w_, _aa_, _bb_, _dd_, _ee_, Women's
incised bamboo combs. _x_, Woman's silver breastplate. Made by Mandáyas
out of coins; worn by upper Agúsan Manóbos. _ff_, _ll_, _rr_, _Nito_
bracelets, worn by Manóbo men and women. _gg_, _ii_, _kk_, Shell
bracelets, worn by Manóbo women. _hh_, _jj_, Beaded girdles made of
_nito_ and human hair, worn by Manóbo women. _mm_, _nn_, _oo_, _pp_,
Wooden ear disks and pendants. _qq_, Black coral bracelet, bent by
heating. Worn by Manóbo men and women. _ss_, _Nito_ armlet, worn by
Manóbo men. _tt_, Bear's bracelet, worn by Manóbo men and women.
PLATE 10. _a_, Fish spear. Central Agúsan. _b-f_, Fishing bows and
arrows. The arrows have detachable points. _g_, Mandáya spear used by
Manóbos of upper Agúsan. _h_, Central Agúsan spear. _i-k_, Manóbo bow
and arrows. _l_, Manóbo shield. Upper Agúsan. _m_, Mandáya shield. _n_,
Shield. Central Manóbo. _o-r_, Mandáya daggers and sheaths, used by
Manóbos. Upper Agúsan. _s_, Mandáya betel-nut knife, used by Manóbos.
_t-v_, Manóbo bamboo lime tubes. _w_, Moro brass box, used by Manóbos.
_x_, _y_, Manóbo work bolo and sheath. _z_, _aa_, Mandáya war bolo and
sheath. Highly prized by Manóbos.
PLATE 11. _a_, Mandáya woman in a dancing attitude that is
characterisitc of Manóbos. Compostela, upper Agúsan. _b_, Men of the
mixed Compostela group in a dancing attitude that is characteristic of
the Manóbo war dance.
PLATE 12. _a_, Altar house, used during the greater sacrifices. Upper
Agúsan. _b_, Religious house. Lankilaan upper Agúsan. Note superiority
of this house over the ordinary dwelling house. This kind of house was
built by the Manóbos during the great religious movement.
PLATE 13. _a_, Sacred image and offering stand. Note the egg on the
stand. Gerona, upper Agúsan. _b_, c, Sacred posts with offering trays
for the _Magbabáya_, used on the upper Agúsan during the great religious
movement.
PLATE 14. _a_, _d_, Ceremonial birth canoes. _b_, _c_, Blood oblation
trays, used by warrior priests and for invoking the spirits of blood.
_e_, Ceremonial stand, offering plate, and rice paddle. _f-i_, Sacred
images, used to attract Manóbo divinities. _j_, Sacred shield. _k_, _l_,
Sacred jars. _m_, _o_, Wooden stands used on the upper Agúsan during
religious ceremonies. _n_, _p_, War chief's charms, worn during war
raids. They contain magic herbs. _q_, Ceremonial birth offering stand.
Middle Agúsan. _r_, Ceremonial ladder for a religious house, ceremonial
chair, and sacred image. Bamboo guitars like that shown were used
constantly during the great religious movement. Upper Agúsan. _s_,
Bukídnon man. Silay, Bukídnon subprovince.