A _tagbánua_ with his family selects a particular place for his

habitation, sometimes a lonely mountain, sometimes a solitary glade or

some high cliff or gloomy cavern. On one of my trips from Esperanza to

the headwaters of the Tágo River, I saw the dwelling place of a

_tagbánua_. It was a huge bowlder[sic], called Buhiísan, that stood at

the junction of the two torrents that form the Abagá River, a tributary

of the Tágo.

A favorite haunt of the _tagbánua_ is a natural open place in the center

of the forest. Here he builds a house, or more often makes his domicile

in a balete tree. I have heard it said that he may at times select the

_lauán_ or any other lofty tree but that his choice is usually the

_baléte_. Here he dwells with his family and is said to lead a quiet,

peaceful life. Day by day he wanders through his realm and provides

himself with the necessaries of life. Uncommon varieties of plants, such

as ferns and ricelike growths, furnish him with the vegetable part of

his meal, while venison and pork are obtained from the abundance of wild

boars and deer. He and his family return home toward sunset and begin to

prepare supper by pounding their rice. Many Manóbos have heard with

their own ears, they assured me, not only the sound of the rice mortar

but all the sounds that are customarily heard in any Manóbo home.

DEFINITE LOCALITIES TENANTED BY FOREST SPIRITS

There are in the vicinity of Talakógon two localities where _tagbánua_

are said to reign. One is called Agibáwa and the other Kasawáñgan. Both

of them are remote timberless places in the center of swampy regions. In

the former the reigning deity had constructed a house, so I was told by

one who claimed to have seen the posts while the house was still in the

process of construction. According to other reports this deity had a

herd of carabaos whose footprints had been seen by several of my friends

and acquaintances.[13]

[13] These carabaos were evidently the remnant, or the offspring, of a

small herd that escaped to the woods in the time of the Philippine

insurrection.

The Kasawáñgan district was my hunting ground for nearly a year and I

had occasion to observe the character and habits of its deity, as

interpreted to me by Manóbo guides and companions.

It was with the very greatest fear and reluctance that my first guide

introduced me to the marshland. No sooner had I set foot upon it than it

began to rain and my guide requested permission to return. In answer to

an inquiry as to why he wished to leave me he proffered the information

that he was afraid of the _tagbánua_, who was evidently displeased, for

had not this deity already sent down a shower of rain? The guide then

went on to say that if we persisted in transgressing on the marshland

some greater evil was sure to follow. As I told him that we would make

friends with the diety[sic] he consented to remain with me.

After all preparations for camping had been completed, my companion set

out an offering of betel nut on a rude stand and addressing the

invisible owner of the marshland, requested him to accept the betel nut

and not to be displeased. My guide offered in his own defense that he

had come into this region unwillingly.

After a few hours' vain endeavors to procure game, my companion made

another donation, requesting the lord of the marsh to forego his ill

will and permit us to get a wild boar. His prayers were unavailing for

no game was forthcoming. When I lost my compass shortly afterwards my

guide assured me that the misfortune was due to the persistent ill will

of the _tagbánua_ toward me.

I continued to visit this region week after week and had considerable

success in getting game, but it was attributed, partly to the fact that

the lord of the marsh had taken a liking to me, and partly to the

offerings of betel nut and eggs made by my Manóbo boys.

Illustrations similar to this of the fear and deference displayed toward

this invisible ruler of solitary places might be multiplied

indefinitely. Suffice it to say, however, that the belief in this class

of spirits is widespread throughout all tribes of eastern Mindanáo,

Bisáyas[14] included.

[14] Among the Bisáyas who come from Bohol, the respect paid the

_tagbánua_ amounts almost to worship.

WORSHIP OF THE FOREST SPIRITS

The existence of a _tagbánua_ in any particular locality is determined

by a priest who, through his protecting deities, learns the name [15] of

the spirit, ascertains the cause of his displeasure on a given occasion,

and prescribes the offerings to be made to him either for reasons of

propitiation or of supplication.

[15] Only the priests may pronounce the name.

Respect must be shown toward the _tagbánua_ in various ways. His

territory must not be trespassed upon, nor any of his property, such as

trees, interfered with unless some little offering is made. His name, if

known, as also the names of fish and of crocodiles, and of other things

which are not indigenous to the region, must in no wise be mentioned. A

violation of this taboo would be followed by a storm or by some other

evil indicative of the _tagbánua's_ displeasure, unless immediate

measures were taken to appease his anger. Again, if one points the

finger at places like a mountain where dwells a _tagbánua_, the

displeasure of its owner is aroused and the transgressor is liable to

feel the spirit's anger. It was explained to me by several Manóbos that

pointing at the dwelling place of these spirits might result in

petrifaction of the arm.

The occupation of a new site is almost invariably the occasion for an

invocation to the _tagbánua_, especially if the site be in the vicinity

of a balete tree tenanted by him, for to occupy the place without

obtaining his good will and permission would expose the would-be

occupant to numberless vicissitudes. During hunting and trapping

operations supplication is resorted to, especially when the hunter finds

that game is scarce.[16]

[16] In the chapter on hunting, the various observances on such

occasions have been described.

In case it is decided by the priest, or even suspected by an individual

that an adversity, such as bad weather or sudden floods, is a result of

a _tagbánua's_ animosity, and that the ordinary simple offerings are not

sufficient to placate him, then a white chicken must be killed and the

regular rites peculiar to a blood sacrifice must be performed.

It is rare, however, that a Manóbo has so far forgotten himself as to

draw down the resentment of this kindly deity, and render propitiation

necessary. I, however, witnessed a case wherein it was considered

expedient to placate his anger; I was requested to take the necessary

steps, as I was considered the object of his wrath. My Manóbo oarsmen

desired to discontinue the journey at an early hour of the afternoon,

but for several reasons I wished to reach a certain point before

nightfall, so a little ruse was resorted to. I granted their request to

rest and they very promptly went to sleep. Not long afterwards I struck

a few blows on the outriggers with a piece of iron. The Manóbo could

explain it in no other way except that the local _tagbánua_ had been

displeased with my demeanor, for had I not, they said, gone into the

forest in the vicinity of his arboreal dwelling and, notwithstanding

their advice to the contrary, given vent to loud and disrespectful

vociferations. As we were in the vicinity of the _baléte_ tree it was

unanimously decided to push on. At the next few stopping places the ruse

was repeated, so that no doubt was any longer entertained as to the

supposed cause of the occurrence, the wrath of the _tagbánua_. Several

little incidents, such as striking a hidden snag, and the increase of

the flood, both of which were also attributed to this spirit's malign

influence, heightened their fear. They finally begged me to stop for the

purpose of sacrificing one of my chickens to the offended deity. We

finally reached the desired spot and the supposed supernatural sounds

were heard no longer.

CHAPTER XXIV

PRIESTS, THEIR PREROGATIVES AND FUNCTIONS

THE BAILÁN OR ORDINARY MANÓBO PRIESTS

THEIR GENERAL CHARACTER

The _bailán_[1] is a man or woman who has become an object of special

predilection to one or more of those supernatural friendly beings known

among the Manóbos as _diuáta_. This will explain why the word

_diuatahán_ is frequently used, especially by the mountain people,

instead of _bailán_. I was frequently told by priests that this special

predilection of the deities for them is due to the fact that they

happened to be born at the same time as their divine protectors. This

belief, however, is not general.

[1] _Bai-lán_ is probably a transformation of the Malay word _be-li-an_,

a medicine man. (Mandáya, Bagóbo, and Subánun, _ba-li-án_.)

As a result of the favor in which the supernatural beings hold him, the

priest becomes the favorite and familiar of spirits with whom he can

commune and from whom he can ask favors and protection both for himself

and for his friends. Hence he is regarded by his fellow tribesmen in the

light of a mediator through whom they transact all their business with

the other world. In the hour of danger the _bailán_ is consulted, and

after a brief communion with his spirit Mends he explains the measures

to be adopted, in accordance with the injunctions of his tutelary

deities. Should a _baléte_ tree have to be removed from the newly

selected forest patch, who else could coax its spirit dwellers not to

molest the tiller of the soil, if not the _bailán_? Should a tribesman

have a monstrous dream and no one of all the dream experts succeed in

giving a satisfactory interpretation, the _bailán_ is called in to

consult the powers above and ascertains that the dream forebodes,

perhaps, an impending sickness and that an offering of a white fowl must

be made to Manáug, the protector of the sick. And should this offering

prove unavailing, he has recourse to his supernal friends again and

discovers that a greater oblation must be made to save the patient. And

if there is a very unfavorable conjunction to omens, who else but the

_bailán_ could learn through his divine friends the significance thereof

and whether the home must be abandoned or the project relinquished?

At every turn of life, whether the deities have to be invoked,

conciliated, or appeased, the Manóbo calls upon the priest to intercede

for himself, for his relatives, and for his friends.

The office of priest may be said to be hereditary. I found that with few

exceptions it had remained within the immediate circle of the _bailán's_

relatives. Toward the evening of life the aged priest selects his

successor, recommending his choice to the _diuáta_. In one instance that

I know of the mother, a _bailán_, instructed her daughter in the

varieties of herbs which she had found to be acceptable to her

familiars, and I was told that such is the usual procedure when the

priest himself has a personal concern in the succession.

But no matter how proficient the _bailán_-elect may be in the sacred

rites and legendary songs of the order, he is not recognized by his

fellow tribesmen until he falls into the condition of what is known as

_dundan_, a state of mental and physical exaltation which is considered

to be an unmistakable proof of the presence and operation of some

supernal power within him. This exaltation manifests itself by a violent

trembling accompanied by loud belching, copious sweating, foaming at the

mouth, protruding of the eyeballs, and in some cases that I have seen,

apparent temporary loss of sight and unconsciousness. These symptoms are

considered to be an infallible sign of divine influence, and the novice

is accordingly recognized as a full-fledged priest ready to begin his

ministrations under the protection of his spiritual friends. I know of

one case on the lower Lamlíñga River, a tributary of the Kasilaían,

where a certain individual[2] became a _bailán_ without previous

premonition and without any aspirations on his part. He was a person of

little guile and one who had never had any previous training in the

practices of his order.

[2] Báya (or Bório) is the young man referred to.

When he receives a familiar deity the new priest becomes endowed with

five more spirits or soul companions, for his greater protection and for

the prolongation of his life. It is evident that his duties as mediator

create a deadly hate on the part of the evil spirits toward him; hence

the need of greater protection, such as is said to be afforded by the

increase in number of spirit companions. It is generally believed that,

due also to this special protection, the priests are more long-lived

than ordinary men. I was informed by some that with the increase of each

familiar there was an addition of five more souls or spirit companions,

but I did not find this to be the common belief.

THEIR PREROGATIVES

(1) The priest holds converse with his divine friends, whose form he

sees and describes, whose words he hears and interprets, and whose

injunctions, whether made known directly by personal revelation or

through divination or through dreams, he announces. When under supernal

influence he is not a voluntary agent but an inspired being, through

whose mouth the deity announces his will and to whose eyes he appears in

visible incarnation.

(2) By means of his friendship with these unseen beings he is enabled to

discover the presence of the inveterate enemies of human kind, the

_búsau_, and even to wound them. I investigated two[3] cases of the

latter kind and found that not a shadow of doubt as to the truth of the

killing and as to the reality of this last-mentioned power was

entertained by those who had been in a position to see and hear the

facts.

[3] San Luis and San Miguel.

(3) As a result of the favor with which he is looked upon by the

beneficent deities, he is enabled to discover the presence of various

spirits in certain localities, and he knows the proper means of dealing

with them. This statement applies to the spirits of "souls"[4] of the

departed whose wishes and wants he interprets; to the spirits of the

hills and the valleys, the _tagbánua_, whose favor must be courted and

whose displeasure must not be provoked, and to the whole order of

supernatural beings that people the Manóbo world, with the exception of

the blood spirits, the worship of whom falls to the war priests.

[4] _Um-a-gád_.

SINCERITY OF THE PRIESTS

On first becoming acquainted with the _bailán_ system, I was very

dubious, to say the least, of the sincerity and disinterestedness of

these favorites of the gods. But long and careful observation and

frequent dealings with them have thoroughly convinced me of their

sincerity. They affect no austere practices, no chastity, nor any other

observance peculiar to the order of priesthood in other parts of the

world. They claim no high prerogatives of their own; they can not slay

at a distance nor metamorphose themselves into animals of fierce aspect.

They have no cabalistic rites nor magic formulas nor miraculous methods

for producing wondrous effects. In a word, as far as my personal

observation goes, they are not impostors nor conjurers, plying thrifty

trade with their fellow tribesmen, but merely intermediaries, who avail

themselves of their intimacy with powers unseen to solicit aid for

themselves and for their fellows in the hour of trial or tribulation. "I

will call on _Si Inimigus_" (her _diuáta's_ pet name, his real name

being Si Inámpo), said a priestess of the Kasilaían River to me once

when I consulted her as to the sickness of a child, "and I will let you

know his answer." On her return she informed me that the child had

fallen under the influence of an evil spirit and that Si Inimigus

required the sacrifice of a pig as a token of my good will towards him

and also as a gratification of a desire that he felt for such

nourishment. She departed as she came, never asking any compensation for

her advice.

I might cite many cases of a similar nature that passed under my

personal observation and in which I made every endeavor to discover

mercenary motives. I frequently interrogated men of political and social

standing as to the possibility of hypocrisy and deceit on the part of

the priests. The invariable answer was that such could not be the case,

as the deities themselves would be the first to resent and punish such

deception. One shrewd Manóbo of the upper Agúsan assured me that the

Manóbos themselves were wise enough to detect attempts at fraud in such

matters.

Moreover, the fact that the priest incurs comparatively heavy expenses

is another evidence of his sincerity, for, in order to keep his tutelary

spirits supplied with the delicacies they desire, he must offer constant

oblations of pig and fowl, since he believes that when these spirits are

hungry they lose their good humor and are liable to permit some evil

spirit to work malice on him or on some of his relatives. Of course his

relatives and friends help to keep them supplied, but at the same time

he probably undergoes more expense himself than any other individual.

Finally, as further proof of the absence of mercenary motives, it may be

stated that the priest is not entitled to any share of the sacrificial

victim except that which he eats in company with those who attend the

sacrifice and the subsequent consumption of the victim.

THEIR INFLUENCE

The priest has no political influence as a rule. I am acquainted with

none and have heard of very few priests, who have attained the

chieftainship of a settlement, even among the _conquistas_, or

Christianized Manóbos, who live within the pale of the established

government. But in matters that pertain to the religious side of life

their influence is paramount, for it is chiefly due to them that tribal

customs and conditions are unflinchingly maintained. The following

incident is an illustration of this influence:

During a visit which I made to the Lamiñga River, a western tributary of

the Kasilaían River, I met Mandahanán, a warrior chief. Among other

matters I referred to the ridiculously low price, 0.50 per sack, at

which Manóbos were wont to sell rice to the Bisáya peddlers who at that

time were swarming in the district. I suggested that they dispose of

their rice at the current Bisáya rate of P2.50 per sack. He replied that

he had been of that opinion for some time, but that the four priests of

his following had decided that an increase of the customary value of

rice would entail a mysterious lessening of the present crop and a

partial or even total loss of that of next year, the reason assigned by

them being that such an action would be displeasing to _Hakiádan_, the

goddess of rice, and to _Tagamáling_, the protector of other crops.

These deities, he assured me, were very capricious, and when they took

umbrage at anything, they either caused the rice in the granaries to

diminish mysteriously, or brought about a failure in the following

year's crop.[5]

[5] The killing of Mr. Ickis, of the Bureau of Science, according to an

account that I received, also demonstrates the influence exerted by the

priests.

To the priests may be ascribed the rigid adherence to tribal practices

and the opposition to modern innovations, even when the change

confessedly would be beneficial to them.

THEIR DRESS AND FUNCTIONS

The priest has no distinctive dress, but while officiating garbs himself

with all the wealth of beads, bells, and baubles that he may have

acquired. As a rule he has an abundance not only of these but of charms,

talismans, and amulets, all of which are hung from his neck, or girded

around his waist. These charms have various mystic powers for the

protection of his person and some of them are said to have been revealed

to him by his favorite deities. While performing the invocation and the

sacred dance on the occasion of a greater sacrifice, he always carries,

one in each hand, a parted palm frond with the spikes undetached.

All the rites of the Manóbo ritual consist of one or more of the

following elements: Invocation, petition, consultation, propitiation,

and expiation. The priest is, in fact, either alone or aided by others

of his kind, the officiant in nearly every religious ceremony; laymen

merely sit round and take desultory interest in the ceremonial

proceedings.

These rites are the following:

(1) The betel-nut offering.[6]

[6] _Pag-á-pug_.

(2) The burning of incense.[7]

[7] _Pag-pa-lí-na_.

(3) Ceremonial omen taking.[8]

[8] _Ti-maí-ya_.

(4) Prophylactic fowl waving.[9]

[9] _Kú-yab to má-nuk_.

(5) The death feast.[10]

[10] _Ka-ta-pú-san_.

(6) The sacrifice of a fowl or of a pig[11] to his own tutelaries in the

event of sickness or in the hour of impending danger.

[11] _Hín-añg to ka-hi-mó-nan_.

(7) The offering of a fowl or of a pig to Taphágan, the goddess of grain

during the season of rice culture.

(8) The harvest ceremonies in honor of Hakiádan for the purpose of

securing an abundant crop and of protecting the rice from sundry

insidious enemies and dangers.

(9) The birth ceremony in honor of Mandáit for the protection of the

recently born babe.

(10) Conciliatory offerings to the demons during epidemics, as also in

cases where the power of the evil spirits is thought to predominate over

that of the kindly deities. Madness and inordinate sexual passion, as

also the continuance of an epidemic after incessant efforts have failed

to secure the aid of the friendly spirits are illustrations of the power

of the evil spirits.

(11) Lustration[12] either by anointing with blood or by aspersion with

water.

[12] _Paí-as_.

(12) The betel-nut omen.[13]

[13] _Ti-maí-a to man-ó-on_.

(13) The invocation of the _diuáta_ with the sacred chant.[14]

[14] _Túd-um_.

THE BAGÁNI OR PRIESTS OF WAR AND BLOOD

The _bagáni_ or warrior priests are under the protection of

preternatural beings called tagbúsau, whose bloodthirsty cravings they

must satisfy.

This peculiar priesthood is not hereditary, but is a pure gift from

warlike spirits, who select certain mortals for favorites, constantly

guard them against the attacks of their enemies, teach them the use of

various secret herbs whereby to render themselves invisible and

invulnerable, bestow upon them an additional number of soul companions

that in some indefinable way protect them against the ire of the

resentful slain, and in general afford them an immunity from all

dangers, material and spiritual.

It is believed that when the warrior priest dies his soul companions

return to the war spirits from whom they proceeded, and with whom they

take up their eternal abode upon the far-off mountain heights. Upon

their return to these heights it is said that they are pursued by a

monstrous crowd of inexorable demons and vexed spirits of those that

have fallen victims to their arm, but that, owing to the power and

vigilance of the mighty gods of war, they reach their last home

unscathed.

Like the priest, a war chief is recognized as a priest when he falls

into that state of paroxysm that is considered to be of preternatural

origin. This condition is usually the result of a wild fight, in which,

after slashing down one or more of the enemy, he eats the heart and

liver of one of the slain and dances around in ungovernable fury. I have

been frequently informed that the companions of a man thus possessed

cautiously withdraw while he is under this influence, as he might do

something rash. I witnessed the actions of several _bagáni_ during

ceremonial performances to the _tagbúsau_, and I felt no little fear as

to what might be the outcome of the warrior chiefs fury.

What has been said of the sincerity of the ordinary priest and of his

disinterestedness and freedom from mercenary motives applies equally to

the war chief in his position as war priest.

In return for the protection accorded to his select ones the gods of war

require frequent supplies of blood and other delicacies, the denial of

which would render the favorite liable to constant plaguing by his

protectors in their efforts to make him mindful of their needs. In

another chapter we shall see the means whereby the _bagáni_ keeps

himself in the good graces of his inexorable deities.[15]

[15] For a full description of the rites peculiar to the warrior chief

as priest the reader is referred to Chapter XXVI.

CHAPTER XXV

CEREMONIAL ACCESSORIES AND RELIGIOUS RITES

GENERAL REMARKS

The differences which I observed in the performance of ceremonies in

different localities appear to be due to the vagaries and idiosyncrasies

of the individual performers and not to any established system. But in

the main these variations are not essential. For example, in certain

localities the blood of the pig as it issues forth from the lance wound

is sucked from the wound, while in others it is caught in convenient

receptacles and then drank. In the following pages I will attempt to

give a description of the accessories, the sacrifices, and their

associated ceremonies which may be considered general for the Manóbos of

the middle and upper Agúsan.

THE PARAPHERNALIA OF THE PRIEST

THE RELIGIOUS SHED[1] AND THE BAILÁN'S HOUSE

[1] _Ka-má-lig_.

The priest has no special residence nor any special religious structure

except a little wooden shed and a few ceremonial trays that will be

described later. His house is not more capacious nor pretentious than

that of anyone else, in fact it is often less so, but it may be

recognized always by the presence of the drum and gong, by the little

religious shed near by, and by the presence of a few lances, bolos,

daggers, and various other objects that are considered heritages,[2]

handed down from his predecessors in the priestly office. It is not

unusual for the priest, especially among the Christianized Manóbos, to

have two houses, one for the residence of his family and another which,

by its seclusion, is better adapted for the celebration of religious

rites. Hither he may repair, after assisting perhaps at the Catholic

services in the settlement, to perform the pagan ceremonies that for him

have more truth and efficacy than the Christian rites. While in the

settlement and in contact with Christians, he is to all appearances a

Christian, but in the moment of trial or tribulation he hies him to the

seclusion of his other house and, in the presence of his fellow

believers, performs the primitive rites in honor of beings who, to his

mind, are more potent to help or to hurt than the hierarchy of Catholic

belief.

[2] _Án-ka_.

In this second house, then, will be found, without fail, not only the

priestly heirlooms, but all such objects as have been consecrated[3]

either by himself or by one of the settlement to the friendly deities.

It may be remarked here that these consecrated objects can not be

disposed of except by performing a sacrifice, or by making a

substitution, usually in the form of pigs and fowl which ipso facto

become consecrated, and are eventually sacrificed to the proper deity.

[3] _Sin-ug-bá-han_.

EQUIPMENT FOR CEREMONIES

The altar house is a rude bamboo structure consisting of four posts,

averaging 1.8 meters high, upon which is a roof of palm thatch. About 45

centimeters beneath this are set one or two shelves for the reception of

the oblation bowls and dishes. The whole fabric is decorated with a few

fronds of palm trees,[4] and covers a space of approximately 2.4 square

meters.

[4] The fronds used are one or more of the following palms: Betel nut,

_anibung_, _kagyas_, and coconut.

The ceremonial salver[5] is a rectangular wooden tray, generally of

_iláñg-iláñg_ wood, usually decorated with incised, traced, or carved

designs, and having pendants of palm fronds. It is the ceremonial salver

on which are set out the offerings of pig, fowl, rice, betel nut, and

other things for the deities.

[5] _Ban-ká-so_.

The sacrificial stand[6] also is made out of _iláñg-iláñg_ wood. It

consists of a disk of wood set upon a leg, and is used for making the

offerings of betel nut and other things.

[6] _Ta-lí-dung_.

When it is decided to make an offering of a pig, a sacrificial table[7]

of bamboo is set up close to the house that has been selected as the

place of sacrifice. Upon this is bound the victim, lying on its side.

Over it are arched fronds of betel-nut and other palms. This stand is

used exclusively for the sacrifice of a pig. It is a rude, unpretentious

structure.

[7] _Áñg-ka_.

CEREMONIAL DECORATIONS

Fronds of the coconut, betel nut and other palms are the only

decorations used at ceremonies. The betel-nut fronds, however,[8] enjoy

a special preference, being used in every important ceremony when they

are obtainable. No other leaves and no flowers, unless the bloom of the

betel nut be considered such, are used as decorations.

[8] Known as _ba-gaí-bai_.

The consecrated objects, consisting of such things as lances, bolos,

daggers, and necklaces, are frequently set out upon a ceremonial

structure or put in the ceremonial shed in order to give more solemnity

to the occasion, and it is not infrequent to find the structure draped

with cloth, preferably red.

SACRED IMAGES[9]

[9] _Man-á-ug_.

Sacred images are of neither varied nor beautiful workmanship. At best

they are but rudimentary suggestions of the human form, frequently

without the lower extremities. Varying in length from 15 to 45

centimeters they are whittled with a bolo out of pieces of _báyud_ wood,

or of any soft white wood when _báyud_ is not obtainable. More elaborate

images are furnished with berries of a certain tree[10] for eyes and

adorned with tracings of sap from the _kayúti_ or the _narra_ tree, but

the ordinary idol has a smearing of charcoal for eyes and mouth and a

few tracings of the same for body ornamentation.

[10] _Ma-gu-baí_.

Images are made in two forms, one representing the male and

distinguished by the length of its headpiece and occasionally by the

representation of the genital organ, the other representing the female,

and distinguished most frequently by the representation of breasts,

though in a good image there is often a fair representation of a comb.

Images are intended for the same use as statues in other religions. They

are not adored nor worshiped in any sense of the word. They are looked

upon as inanimate representations of a deity, and tributes of honor and

respect are paid not to them, but to the spirits that they represent. I

have seen rice actually put to the lips of these images and bead

necklaces hung about their necks; but in answer to my inquiries the

response was always the same that not the images, but the spirits, were

thereby honored.

It is principally in time of sickness that these images are made. They

are placed somewhere near the patient, generally just under the thatch

of the roof.

The priest almost invariably has one, or a set of better made ones,

which he sets out during the more important ritual celebrations and

before which he places offerings for the spirits represented. In a

sacrifice performed for the recovery of a sick man on the upper Agúsan,

I saw two images, one male and one female, carried in the hand by the

presiding priests and made to dance and perform some other suggestive

movements.

Occasionally one finds very crude effigies of deities carved on a pole

and left standing out on the trail or placed near the house. These are

supposed to serve for a resting place for the deities that are expected

to protect the settlement or the house. This practice is very common

when fear of an attack is entertained, and also during an epidemic.

CEREMONIAL OFFERINGS

Offerings consist, in the main, of the blood[11] and meat of pig and

fowl, betel-nut quids, rice, cooked or uncooked, and an exhilarating

beverage. But occasionally a full meal, including every obtainable

condiment, is set out, even an allowance of water, wherewith to

cleanse[12] the hand, being provided for the visiting deities. Such

offerings are set out upon consecrated plates[13] which are used for no

other purpose and can not be disposed of.

[11] No reference is here made to human blood, a subject which will be

found treated in Chapter XXVI.

[12] _Pañg-hú-gas_.

[13] _A-pú-gan_.

As a rule the offerings must be clean and of good quality. The priest is

very careful in the selection of the rice, and picks out of it all dirty

grains. Cooked rice given in offering is smoothed down, and, after the

deity has concluded his mystic collation is examined for traces of his

fingering.

The color of the victims is a matter of importance, too, for the

divinities have their special tastes. Thus _Sugúdan_, the god of

hunters, prefers a red fowl, while the _tagbánua_ display a preference

for a white victim.

RELIGIOUS RITES

CLASSIFICATION

(1) The betel-nut offering.[14]

[14] _Pag-á-pug_.

(2) The burning of incense.[15]

[15] _Pag-pa-lí-na_.

(3) The address or invocation.[16]

[16] _Tawág-táwag_.

(4) The ceremonial omen taking.[17]

[17] _Pag-ti-ná-ya_.

(5) The prophylactic fowl waving.[18]

[18] _Kú-yab to mán-uk_.

(6) The blood unction.[19]

[19] _Pag-lím-pas_.

(7) The child ceremony.[20]

[20] _Tag-un-ún to bá-ta'_.

(8) The death feast.[21]

[21] _Ka-ta-pú-san_.

(9) The sacrifice of fowl or pig.[22]

[22] _Ka-hi-mó-nan_.

(10) The rice planting.[23]

[23] _Täp-hag_.

(11) The hunting rite.[24]

[24] _Pañg-o-múd-an_.

(12) The harvest feast.

(13) The conciliation of evil spirits.

(14) The divinatory rites.

(15) The warrior priest's rites.

(16) Human sacrifice.[25]

[25] _Hu-á-ga_.

A description of the more important of these ceremonies will be found

distributed throughout this monograph under the various headings to

which such ceremonies belong. Thus the child ceremony is placed under

the heading "birth," the death feast in the chapter on death, the

warriors' sacrifice in that portion of this sketch which treats of the

warrior. For the present only the minor and more general ceremonies that

may be performed separately, or that may enter into the major ceremonies

as subrites, will be described.

METHOD OF PERFORMANCE

_The betel-nut tribute_.--In all dealings with the unseen world, the

offering of betel nut is the first and most essential act, just as it

constitutes in the ordinary affairs of Manóbo life the essential

preliminary to all overtures made by one man to another. The ceremony

may be performed by anyone, but partakes of only a semireligious

character when not performed by a _bailán_.

The ceremony consists in setting out on a consecrated plate,[26] or in

lieu of it on any convenient receptacle, the ordinary betel-nut quid,

consisting of a slice of betel nut placed upon a portion of _buyo_ leaf,

and sprinkled with a little lime. The priest who has more than one

divine protector, must give a tribute to each one of them. In certain

ceremonies seven quids are invariably set out by him, always accompanied

by an invocation, the strain of which is usually very monotonous and

always couched in long periphrastic preambles. It is really an

invitation to the spirit whose aid is to be implored to partake of the

offering.

[26] _A-pú-gan_.

Out in the lonely forest the hunter may set his offering upon a log for

the spirit owner of the game, or if in the region of a balete tree, he

may think it prudent to show his deference to its invisible dwellers by

offering them this humble tribute. Again, should a storm overtake him on

his way, and should he dread the "stony tooth" of the thunder, he lays

out his little offering, quite often with the thought that he has in

some unknown way annoyed Anítan, the wielder of the thunderbolt, and

must in this fashion appease the offended deity.

_The offering of incense_.--This ceremony appears to be confined to

priestesses. I have never seen a Manóbo priest offer incense. The

resin[27] of a certain tree is used for the purpose, as its fragrance is

deemed to be especially pleasing to the deities. The priestess herself,

or anyone else at her bidding, removes from the pod[28] at her side,

where it is always carried depending from the waist, a little of the

resin and lights it. It is then set on the altar or in any convenient

spot. The direction of its smoke is thought to indicate the approach and

position of the deity invoked. As the smoke often ascends in a slanting

direction, it frequently directs itself toward the suspended oblation

trays. This is taken as an indication that the deity is resting or

sitting upon the _bankáso_ tray, in which case he is called

_bankasúhan_, or on the _talíduñg_, when he is said to be _talidúñgan_.

This ceremony is preliminary to the invocation.

[27] _Tú-gak to ma-gu-bái_.

[28] This is the pod of a tree called _ta-bí-ki_.

The deities are very partial to sweet fragrances like that of the betel

nut frond and of the incense and seem to be averse to strange or evil

smells. Hence fire and smoke are usually avoided during the celebration

of regular sacrifices, as was stated before. On one occasion I wished to

do a favor by lending my acetylene lamp during a ceremonial celebration,

but it was returned to me with the information that the smell was not

acceptable to the presiding deities.

_Invocation_.--The invocation is a formal address to the deities, and on

special occasions even to the demons, when it is desired to make a truce

with them. It is the prerogative of the priest in nearly all ceremonies.

As a rule it begins in a long, roundabout discourse and extends itself

throughout the whole performance, continuing at intervals for a whole

night or longer in important ceremonies. It may be participated in by

one priest after another, each one addressing himself to his particular

set of divinities and beseeching them by every form of entreaty to be

propitious.

The invocation to the good spirits is made at the discretion of the

officiating priest, either in the house or outside, and in a moderate

voice, but the invocation to the evil ones is shouted out in a loud

voice usually from the opening around the walls of the house, as it is

considered more prudent to keep the demons at a respectful distance.

In addressing his gods the Manóbo proceeds in about the same way as he

does when dealing with his fellow men. He starts well back from the

subject and by a series of circumlocutions slowly advances to the point.

The beginning of the invocation is ordinarily in a laudatory strain; he

reminds his divinities of his past offerings, descants on the size of

the victims offered on previous occasions, and the general expenses of

past sacrifices. He then probably recalls to their minds instances where

these sacrifices had not been reciprocated by the deities. Having thus

intimated to the invisible visitors, for they are thought to be present

during these invocations, that he and his people are somewhat ill

pleased, he goes on to express the hope that in the future and

especially on this occasion they will show themselves more grateful. He

next proceeds to enumerate the expenses which in their honor are about

to be incurred. The fatness and price of the pig are set forth and every

imaginable reason adduced why they should be well pleased with the

offerings and make a bountiful return of good will and friendship. The

spirits may be even bribed with the promise of a future sacrifice, or

they may be threatened with desertion and the cessation of all worship

of them.

After a long prologue the priest makes an offering of something, it may

be a glass of brew, or a plate of rice, and confidentially imparts to

his spirits the object of the ceremony. In this manner the invocation is

continued, interrupted at intervals by the sacred dance or by periods of

ecstatic possession of the priest himself.

_Prophylactic fowl waving_.--The fowl-weaving ceremony may be performed by

one not of the priestly order. The performance is very simple. A fowl of

no special color is taken in one hand and, its legs and wings being

secured to prevent fluttering, it is waved over the person or persons in

whom the evil influence is thought to dwell and at the same time a short

address is made in an undertone to this same influence,[29] bidding it

betake itself to other parts. The chicken may be then killed

ceremonially and eaten, but if it is not killed it becomes consecrated

and is given to the priest until it can be disposed of in a ceremonial

way on a future occasion.

[29] _Ka-dú-ut_.

This ceremony is very common, especially after the occurrence of a very

evil dream or a bad conjunction of omens or in case of severe sickness

or on the erection of a new house or granary. On one occasion it was

performed on me under the impression, it is presumed, that I was the

bearer of some malign influence.

I have never been definitely informed as to the reason for the efficacy

of this rite, nor of its origin. Tradition handed down by the old, old

folks and everyday experience are sufficient foundation for the popular

belief in its efficacy.

_Blood lustration_.--When a fowl or a pig has been killed sacrificially,

it is customary to smear the blood on the person or object from whom it

is desired to drive out the sickness, or in order to avert a threatened

or suspected danger, or when it is desired to nullify an evil influence.

The ceremony is performed only by a priest and in the following way:

Taking blood in a receptacle to the person for whose benefit it is

intended, the priest dips his hand in it and draws his bloody finger

over the afflicted part, or on the back of the hand and along the

fingers in the case of a sick person, or on the post of the house,

thereby leaving bloody stripes. During the operation he addresses the

indwelling evil and bids it begone. This ceremony usually follows the

preceding one and is performed in all cases where the previous ceremony

is applicable, if the circumstances are considered urgent enough to call

for its performance.

I once saw a variation of this ceremony. Instead of killing the fowl the

priest made a small wound in one leg and applied the blood that issued

to a sick man. The fowl then became the property of the priest and could

never be eaten, for the evil influence that had produced the sickness in

the man was supposed to have passed into the fowl.

_Lustration by water_.--Lustration by water is somewhat similar in its

purpose to the preceding ceremony. It is performed as a subrite among

the Christianized Manóbos of the lake region. I am inclined to think

that it is only an imitation of an institution of the Catholic Church

because I never saw it performed by non-Christian Manóbos.

The following is the cermony[sic]: When the divinities are thought to

have eaten the soul or redolence[30] of the viands set out for them, and

to have cleansed their hands in the water provided for that purpose, the

priest seizes a small branch, dips it in this water and sprinkles the

assembly. Though, on the occasions on which I witnessed this rite, the

recipients did not seem to relish the aspersion, as was evinced by their

efforts to avoid it, yet it was believed to have great efficacy in

removing ill luck and malign influences.[31]

[30] _Bá-ho_ and _um-a-gád_.

[31] _Paí-ad_.

CHAPTER XXVI

SACRIFICES AND WAR RITES

THE SACRIFICE OF A PIG

Religion is so interwoven with the Manóbo's life, as has been constantly

stated in this monograph, that it is impossible to group under the

heading of religion all the various observances and rites that properly

belong to it.[1] I will now give an account of the sacrifice of a pig

that took place on the Kasilaían River, central Agúsan, for the recovery

of a sick man. This sacrifice may be considered typical of the ordinary

ceremony in which a pig is immolated, whether it be for the recovery of

a sick man or to avert evil or to solicit any other favor.

[1] The reader is referred to Chapter XV for a description of the

important religious ceremonies and beliefs connected with the subject of

death, to Chapter X for rice culture ceremonies, to Chapter XIV for the

birth ceremony. Descriptions of various other ceremonies will be found

scattered through this monograph, each under its proper heading.

I arrived at the house at about 4 p.m. Near the pole leading up to the

house stood the newly erected rectangular bamboo stand.[2] On this, with

a few palm fronds arched over it, was tightly bound the intended victim,

a fat castrated pig. Within a few yards of this had been erected the

small houselike structure,[3] which has been described already. It

contained several plates full of offerings of uncooked rice and eggs,

which had been placed there previously. The ceremonies began shortly

after my arrival. Three women of the priestly order sat down near the

ceremonial house and prepared a large number of betel-nut quids for

their respective deities, but the spectators never ceased for a moment

to ask for a share of them. Finally, however, the quids were prepared

and placed on the sacred plates, seven to each plate. Then one of the

priestesses placed a little resin upon a piece of bamboo and, calling

for a firebrand, placed it upon the resin. The other two priestesses,

seizing in each hand a piece of palm branch, proceeded to dance to the

sound of drum and gong. They were soon joined by the third officiant.

All three danced for some five minutes until, as if by previous

understanding, the gong and drum ceased, and one of the priestesses

broke out into the invocation. This consisted of a series of repetitions

and circumlocutions in which her favorite deities were reminded of the

various sacrifices that had been performed in their honor from time

immemorial; of the number of pigs that had been slain; of the size of

these victims; of the amount of drink consumed; of the number of guests

present; and of an infinity of other things that it would be tedious to

recount. This was rattled off while the spectators were enjoying

themselves with betel-nut chewing and while conversation was being

carried on in the usual vehement way. Then the drum and gong boomed out

again and the three priestesses circled about in front of the ceremonial

shed for about five minutes, after which comparative quiet ensued and

another priestess took up the invocation. During her prolix harangue to

the spirits the other two busied themselves, one in rearranging the

offerings in the little shed, the other in lighting more incense, while

the spectators continued their prattle, heedless of the services. After

an interval of some 10 minutes the sacred dance was continued, the

priestesses circling and sweeping around with their palm branches waving

up and down as they swung their arms in graceful movements through the

air. This continued for several minutes, until one of them stopped

suddenly and began to tremble very perceptibly. The other two continued

their dance around her, waving their palm fronds over her. The trembling

increased in violence until her whole body seemed to be in a convulsion.

Her eyes assumed a ghastly stare, her eyeballs protruded, and the

eyelids quivered rapidly. The drum and gong increased their booming in

volume and in rapidity, while the dancers surged in rapid circles around

the possessed one, who at this period was apparently unconscious of

everything. Her eyes were shaded with one hand and a copious

perspiration covered her whole body. When finally the music and the

dancing ceased her trembling still continued, but now the loud belching

could be heard. No words can describe the vehemence of this prolonged

belching, accompanied as it was by violent trembling and painful

gasping. The spectators still continued their loud talking with never a

care for the scene that was being enacted, except when some one uttered

a shrill cry of animation, possibly as menace to lurking enemies,

spiritual or other.

[2] _Añg-kan_.

[3] _Ka-má-lig_.

It was some 10 minutes before the paroxysm ceased, and then the now

conscious priestess broke forth into a long harangue in which she

described what took place during her trance, prophesying the cure of the

sick man, but advising a repetition of the sacrifice at a near date, and

uttering a confusion of other things that sounded more like the ravings

of a madman than the inspirations of a deity. During all this time

frequent potations were administered to the spectators, so that in the

early night everyone was feeling in high spirits.

After the first priestess had emerged fully from the trance the drum and

gong resounded for the continuation of the dance. In turn the other

priestesses fell under the influence of their special divinities and

gave utterance to long accounts of what had passed between them. It was

at a late hour of the night that the whole company retired to the house,

leaving the victim still bound upon his sacrificial table.

The religious part of the celebration was then abandoned, for the

priestesses took no further part. Social amusements, consisting of

various forms of dancing, mimetic and other, were performed for the

benefit of the attendant deities and finally long legendary chants[4] by

a few priests consumed the remainder of the night.

[4] _Túd-um_.

Next morning at about 7 o'clock the ceremonies were resumed by the

customary offering of betel nut and by burning of incense, but instead

of dancing before the small religious house the three priestesses,

joined by a priest, took up their position near the sacrificial table on

which the victim had remained since the preceding day. The invocations

were pronounced in turn, followed by short intervals of dancing. During

these invocations the victim was bound more securely, and a little lime

was placed on its side just over the heart. The priest then placed seven

betel-nut quids upon the body of the pig and made a final invocation. A

rice mortar was placed at the side of the sacrificial table, a relative

of the sick man stepped upon it, and, receiving a lance from the hands

of the male priest, poised it vertically above the spot designated by

the lime and thrust it through the heart of the victim.

One of the female priestesses at once placed an iron cooking pan under

the pig and caught the blood as it streamed out from the lower opening

of the wound. Applying her mouth to the pan she drank some of the blood

and gave the pan to a sister priest.[5] At the same time a little was

given to the sick man, who drank it down with such eager haste that it

ran upon his cheeks. One of the priestesses then performed blood

lustration by anointing the patient's forehead with the remainder of the

blood. A few others, of whom I was one, had these bloody ministrations

performed on them.

[5] Not infrequently the blood is sucked from the upper wound. This is a

custom more prevalent among the Mandáyas than among the Manóbos.

The priest and priestesses at this period presented a most strange

spectacle. With faces and hands besmirched with clotted blood, they

stood trembling with indescribable vehemence. Their jingle bells tinkled

in time with the movement of their bodies. The priestesses recovered

from their furious possession after a few minutes, but not so the male

priest, for to prevent himself from collapsing completely he clutched a

near-by tree, shading his eyes with his bloodstained hand. The drum and

gong came into play again and the priestesses took up the step, circling

around their entranced companion and addressing him in terms that on

account of the rattle of the drum and the clanging of the gong could not

be heard. He finally emerged, however, all dazed and covered with

perspiration. Through him a _diuáta_ announced the recovery of the

patient, at which yells of approval rang out, and then began a social

celebration consisting of dancing and drinking. This was continued till

the hour for dinner, when the victim was consumed in the usual way.

In this instance, as in many others witnessed, the sick man recovered,

and with a suddenness that seemed extraordinary. This must be attributed

to the deep and abiding faith that the Manóbo places in his deities and

in his priests. The circumstances of the sacrifice are such as to

inspire him with confidence and, strong in his faith, he recovers his

health and strength in nearly every case.

RITES PECULIAR TO THE WAR PRIESTS

(1) The betel-nut tribute to the gods of war.

(2) The supplication and invocation of the gods of war.

(3) The betel-nut offering to the souls of the enemies.

(4) The various forms of divination.

(5) The ceremonial invocation of the omen bird.

(6) The _tagbúsau's_ feast.

(7) Human sacrifice.

The first two ceremonies differ from the corresponding functions

performed by the ordinary priests in only two respects, first that they

are performed in honor of the war spirits, and secondly that the

invocation includes an interminable list of the names of those slain by

the officiating warrior chief and by his ancestors for a few generations

back.

The sacred dance for the entertainment of the attending divinities with

which this invocation and supplication is repeatedly interrupted will be

described later on.

THE BETEL-NUT OFFERING TO THE SOULS OF THE ENEMIES

The ceremony is performed only before an expedition, with a view to

securing the good will of souls of the enemies who may be slain in the

intended fray. As was set forth before, souls, or departed spirits, seem

to have a grievance against the living, and are wont to plague them in

diverse ways. Now, in order to avoid such ill will as might follow the

separation of these spirits from their corporal companions, a ceremony

is performed by the warrior priest in the following way: He orders an

offering of rice to be set out upon the river bank, or on the trail over

which the spirits are expected to wing their way, and hastens to invite

them to a conference. Then a number of pieces of betel leaf are set out

on a shield, so that each soul or spirit has his portion of betel leaf,

his little slice of betel nut, and his bit of lime. Then the warrior

chief, or some one else at his bidding, addresses the souls without

making it known that an attack[6] is soon to be made. It is then

explained to these spirits that they are invited to partake of the

offering in good will and peace, that the warrior priest's party has a

grievance against their enemies, and that some day they may be obliged

to redress the matter in a bloody way. The souls next are urged to

forego their displeasure, should it become necessary at any time to

redress the wrongs by force and possibly slay the authors of them. The

invisible souls are then supposed to partake of the offering and to

depart in peace as if they understood the whole situation.

[6] I was informed that a sometime friend or distant relative of the

enemy is generally selected for this task.

There is an incident, which is said to occur during the above ceremony,

that deserves special mention, as it illustrates very pointedly the

spirit in which the ceremony is performed. All arms are said to be

placed upon the ground and carefully covered with the shields in such a

way that the spirit guests will be unable to detect their presence on

their arrival. The betel-nut portions are placed upon one of the upper

shields.

VARIOUS FORMS OF DIVINATION

_The betel-nut cast_.[7]--This form of divination is never omitted,

according to all accounts. In the instance which I witnessed the

procedure was as follows: The leader of the expedition invoked the

_tagbúsau_, informing him that each of the quids represented one of the

enemy, and beseeching him (or them) to indicate by the position of these

symbols after the ceremony the fate of the enemy. The warrior priest or

his representative, lifting up the shield with one hand under it, and

one hand above it, turned it upside down with a rapid movement, thus

precipitating the quids on the floor. Now those that fell vertically

under the shield represented the number of the enemy who would fall into

their clutches, while those that lay without the pale of the shield

represented the individuals who would escape, and to whose slaughter

accordingly they must devote every energy. There are numerous little

details in this, as in most other forms of divination, each one of which

has an interpretation, subject, it would appear, to the vagaries of each

individual augur.

[7] _Ba-lís-kad to ma-má-on_.

_Divination from the báguñg vine_.--Before leaving the point from which

it has been decided to begin the march two pieces of green rattan, the

length of the middle finger and about 1 centimeter thick, are laid upon

the ground parallel to each other and about 2.5 centimeters apart. One

of these stands for the enemy and the other for the attacking party. A

firebrand is then held over the two until the heat causes one of them to

warp and twist to one side or the other. Thus if the strip that

represents the enemy were to begin to twist over toward that of the

aggressors, while that of the latter twists away from the former, the

omen would be bad, for it would denote the flight of the assaulting

party. Should, however, the rattan of the aggressors twist over and fall

on the other, the omen would be auspicious and the march might be

entered upon.

The various twists and curls of these strips of rattan are observed with

the closest attention and interpreted variously. Should the omen prove

ill, the _tagbúsau_ must be invoked and other forms of divination tried

until the party feels assured of success.

_Divination from báya squares_.--The _báya_ is a species of small vine,

a fathom of which is cut by the leader into pieces exactly the length of

the middle finger. These pieces are then laid on the ground in squares.

Should the number of pieces be sufficient to constitute complete squares

without any remainder the omen is bad in the extreme, but should a

certain number of pieces remain the omen is good. Thus if one piece

remains the attack will be successful and of short duration. If two

remain, the outcome will be the same, but there will be some delay; and

if three remain, the delay will be considerable, as it will be necessary

to construct ladders.[8]

[8] _Pa-ga-hag-da-nán_.

When any of the omens taken by one of the above forms of divination

prove unpropitious, the tagbúsau must be invoked and other divinatory

methods tried until the party is satisfied that a reasonable amount of

success is assured. But should the omens indicate a failure or a

disaster, the expedition must be put off or a change made in the party.

Thus, for instance, the bad luck[9] might be attributed to the presence

of one or more individuals. In that case these persons are eliminated

and the omens repeated. It is needless to say that the observance of all

the omens necessary for an expedition, together with the concomitant

ceremonies, may occupy as much as three days and nights.

[9] _Paí-ad_.

INVOCATION OF THE OMEN BIRD[10]

[10] _Pan-áu-ag-táu-ag to li-mó-kon_.

Though at the beginning of ordinary journeys the consultation of the

omen bird is of primary importance, yet before a war expedition it

acquires a solemnity that is not customary on ordinary occasions. This

ceremony is the last of all those that are made preparatory to the

march.

The warrior priest turns toward the trail and addresses the invisible

turtledove, beseeching it to sing out from the proper direction and

thereby declare whether they may proceed or not. In one of the instances

that came under my personal observation a little unhulled rice was

placed upon a log for the regalement of the omen bird, and a tame pet

omen bird in an adjoining house was petted and fed and asked to summon

its wild mates of the encircling forest to sing the song of victory.

Many of the band imitate the turtle bird's cry[11] as a further

inducement to get an answer from the wild omen birds that might be in

the neighborhood.

[11] This is done by putting the hands crosswise, palm over palm and

thumb beside thumb. The cavity between the palms must be tightly closed,

leaving open a slit between the thumbs. The mouth is applied to this

slit and by blowing in puffs the Manóbo can produce a sound that is

natural enough to elicit in many cases response from a turtledove that

may be within hearing distance. In fact, I have known the birds to

approach within shooting distance of the artificial sounds.

THE TAGBÚSAU'S FEAST

In the ceremonies connected with, the celebration in honor of his war

lord the warrior priest is the principal personage, but he is usually

assisted by several of the chief priests of the ordinary class. Such is

the general account, and such was the procedure in the ceremony that I

witnessed in 1907, of which the following are the main details and which

will serve as a general description of the ceremony:

The appurtenances of the ceremony were identical with those described

before under ceremonial accessories, except that a piece of bamboo,

about 30 centimeters long, parted and carved into the form of a crude

crocodile with a betel-nut frond hanging from it, was suspended in the

diminutive offering house referred to so many times before. Objects of

this kind, like this piece of bamboo, have a mouthlike form and vary

from 30 to 60 centimeters in length. They are, as it were, ceremonial

salvers on which are set the offerings of blood and meat and

_gíbañg_[12] for the war deities.

[12] _Gí-bañg_ is the nape of the neck, and here refers to that of a

pig.

In the ceremony that I am describing I noticed a plate of rice set out

on an upright piece of bamboo, the upper part of which had been spread

out into an inverted cone to hold the plate. The pig had been bound

already to its sacrificial table, but was ceaseless in its cries and in

its efforts to release itself. Several war and ordinary priests, covered

with all their wealth of charms and ornaments, were scattered throughout

the assembly. The war priests particularly presented an imposing

appearance, vested in the blood-red insignia of their rank. Around their

necks were thrown the magic charm collars, with their pendants of

shells, crocodile teeth, and herbs.

About 5 o'clock in the afternoon of the day in question the ceremony was

ushered in in the usual way by several male and female priests. The

warrior priests did not take part till the following day, though during

the night they chanted legendary tales of great Manóbo fights and

fighters. The following morning, however, they led the ceremonies.

During the whole performance there seemed to be no established system or

order. Both warrior priests and others took up the invocation and the

dance as the whim moved or as the opportunity allowed them. One

noteworthy point about the ceremony was the ritual dance of the warrior

priests in honor of their war deities. Attired as they were in the full

panoply of war, with hempen coat and shield, lance, bolo, and dagger,

they romped and pirouetted in turns around the victim to the wild war

tattoo of the drum and the clang of the gong. Imagining the victim to be

some doughty enemy of his, the dancer darted his lance at it back and

forth, now advancing, now retreating, at times hiding behind his shield,

and at others advancing uncovered as if to give the last long lunge.

Under the inspiration of the occasion their eyes gleamed with a fierce

glare and the whole physiognomy was kindled with the fire of war. The

spectators on this particular occasion maintained silence and attention

and manifested considerable fear. It is believed that the warrior

priest, being under the influence of his war god, is liable to commit an

act of violence.

At the time I did not understand the tenor of the invocations that

followed each dance, but was informed that they are such as would be

expected on such an occasion, namely, an invitation to the spirits of

war to partake of the feast and a prayer to them to accompany the party

and assist them in capturing their enemies.

When the moment for the sacrifice arrived the leader of the party, the

chief warrior priest, danced the final dance and, stepping up to the

pig, plunged his spear through its heart, and, applying his mouth to the

wound, drank the blood. Several of the other priests caught the blood in

plates and pans and partook of it in the same manner. The leader put the

blood receptacle under the wound and allowed some of the blood to flow

into it. He then returned it to the diminutive offering house. The

ordinary priests fell into the customary trance, but the war-priest,

together with several of the spectators, took the blood omen. Apparently

this was not favorable, for they ordered the intestines to be removed at

once and examined the gall bladder and the liver.

The priests emerged from their trance and no further ceremonies were

performed except the taking of omens. This occupied several hours and

was performed by little groups, even the young boys trying their hand at

it.

When the pig had been cooked it was set out on the floor and was

partaken of in the usual way. There was little brew on hand. I learned

that on such occasions it is not customary to indulge to any great

extent in drinking.

The party expected to begin the march that afternoon; but as the scouts

had not returned they waited until the next morning.

When the march was about to begin, and while the party still stood on

the river bank, the leader wrenched the head off a chicken and took

observations from the blood and intestines. These were not as

satisfactory as was desired, but were considered favorable enough to

warrant beginning the march tentatively. Upon the entrance of the party

into the forest the omen bird was invoked; its cry proved favorable, and

the march began.

HUMAN SACRIFICE[13]

[13] _Hu-á-ga_.

I never witnessed a human sacrifice nor was I ever able to verify the

facts in the locality in which one had occurred, but I have no doubt

that such sacrifices were made occasionally by Manóbos in former times.

It is not strange that a custom of this kind should exist in a country

where a human being is a mere chattel, sometimes valued at less than a

good dog. When it is considered that in Manóboland revenge is not only a

virtue but a precept, and often a sacred inheritance, it stands to

reason that to sacrifice the life of an enemy or of an enemy's friend or

relative would be an act of the highest merit. From what I have observed

of Manóbo ways I can readily conceive the satisfaction and glee with

which an enemy would be offered up to the war deities of a settlement,

slowly lanced or stabbed to death, and then the heart, liver, and blood

taken ceremonially. A very common expression of anger used by one Manóbo

to another is "_huagon ka_," that is, "May you be sacrificed."

I find verbal evidences of human sacrifices in those regions only that

are near to the territory of the Bagóbos and the Mandáyas. This leads me

to think that the custom is either of Bagóbo or of Mandáya origin.

The Jesuit missionary Urios[14] makes mention of the case of Maliñgáan

who lived on the upper Simúlao, contiguous to the Mandáya country. In

order to cure himself of a severe illness he had a little girl

sacrificed. Urios describes the punitive expedition sent out against

him, and the death of Maliñgáan by his own hand.

[14] Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús, Cuaderno V, letter from

Father Saturnine Urios, Patrocinio, Sept. 16, 1881.

I have heard of numerous cases, especially in the region at the

headwaters of the Báobo, Ihawán, and Sábud Rivers. One particular case

will illustrate the manner in which the ceremony is performed. My

authority for the account is one who claimed to have participated in the

sacrifice.

A boy slave, who belonged to the man that arranged the sacrifice, was

selected. The slave was given to understand that the object of the

ceremony was to cure him of a loathsome disease from which he was

suffering.[15] The preparatory ceremonies were described as being of the

same character as those which take place in the ordinary pig sacrifice

for the war spirit, namely, the offering of the betel-nub tribute, the

solemn invocation of the war spirits and supplication for the recovery

of the officiant's son, the sacred dance performed by the warrior

priests, and the offering of betel nut to the soul of the slave that it

might harbor no ill will against the participants in the ceremony.

[15] _To-bu-káw_.

The slave, the narrator informed me, was left unmolested, being

entertained by companions of his age until the moment for the sacrifice

arrived, when he was seized and quickly bound to a tree. The warrior

priest, who was the father of the sick one, then shouted out in a loud

voice to his war spirits asking them to accept the blood of this human

creature, and without further ado planted his dagger in the slave's

breast. Several others, among whom my informant was one, followed suit.

The victim died almost instantly. Then each one of the warrior priests

inserted a crocodile tooth from his neck collar[16] into one of the

wounds and they became, as the narrator put it, _tagbusauán_; that is,

filled with the blood spirit. The reader is left to imagine the scene

that must have followed.

[16] _Ta-ti-hán_.

Human sacrifice takes place in other forms, according to universal

report. Thus one hears now and then that a warrior chief had his young

son kill a slave or a captive in order to receive the spirit of bravery

through the power of a war deity, who would impart to him the desire to

perform feats of valor. Three warrior chiefs informed me personally that

they had done this in order to accustom their young sons to the sight of

blood and to impart to them the spirit of courage. I have no doubt

whatsoever of the truth of their statements, as they were made in a

matter-of-fact, straightforward way, as if the affair were a most

natural occurrence. Accounts of such performances may be overheard when

Manóbos speak among themselves.

There is also another way in which human lives are sacrificed, but it

partakes less of ceremonial character than the two previous methods. I

was given the names of several warrior chiefs who had practiced it. The

following are the details: If the warriors have been lucky enough to

kill an enemy during a fray and at the same time to secure human booty

in the form of captives, they are said on occasions to turn one or more

of these same captives over to their less successful friends in order

that the latter may sate their bloody thirst and feel the full

jubilation of the victory. I was informed that the victims are dragged

out into the near-by forest, speared to death or stabbed, and thrust

with broken bones into a narrow round hole. That this is true I have

every reason to believe, for I heard these reports under circumstances

of a convincing nature. Furthermore, such proceedings would be highly

typical of Manóbo character and would probably occur among any people

that valued human life so lightly and that cherished revenge so dearly.

What could be more natural and more pleasing in the exultation of

victory and in the wildness of its orgies than to deliver a captive,

probably a mortal enemy, to an unsuccessful friend or relative that he

too might glut his vengeance and fill his heart with the full joy of

victory?

CHAPTER XXVII

DIVINATION AND OMENS

IN GENERAL

The Manóbo not only consults his priest in order to determine the will

of the deities but he himself questions nature at every step of life and

discovers, by what he considers definite and unerring indications, the

course that he may pursue with personal security and success.

To set down the multitudinous array of these signs would be to attempt a

task of extreme prolixity and one encompassed with infinite

uncertainties and seeming contradictions.

Upon being questioned as to the origin of these manifold omens and

auguries the Manóbo can afford no further information than that they

have been tried for long generations and found to be true. Show him that

on a given occasion the omen bird's cry augured ill but that the

undertaking was a success, and he will explain away the apparent

inconsistency. Show him that the omens were auspicious and that the

enterprise was a failure and he will ascribe the failure to an unnoticed

violation of a taboo or to the infraction of some tribal custom which

aroused the displeasure of a deity.

In every undertaking he must have divine approbation to give him

assurance. If one omen is unsatisfactory, he must consult another, and

if that one fails also, he tries a third, and after various other

trials, if all are unfavorable, he suspends or discontinues the work

until he receives a more favorable answer. After getting a satisfactory

omen he proceeds with the full assurance of success.

There can hardly be said to be professional augurers in Manóboland. Here

and there one finds one with a reputation for skill but this reputation

is never so great as to overcome differences of opinion on the part of

others who also claim to be experts. In fact, where a combination of

good and bad omens occurs, it is customary to hold a long consultation

until the consensus of opinion inclines one way or the other.

MISCELLANEOUS CASUAL OMENS

The following are a few of the accidental omens that portend ill:

(1) Sneezing when heard by one who is about to leave the house,

prognosticates ill luck for him. He must return to the house and wait a

few minutes in order to neutralize the bad influence.[1]

[1] _Pan-dú-ut_.

(2) It is an evil portent to see a snake on the trail. The traveler must

return and wait till next day, or if that can not be done, recourse must

be had to other omens, such as the egg omen, or the suspension omen, in

order to determine beyond a doubt what fortune awaits him.

(3) Should a frog, a large lizard, or any other living creature that is

a stranger to human habitations, enter a house, the portent is unlucky

and means must be taken at once to discover, through divination, the

exact significance of the occurrence. In such cases the egg omen is

tried, and then the suspension omen, and others until no doubt is

entertained as to the significance of the unusual occurrence.

(4) The settling of bees on the gable ornaments of a house, or even in

the immediate vicinity of the house, is a sure intimation of the

approach of a war party or even of certain death, unless the occurrence

has taken place during the rice-planting season and in the new clearing.

The fowl-waving ceremony and the blood lustration must be performed

immediately and other omens taken at once to determine whether these

ceremonies were sufficient to neutralize the threatened danger. I

arrived at a house on the upper Karága, shortly after the occurrence of

this portent, and took part in the countervailing ceremonies. According

to all reports the belief in this omen and the neutralization of it by

the above-mentioned ceremonies is common to Manóbos and Mañgguáñgans.

(5) The howling of a dog while asleep portends evil to the owner. This

omen is considered very serious and the evil of which it is an

intimation must be averted by prompt means. Moreover, the dog must be

sold.

(6) The appearance of shooting stars, meteors, and comets prognosticates

sickness.

(7) The breaking of a plate or of a pot before an intended trip is of

such evil import that the trip is postponed until the following day.

(8) The discovery of blood on an object when no satisfactory explanation

of its presence can be found is an omen of very evil import.

(9) The nibbling of clothes by mice is an evil sign, and, though the

clothes need not be discarded, neutralizing means must be resorted to.

(10) The finding of a dead animal on the farm is of highly evil import

and no means should be left untried toward offsetting the threatened

ill.

(11) The crying of birds at night is considered ominous; the sound is

thought to be the voice of evil spirits who with intent to do harm have

metamorphosed themselves into the form of birds.

DIVINATION BY DREAMS

As already stated, dreams are believed to be pictures of the doings of

the soul companions of the Manóbo and in some mystic way are thought to

foreshadow his own fate. Should a person yell in his sleep it is a proof

that his soul or spirit is in danger, and he must be instantly aroused

but not rudely.[2] The belief in dreams is strong and abiding and plays

no small part in the Manóbo's religious life.

[2] If not awakened at once he may fall into a condition in which he is

said to be _pa-ga-tam-ái-un_, a term that I have failed to learn the

meaning of.

The interpretation of them, however, is so variable and so involved in

apparent contradictions that I have obtained little definite and

reliable information. In cases where Manóbo experts differ, and where

other forms of divination have to be employed to determine whether a

dream is to be considered ominous or otherwise, it is not suprising[sic]

that a stranger should have received little enlightenment on the

subject.

Much more importance attaches to the dreams of the priest than to those

of ordinary individuals, for the former are thought to have a more

general application and to be more definite in their significance. But

the difficulty of interpretation may frequently make the dream of no

value because it may happen that the future must be determined by

recourse to other divinatory methods.

There is a general belief that both the ordinary priest and the warrior

chief may receive a knowlege[sic] of future events in their dreams and

also may receive medicine, but I know of only one case in which the

latter claim was made. In that case a priest maintained that he had been

instructed in a dream to fish for eels the following day. He stated that

he had done so and that he had found a bezoar stone which he had given

to a sick relative of his.

However, when once the dream has been interpreted to the satisfaction of

the dream experts as ill-boding, means must be taken immediately to

avert the impending evil. A common method of doing this is by the

fowl-waving ceremony and in serious cases by the blood-lustration rite.

DIVINATION BY GEOMETRICAL FIGURES

THE VINE[3] OMEN

[3] _Bu-dá-kan_, a species of creeper.

I witnessed the taking of this omen both in 1905, before the war

expedition referred to on previous pages, and also at the time of the

selection of a new town site for the town of Monacayo[sic] on the upper

Agúsan. As a rule the omen is taken on occasions of this kind. The

procedure in the rite is as follows:

A piece of a vine one fathom long is cut up into pieces the length of

the middle finger; these pieces are then arranged as in the figure shown

herewith as far as the number of the pieces permits. The sides of the

square and the pieces which radiate from the corners are first laid in

position. One piece is then placed in the center, and those which remain

are set at right angles to the rectangle. (See fig. 2_c_, _e_.)

The six pieces of vine that are set at right angles to the rectangle, as

in figure 2_a_, represent the ladders or poles by which entrance is

gained to the house, represented in this case by the rectangle itself.

The pieces that radiate from the four corners represent the posts that

support the house. Now, whenever the pieces of vine are not sufficient

to form even one "ladder," it is evident that all hopes of entering the

house and getting the enemy are vain. The principle of the omen consists

in the observation of the presence and number of ladders, and of the

length of the central piece which represents the inmates of the house to

be attacked. The following are some of the main and more intelligible

figures.

[FIGURE 2]

As there is no side piece or "ladder" in Figure 2_b_, _c_ it is a sign

that the house of the opponent can not be entered. In Figure 2_c_ the

shortness of the central piece is an indication that one of the

attacking party will be wounded. This configuration is called

_lahúñgan_[4] and is very inauspicious.

[4] From _la-húñg_, to carry on a pole between two or more persons.

In Figure 2_d_ the necessary ladders are present and the inmates of the

house will be reached. The omen is favorable and is called

_hagdanan_.[5]

[5] From _hágdan_, a pole ladder.

In Figure 2_e_ there are the necessary means of getting access to the

house as may be seen by the presence of the three "ladders" at right

angles to the house. Moreover, the piece representing the inmates is

shorter, an indication of great slaughter. This is a most favorable omen

and, as there will be great weeping as a result of the killing, it is

called luha'an.[6]

[6] From _lú-ha_, a tear.

In Figure 2_f_ the absence of a piece within the rectangle is symbolical

of the flight of the inmates of the house so that the intended attack is

put off for a few days and a few scouts sent forward to reconnoiter.

There are several other combinations to which different interpretations

may be given according to whether the omen is employed for a war

expedition or for the selection of a new site, but the above figures

give a general idea of this method of divination.[7]

[7] The interpretation of these figures can not be given in greater

detail because the Manóbos themselves can not always give consistent

explanations of them.

Should the above omen prove unfavorable, the sacrifice of a pig[8] or of

a chicken in honor of the leader's war gods should be performed, and

then another attempt to secure a favorable omen by the use of the vine

may be made.

[8] _Dá-yo to tag-bú-sau_.

THE RATTAN OMEN[9]

[9] _Tí-ko_.

The rattan-frond omen is taken to determine either the success of a

prospective attack or the suitability of a new site for a house or farm.

The observation is performed in the following way: A frond of rattan one

fathom in length is taken and its midrib is cut into pieces each the

length of the middle finger, as in the preceding omen, but in such a way

that each piece of the midrib retains spikes, one on each side. These

two spikes are then tied together, thus forming a kind of a ring or leaf

circle. All these leaf circles are taken in one hand and thrown up into

the air. Should any of these circlets be found entwined or stuck

together when they reach the ground the omen is considered unlucky, for

it denotes that one or more of the enemy will engage in a hand-to-hand

fight with the attacking party.[10] Should, however, the different leaf

circles reach the ground without becoming entangled, the omen is

excellent. There are a great variety of possible interpretations arising

from the number of tangles, each one of which has a special name and a

special import, but I am unable to give any further reliable information

as to these. This rattan-frond omen appears to be used very rarely. In

fact, in some districts no great reliance seems to be placed on it by

many with whom I conversed.[11]

[10] The omen is then said to be _na-ba-ká-an_. The exact meaning of

this term, I am unable to state.

[11] For other omens of a similar nature see Chapter XXVI.

DIVINATION BY SUSPENSION AND OTHER METHODS

THE SUSPENSION OMEN

The ordinary manner of divining future events by this method is to

suspend a bolo or a dagger that has been consecrated to a deity and from

its movement, or from the absence of movement, obtain the desired

information. In case of emergency such a common-place object as an old

smoking pipe may be used.

The object is suspended, preferably in front of a sacrificial tray, or

table, and then questioned just as if it were a thing of life. The

answers are somewhat limited, being confined to "yes" and "no," and are

expressed by the faint and silent movement or by the utter quietude of

the object suspended. Movement denotes an affirmative response to the

question, quietude or lack of movement a negative answer.

I was often struck with the childlike simplicity displayed by the taker

of the oracle In the particular case wherein a pipe was employed, the

party wished to discover whether it would be safe for him to proceed on

a journey the following day. The pipe by a slight gyratory motion at

once intimated its assent. He then besought it to make no mistake, and,

after carefully stilling the movement of his oracle, repeated the

question two different times, receiving each time an affirmative answer.

The consultation was made within a heavy hempen mosquito net of _abaká_

fiber, and, as the pipe had been suspended in a position where the

heated air from the candle could affect it, it is not surprising that it

displayed a tendency to be in constant movement.

THE OMEN FROM EGGS[12]

[12] _Ti-maí-ya to a-tá-yug_.

A fresh egg, or one that is known still to be in good condition, is

broken in two and the contents gently emptied into a plate or bowl. If

the white and the yoke remain separated, the omen is favorable but if

they should mix, it is of ominous import. Should the egg prove to be

rotten, the omen is thought to be evil in the extreme. I never in a

single instance witnessed the failure of this omen. I was informed,

however, that on occasions it has proved unfavorable.

DIVINATION BY SACRIFICIAL APPEARANCES

Hieromancy is a form of divination that is resorted to on all occasions

where the object of a sacrifice is one of very great importance. I

witnessed this form of divination practiced upon the departure of a war

party in the upper Agúsan in 1907.

THE BLOOD OMEN

The blood from the neck of a sacrificed chicken or from the side of a

pig is caught, usually in a bowl. If it is found to be of a bright,

spotless red, without any frothing or bubbles, the omen is excellent,

but the appearance of foam or dark spots, or blotches is regarded as

indicative of evil in a greater or less degree according to the number

and size of the spots. The appearance of circular streaks in the blood

is highly favorable, as it is taken as an indication that the enemy will

be completely encircled, thereby assuring the capture of all the enemy

or their annihilation. In this, as in all other omens, the

interpretation is given by those who are considered experts. I can

afford no reliable information as to the rules governing the

interpretation. Answers to inquiries show that in the interpretation of

this omen there is involved an infinity of contradictions,

uncertainties, and intricacies.

THE NECK OMEN

Before the expedition referred to above I observed a peculiar method of

determining which of the warriors would distinguish himself.

The leader of the expedition seized a fowl, made a short invocation,

wrenched the head from the body and allowed the blood of the beheaded

bird to flow into a bowl. When all the blood had been caught in this

vessel, the leader held up the still writhing fowl, leaving the neck

free. Then several of those present addressed the fowl, beseeching it to

point out the ones who would display most valor during the attack.

Naturally, through the violent action of the muscles, the neck was

twisted momentarily in a certain direction. This signified that the

person in whose direction it pointed would show especial courage during

the fray. The fowl was questioned a second and a third time with the

result that it always pointed more or less in the direction of some one

of the party famed for his prowess, which person was then and there

acclaimed as one of the Hectors of the coming fight.

I was repeatedly assured that this omen is always consulted before all

war expeditions[13] or war raids. In the lake region of the Agúsan

Valley the omen is interpreted differently for it is said to be good if

the neck finally twists itself towards the east or towards the north.

[13] _Mañg-ái-yau_ is a word used by nearly all tribes in Mindanáo to

express a band of warriors on a raid, or the raid itself. Mr. H. O.

Beyer, of the Bureau of Science, tells me that the word is used also by

some northern Luzon tribes. I myself found it in use by the Negritos of

the Gumaín and Kauláman rivers in western Pampanga.

THE OMEN FROM THE GALL

The only rule with regard to the gall bladder is that it should be of

normal size in order to denote success. An unusually large, or an

unusually small one, prognosticate, respectively, misfortune or

failure.[14] When the gall bladder is unusually large, however, the omen

gives rise to great misgivings and calls for a very careful observance

of the following omen, for it portends not only failure but disaster.

[14] In the former case the omen is said to be _gu-tús_ and in the

latter case _gí-pus_.

THE OMEN FROM THE LIVER

This omen is taken from the liver of pigs only. In the observation of it

dark spots and blotches are an indication of evil and are counted and

examined as to size and form. For all of these there is a corresponding

interpretation, varying, probably, according to the idiosyncrasies of

each individual augur.

On occasions of great importance such as war raids, or epidemics, this

omen is always consulted. But it is taken with great frequency in other

contingencies as an auxiliary omen to overcome the influence of previous

evil ones.

THE OMEN FROM A FOWL'S INTESTINAL APPENDIX[15]

[15] _Pós-ud_. This appendix is a small blind projection found on the

intestines of fowls.

I have never determined whether the appendix of a pig is a subject for

augury or not. If it is, it escaped my observation. The appendix of a

chicken, however, is invariably observed as an auxiliary to the

observation of the liver and the gall of a pig. If it is found to be

erect, that is, at right angles to the intestine, it is considered a

favorable omen but if found in a horizontal or supine position with

reference to the intestine, it is said to be highly inauspicious. In

every case which I saw the omen was favorable.

ORNITHOSCOPY

IN GENERAL

Divination by birds is confined practically to the turtledove.[16] This

homely inert creature is considered the harbinger of good and evil, and

is consulted at the beginning of every journey and of every undertaking

where its prophetic voice can be heard. Should its cry forebode ill, the

undertaking is discontinued no matter how urgent it may be. But should

the cry presage good, then the project is taken up or continued with

renewed assurance and a glad heart, for is not this bird the envoy of

the deities and its voice a divine message?

[16] _Li-mó-kon_.

No arguments can shake the Manóbo's[17] faith in the trusty omen bird.

For him it can not err, it is infallible. For every case you cite him of

its errors, he quotes you numberless cases where its prophecies have

come true, and ends by attributing the instance you cite to a false

interpretation or to divine intervention that saved you from the evil

prognosticated by the bird.

[17] Mandáyas, Mañgguáñgans, Debabáons, and Banuáons of the Agúsan

Valley have practically the same beliefs as the Manóbos in regard to

this omen bird.

RESPECT TOWARD THE OMEN BIRD

The omen bird is never killed, for to kill it would draw down

unmitigated misfortune. On the contrary, it is often captured and is

carefully fed and petted, especially when an inmate of the house is

about to undertake a journey. The prospective traveler takes a little

_camote_ or banana and, placing it in the cage, addresses the captive

bird and asks it to sing to its companions of the woods that they too in

turn may sing to him the song of success and safe return.

And again, on the safe return of the traveler, if there is a captive

omen bird in his household, it is a common practice to feed it and give

it drink, addressing it tenderly as if it had been the cause of the

success of the trip.

When the undertaking is one of importance, such as the selection of a

site for a new clearing, or one fraught with possible danger, such as a

trip into a dangerous locality, the free wild bird of the woods and not

the captive bird is solemnly invoked.[18] It is requested to sing out

its warning or its auspicious song in clear unmistakable tones. Before a

war expedition an offering of rice is set out on a log near the house as

a further inducement to it to be propitious.

[18] _Táu-ag-táu-ag to li-mó-kon_.

INTERPRETATION OF THE OMEN BIRD'S CALL

It frequently requires an expert to interpret exactly the meaning of the

various positions from which the bird has sung and in certain cases even

several experts can not arrive at a consensus of opinion. Hence the

following interpretation is intended as a mere general outline from

which an idea may be gained of the intricacies and sometimes apparent

contradictions involved in Manóbo ornithoscopy.

The observations may be divided into three kinds, good, bad, and

indifferent, and these three kinds into infinite combinations, for the

interpretation of the first original observation may be modified and

remodified by subsequent cries proceeding from other directions. Thus

what was originally a good omen, may become, in conjunction with

subsequent ones, most fatal.

The directions of the calls are calculated from eight general positions

of the bird with reference to the person making the observation.

(1) Directly in front.

(2) Directly behind.

(3) Directly at right angles on the right.

(4) Directly at right angles on the left.

(5) In front to the right and at an angle of 45°.

(6) In front to the left and at an angle of 45°.

(7) Behind to the right and at an angle of 45°.

(8) Behind to the left and at an angle of 45°.

The first direction is bad. It denotes the meeting of obstacles that are

not necessarily of a very serious character unless subsequent

observations lead to such a conclusion. The trip need not be

discontinued but vigilance must be exerted.

The second direction[19] is also bad. It is a sign that behind one there

are obstacles or impediments such as sickness in the family. The trip

must not be undertaken or continued until the following day.

[19] Called _ga-biñg_.

The third and fourth directions[20] are indeterminate. One's fate is

unknown until subsequent omen cries reveal the future, hence all ears

are alert.

[20] On the upper Agúsan it is called _bá-us-bá-us_, on the central,

_bí-tang_.

The fifth direction[21] is good and one may proceed with full assurance

of success.

[21] Called _bág-to_.

The sixth position[22] merely guarantees safety to life and limb but one

must not be sanguine of attaining the object of the trip.

[22] Also called _bág-to_.

The seventh and eighth directions are like the second direction; that

is, bad.

Between the above directions are others that receive an intermediate

interpretation. There may also be combinations of calls from different

directions. The omen bird heard in the fifth or in the sixth direction

augurs success and safety, respectively, as we saw above, but if heard

simultaneously from those two positions it is considered a most fatal

omen; the trip or enterprise must be abandoned at once. Again if the

bird calls from the fifth position and then after a short interval from

the eighth position, success is assured but upon arriving at the

destination one must hurry home without delay.

Should, however, the cry proceed from the sixth direction and then be

immediately followed by one from the seventh, great vigilance must be

exerted, for the cry is an intimation that one will have to use his

shield and spear in defense.

I have found the interpretation of the omen bird's call so varied and so

difficult that I refrain from entering any further into the matter.

Suffice it to say that at the beginning of every journey the bird is

consulted and its call interpreted to the best of the traveler's

ability. Should it be decided that the call augurs ill he invariably

abandons the trip until the following day when he makes another attempt

to secure favorable omens. It thus happens that his journey may be

delayed for several days. On one occasion I was delayed three days

because the cry of this mysterious bird was unfavorable.

BIRDS OF EVIL OMEN

Besides the turtledove there is no other bird that is the harbinger of

good luck. There are, however, several that by their cry, forebode evil.

Thus the cry of all birds that ordinarily do not cry by night is of evil

omen. The various species of hornbills, crows, and chickens are

examples. The cawing of crows and the shrieking of owls in the night

have a particularly evil significance, for these birds are then

considered to be the embodiment of demons that hover around with evil

intent.

An unusual cackling of a hen at night without any apparent reason is

also of ill import. On one occasion it was thought to be so threatening

that the following morning the owner went through the fowl-waving

ceremony and killed the hen for breakfast. He told me that he had to

kill it or to sell it because bad luck might come if he kept it around

the house.

Again, the alighting of a large bird, such as a hornbill, on the house

forebodes great evil. Ceremonial means must be taken without delay to

avert the evil presaged by such an occurrence. On one occasion I

observed the fowl-waving ceremony, the sacrifice of a chicken, and the

blood lustration performed with a view to neutralizing the evil portent.

CHAPTER XXVIII

MYTHOLOGICAL AND KINDRED BELIEFS

THE CREATION OF THE WORLD

The story of the creation of the world varies throughout the Agúsan

Valley. In the district surrounding Talakógon creation is attributed to

Makalídung, the first great Manóbo. The details of his work are very

meager. He set the world up on posts, some say iron posts, with one in

the center. At this central post he has his abode, in company with a

python, according to the version of some, and whenever he feels

displeasure toward men he shakes the post, thereby producing an

earthquake and at the same time intimating to man his anger. It is

believed that should the trembling continue the world would be

destroyed.

In the same district it is believed that the sky is round and that its

extremities are at the limits of the sea. Somewhere near these limits is

an enormous hole called "the navel of the sea,"[1] through which the

waters descend and ascend. This explains the rise and the fall of the

tide.

[1] _Pó-sud to dá-gat_.

It is said that in the early days of creation the sky was low, but that

one day a woman, while pounding rice, hit it with her pestle, and it

ascended to its present position.

Another version of the creation, prevalent among the Manóbos of the

Argáwan and Híbung Rivers, gives the control of the world to _Dágau_,

who lives at the four fundamental pillars in the company of a python.

Being a woman, she dislikes the sight of human blood, and when it is

spilled upon the face of the earth she incites the huge serpent to

wreathe itself around the pillars and shake the world to its

foundations. Should she become exceedingly angry she diminishes the

supply of rice either by removing it from the granary or by making the

soil unproductive.

According to another variation of the story, which is heard on the upper

Agúsan, on the Simúlau, and on the Umaíam, the world is like a huge

mushroom and it is supported upon an iron pillar in the center. This

pillar is controlled by the higher and more powerful order of deities

who, on becoming angered at the actions of men, manifest their feelings

by shaking the pillar, thereby reminding mortals of their duties.

CELESTIAL PHENOMENA

THE RAINBOW

The rainbow, according to the general account, is an inexplicable

manifestation of the gods of war. At one end of the rainbow there is

thought to be a huge tortoise, one fathom broad. The appearance of the

rainbow is an indication that the gods of war, with their associate war

chiefs and warriors from the land of death, have gone forth in search of

blood. If red predominates among the colors of the rainbow it is thought

that the mightier war spirits are engaged in hand-to-hand combat; but if

the colors are dark, it is a sign of slaughter. If the rainbow should

seem to approach, precautions are taken to defend the house against

attack, as it is believed that a real war party is approaching.

On no account must the finger be pointed at the rainbow, as it might

become curved.

THUNDER AND LIGHTNING

Thunder is a demonstration by Anit of her anger towards men for

disrespect to brute animals. Lightning is spoken of as her tongue and is

described as being a reddish tongue-shaped stone that is flung by her at

the guilty one. Anit is one of the mighty spirits that dwell in

Inugtúhan, the sky world, and together with Inaíyau is the wielder of

the thunderbolt and of the storm.

She is a very watchful spirit and, in case one offends her, he must

hurry to a house and get a priest to appease her with an offering of

blood. The belief in this tongue stone is universal, but no one claims

to have seen one nor can anyone tell where it can be found.

ECLIPSE OF THE MOON

The almost universal belief regarding an eclipse of the moon is that a

gigantic tarantula[2] has attacked the moon and is slowly encompassing

it in its loathsome embrace. Upon perceiving the first evidences of

darkness upon the face of the moon, the men rush out from the houses,

shout, shoot arrows toward the moon, slash at trees with their bolos,

play the drum and gong, beat tin cans and the buttresses of trees, blow

bamboo resounders and dance around wildly, at the same time giving forth

yells of defiance at the monster saying, "Let loose our moon," "You

will be hit by an arrow." The women at the same time keep sticking

needles or pointed sticks in the wall in the direction of the enemy that

is trying to envelop the moon.

[2] _Tam-ban-a-káu-a_. (Bisáya, _ba-ka-náu-a_.) Some say that a huge

scorpion is the cause of eclipses.

The explanation of these curious proceedings is simple. If the moon does

not become freed from the clutches of this gigantic creature, it is

believed that there will be no dawn and that, in the eternal darkness

that will subsequently fall upon the world, the evil spirits will reign

and all human apparel will be turned into snakes.

During the eclipse the priests never cease to call upon their deities

for aid against the mighty tarantula that is menacing the moon.

As to the origin, habitat, and character of this tarantula I have never

been afforded the least information. The huge creature seizes upon the

moon, but soon releases it on account of the shouts and menacing actions

of the human spectators. Objections that one may raise as to the

invisibility, magnitude, and other obvious anomalies are at once refuted

by the simple and sincere declaration that such belief is true because

it has been handed down from the days of yore.

ORIGIN OF THE STARS AND THE EXPLANATION OF SUNSET AND SUNRISE

It is said that in the olden time the sun and the moon were married.

They led a peaceful, harmonious life and two children were the result of

their wedlock. One day the moon had to attend to one of the household

duties that fall to the lot of a woman--some say to get water, others

say to get the daily supply of food from the little farm. Before

departing she crooned the children to sleep and told her husband to

watch them but not to approach them lest, by the heat that radiated from

his body he might harm them. She then started upon her errand. The sun,

who never before had been allowed to touch his bairns, arose and

approached their sleeping place. He gazed upon them fondly and, bending

down, kissed them, but the intense heat that issued from his countenance

melted them like wax. Upon preceiving[sic] this he wept and quietly

betook himself to the adjoining forest in great fear of his wife.

The moon returned duly and, after laying down her burden in the house,

turned to where the children slept, but found only their inanimate

forms. She broke out into a loud wail, and in the wildness of her grief

called upon her husband. But he gave no answer. Finally softened by the

long loud plaints he returned to his house. At the sight of him the wild

cries of grief and of despair and of rebuke redoubled themselves until

finally the husband, unable to soothe his wife, became angry and called

her his chattel.[3] At first she feared his anger and quieted her sobs,

but finally, breaking out into one long wail, she seized the burnt forms

of her babes and in the depth of her anguish and her rage, threw them

out on the ground in different directions. Then the husband became angry

again and, seizing some taro leaves that his wife had brought from the

farm, cast them in her face and went his way. Upon his return he could

not find his wife, and so it is to this day that the sun follows the

moon in an eternal cycle of night and day. And so it is, too, that the

stars stand scattered in the sable firmament, for they are her discarded

children that accompany her in her hasty flight. Ever and anon a

shooting star breaks across her path, but that is only a messenger from

her husband to call her back. She, however, heeds it not but speeds on

her way in never-ending flight with the marks of the taro leaves[4]

still upon her face, and with her starry train accompanying her to the

dawn and on to the sunset in one eternal flight.

[3] _Máñg-gad_ (chattel) and _bin-ó-tuñg_ (purchase slave) are the

ordinary terms of reproach used by an angry husband toward his wife and

refer to her domestic status as originating in the marriage payment.

[4] Some say that spots upon the moon are a cluster of bamboos; others,

that they are _baléte_ trees, and others again, that they are the taro

marks referred to.

THE STORY OF THE IKÚGAN,[5] OR TAILED MEN, AND OF THE RESETTLEMENT OF

THE AGÚSAN VALLEY

[5] From _i-kug_, tail.

It seems that long, long ago a ferocious horde of tailed men, Tíduñg,[6]

overran the Agúsan Valley as far south as Veruéla. They were tailed men

from all accounts, the tail of the men being like a dagger, and that of

the women like an adze of the kind used by Manóbos. For 14 years they

continued their depredations, devastating the whole valley till all the

Manóbos had fled or been killed, except one woman on the Argáwan River

or, as some say, on the Umaíam.

[6] It would be interesting to know whether these Tíduñg were members of

a tribe in Borneo that made piratical raids to the Súlu Archipelago.

When the Manóbos first arrived in the Agúsan Valley they tried to

withstand the tailed men. The Manóbos of the Kasilaían River are said to

have dug trenches and to have made valiant resistance, but were finally

obliged to flee to the Pacific coast.[7] It is said that when encamped

near the present site of San Luis these tailed folks slept on a kind of

nettle[8] and being severely stung, took it for a bad omen and returned.