except in the matter of trade, which continued very much depressed,
and wages very low. At the beginning of 1887 the average selling price
at the pit mouth was 4s. 5.56d. The Relief Fund (even with the
principle of division of income) was in debt to the General Fund
£3548, 4s. 11d. as per the balance sheet for quarter ending December
1886. The condition of trade was so bad generally that a Royal
Commission was appointed to inquire into it, the present county court
judge of Durham being one of the members. He differed from the
majority report, and signed a minority report. This objection was in
relation to the fragmentary character of the evidence. In the coal and
iron industries the witnesses were entirely from the employers.
Without stating the whole of his able report, dealing as it did with
every phase of our industrial life, a portion may be mentioned. Four
causes of depression and low wages upon which he laid emphasis, were
the land question and the royalties, way leaves and dead rents. Those
who hold the land, claim these from the employers and employed who
risk their capital and their lives to get the mineral which he, as
landlord, does nothing to assist. In the midst of the dark times the
Executive Committee was compelled to face two evils: a small banking
account, and a heavy expenditure. The banking account for the quarter
ending December 1886 was £16,000, exclusive of the deposit and shares
in the Industrial Bank, which amounted to £1841, but which were
nominal and, so far as use was concerned, simply on paper. In
addition, there was a sum nearing £900 invested in buildings. In a
short circular the Committee placed the whole financial position
before the members. For the year 1886 the income was £44,506, with an
expenditure of £54,126. "You will thus see that we cannot exist long
at the rate of £9620 on the wrong side of the ledger. Soon all our
funds will be gone, and nothing left for the members who have paid so
long." They were compelled by rule to keep £10,000 in the funds, and
were therefore driven to consider two propositions: either to increase
the subscription by 3d. a fortnight or reduce the benefits. For that
purpose they proposed to call a special Council to consider the
questions. The reductions suggested would reduce the expenditure by
£1600 per quarter. At the Council meeting an all-round reduction of
2s. per week for sickness, breakage, strikes, and sacrificed allowance
was made, and £1 off the death legacies, to take place from the rising
of the Council, which was held on 9th April. Happily, however, the
trade began to turn and the position of the Association to amend, for
on August 27th a slip was sent out informing the members "that the
funds have so far recouped as to enable the Society to pay all
benefits according to rule from Monday the 29th."
THE EIGHT HOURS--A RESTRICTION
On October 11th, 1887, and three following days a miners' conference
was held in Edinburgh. The main purpose of the conference was the
limitation of the output. There were a large number and variety of
propositions discussed: five days per week, a week or fortnight's
holiday, and the eight hours per day. Part of the resolution on the
last question was in words that have become familiar to Durham in
these later years: "That no miner be allowed to work more than eight
hours in the twenty-four." The first resolution on the question did
not appeal to the State, but on the fourth day it was brought forward
containing an appeal to the legislature, and carried. The position of
Durham was the same then as now (1906), and the opposition of to-day
is based upon the thought of that day. Before the conference was held
the Executive Committee gave their opinion upon the various questions
on the programme of business.
On the eight hours they said:
EIGHT HOURS' RESOLUTION
_Eight Hours._--This is to be sought for by Act of Parliament. To
seek to fix the hours of men by Act of Parliament is, in the year
1887, a monstrous and illogical proceeding. If you fix the working
hours by Act of Parliament, why not fix the rate of wages also? In
the old feudal times wages were so fixed by Act of Parliament. Under
such laws, men were serfs and slaves, and became as much the property
of their employers as the horses that filled his stables. To demand
eight hours, and even less, is in the hands of all men if they will
only utilise their own organised power.
But if such an Act were passed, it would result in our own county in
one of two ways, (1) the turning off of 10,000 or 15,000 hands; or
(2) the adoption of two shifts of hewers, and two shifts of offhanded
men and lads, and thus increase the hewers' hours by one hour, and,
in many cases, one and a half hours per day. Again, if you seek by
Act of Parliament an Eight Hours' Bill, it logically follows that you
regard eight hours as the number of hours men should work. In such a
case, you endanger your own position, and would strongly tend to
bring upon you an eight hours' system. But why is this sought? It is
sought because men are indifferent, apathetic, and consequently
disorganised. If this law passed to-morrow, it would be an inducement
to indifference and disorganisation, and as such materially injure
you.
In September 1887 the Trades Union Congress decided to take a ballot
of all the unions on the general eight hours. The questions submitted
were: Should an eight hours' day be sought; if so, by what means, by
Trades Union effort or by law? Again the Executive Committee advised
the members to vote against it, which they did. "If this became law
to-morrow," they said, "you could not make it operative. To do so you
must turn off some thousands of coal hewers, or have two shifts of
offhanded men and boys, and draw coals sixteen hours per day instead
of as now drawing them ten and eleven hours. If this be sought it
follows by clear implication that the men voting for it regard eight
hours as a normal and fair time to work per day." The Congress of 1888
decided in favour of eight hours by law.
The question came again before a miners' conference held in Birmingham
on 8th October 1889. There were three items discussed: "The
International Miners' Congress, an advance in wages, and the eight
hours." The delegates from Durham, Mr J. Johnson and Mr J. Wilson,
drew up a report of the proceedings, which was sent out to the
members. They were sent to the conference with definite instructions
from the Council: "That we don't take any part in the agitation for an
eight hours' day for underground workmen." The representatives in the
report say:
Beyond that we could not (nor desired to) go. When the conference
came to discuss the question we laid our position before the meeting,
and told them we could not take any part in the agitation. We make no
remarks about the sarcastic reflections which were made by some of
the delegates on our position. They were no doubt natural
reflections, although their repetition was galling, and evoked from
us replies which were not of the calmest order. We stood firm to our
instructions, and abstained from either voting or speaking, except in
self-defence.
The conference resolved that on the 1st of January all men and boys
represented there should commence working eight hours from bank to
bank. Northumberland and the Forest of Dean voted against, with Durham
neutral. Then followed a resolution pledging all the districts to give
in notices to terminate with the year. This placed the conference in a
dilemma. They were ready to pass resolutions, but few were prepared to
say their members would give their notices in for it. Then it was
decided to take a ballot and hold another conference in November. At
our Council meeting on November 9th it was decided not to be
represented.
THE SLIDING SCALE
The programme for the Council to be held on February 2nd, 1889,
contained a resolution asking for a ballot to be taken for or against
the sliding scale. In their notes on the questions to be discussed the
Committee strongly urged the maintenance of the scale. It steadied
trade, made work and wages more regular than any other means. Where
sliding scales existed the districts were in better condition. They
(the Committee) were as much interested as the members. The gain or
loss was alike. Having fully considered the question they were
convinced that it was the most just and equitable way of fixing and
settling wages. The resolution to ballot was carried. About the same
time the mechanics decided to give notice to have the scale amended.
The Federation Board not only found themselves called upon to consider
the scale, but they had to deal with a demand for an advance in wages.
A meeting was held on June 17th. The employers placed before the Board
three propositions: arbitration, two and a half per cent. to commence
on July 1st, and two and a half on September 1st. These advances would
raise the wages to ten per cent. above the standard, or they were
willing to arrange for a new scale. The Board were reminded that the
scale would run until July 31st, and therefore their application was
in violation of that agreement. These offers were recommended to the
members, with a request that they, the Board, should be vested with
full power to negotiate a settlement, which should be submitted to the
county. The offer and request were refused, and another meeting took
place on July 9th. The employers then modified their offer, and were
willing to give five per cent. advance for the months of August,
September, and October, and a further five per cent. for November,
December, and January, or they would refer it to open arbitration.
Again the question was submitted to the members. The Board said:
"There were three courses to pursue: accept the owners' offer, go to
arbitration, or ballot the county." Of the three they strongly
preferred the offer, as to take the ballot was a repudiation of
arbitration as a means of settlement. Arbitration was a lingering and
uncertain course. It would last three months, and they would thus
lose for that time a clear five per cent., or something like from four
to five thousand pounds per week in wages. "Remembering all the
difficulties which now surround us, and looking at all the facts, we
would very strongly advise you, as men alike interested with
yourselves, to accept the offer the owners now make." The reply of the
county was to demand twenty per cent. advance. The Federation Board
was driven to take the ballot. The result of the ballot was for
pressing the demand, and the Miners' Executive made preparation for
giving in the notices on August 1st. The employers made another offer:
instead of giving two fives they offered a full and immediate ten per
cent.
DURHAM COAL OWNERS' ASSOCIATION
The Owners' Wages Committee is unable to recommend its Association to
give an advance of 15 per cent.
The actual invoice price of coals and coke has not yet materially
advanced. Recent contracts at high prices can only have a gradual and
deferred influence. The owners have already given a special advance
of 10 per cent., which has been in operation less than four months.
Any advance which they now give must, like that previous advance, be
in anticipation of the higher prices which will alone allow of higher
wages being paid.
They are willing to stretch a point in this respect in the
expectation that wages will be thereby settled for a period which
will allow of equivalent prices being actually realised, but they are
not prepared to do more than recommend a general advance of 10 per
cent. on the basis rates, to take effect in the first pay commencing
after the date of acceptance of this offer.
REGINALD GUTHRIE,
_Secretary_.
Newcastle-on-Tyne,
_November 23rd, 1889._
The Federation Board urged the acceptance of that offer. "Everyone
(unless it be the unobservant and inexperienced) must be fully alive
to all the dangers to our social, and it may be our permanent
condition, which always follows a strike, such as we should have in
this county. It does not mean a few hands, but the entire county,
comprising 500,000 folks laid commercially prostrate; and who can
conceive the social and moral disaster arising from such a state of
things." They felt confident that it would be for the good of the
whole county, for they would reap an immediate and certain gain of
from £8000 to £10,000 per week.
The ballot was taken. The miners' vote was in favour of a strike, but
the whole vote of the Federation was in favour of accepting the ten
per cent. Within three months of the acceptance the Miners' Council on
September 14th decided that the Committee should demand a further
advance of fifteen per cent., to commence on November 1st; if refused,
the county to be balloted at once. That request was forwarded to the
employers from the Federation Board. They were informed that, after
very carefully considering the improved condition of trade and the
increased prices at which coal and coke were sold in the open market,
the Board considered that they had a just claim for an advance of
fifteen per cent. The reply of the employers was contained in the
following resolution:--
The Owners' Association, taking an account of the fact that the
ascertained price of coal for the quarter just ended is only 5s.
2.93d. (or 4.44d. above the price of the previous quarter), is not
prepared to give an advance approaching that which is asked, but is
willing to appoint a Committee to confer with the Federation Board,
having full authority to negotiate for a settlement of wages, to
begin at such a date, and extend over such period, as may afford a
reasonable opportunity of actually realising those higher prices
which would alone allow higher wages to be paid.
The question arose whether the miners should seek the advances
themselves or through the medium of the Federation Board, as that was
the only regular and effective means. It was at the same time pointed
out to the workmen that their claim for the fifteen per cent. was in
violation of the understanding that three months must elapse from the
date of a previous change before a new application could be
considered. The voting on the body to negotiate resulted in favour of
the Board, but there was a further question to decide. What was to be
the line of procedure? Had the Board to make the best settlement, or
should they press for the full fifteen per cent., and, if refused, the
members be balloted? The miners' special Council voted by a large
majority for the full demand or strike, the voting being 297 for
strike and 45 for placing the power in the hands of the Board. It was
found that the other three sections had remitted the question
absolutely to the Federation by large majorities, and the Miners'
Executive naturally felt the advance was being delayed for weeks,
whereas the Board might have settled it, and the workmen have got an
early increase in wages. It was, therefore, felt imperative that the
miners should be asked to reconsider their position, seeing that in
the other sections there was unanimity. The Committee resolved to
again submit it to a Council meeting, but there was no change, the
instruction of the previous one being repeated, the majority being
slightly decreased. That Council was held on November 14th. The
Federation Board met the same night, and on the 15th Mr Crawford
handed Mr R. Guthrie (who had been appointed secretary as successor to
Mr Bunning, deceased) a request for a meeting. That was fixed for the
23rd of November. When the Board met the owners they were asked what
power they had, and the reply was simply to ask for the fifteen per
cent. Mr L. Wood, the owners' chairman, then said: "We only agreed to
meet the Federation Board on condition that they had power to settle
the entire matter. Have you that power?" The Board had to give the
humiliating answer: "No." An adjournment for three hours took place,
when an offer of ten per cent. was handed to the Board. They then
resolved to take a ballot of the whole of the sections, the decision
being to accept the offer.
There are two remarks necessary anent the industrial matters of
1889--first, the termination of the sliding scale, which happened on
the 31st of July; several attempts were made to revive it again. The
latest in the year was a new scale submitted by the Enginemen's
Association. It was drawn up by Mr T. Hindmarsh, the treasurer of
that Association (who was a very useful man), but it was never
proceeded with. The scales had been in existence twelve years. The
misfortune was that the trial of the system took place in a series of
years which covered the most unbroken period of depression within the
experience of the Association. The ascertainment showed that prices
never reached (except at the last stage) higher than 5s. per ton,
being most of the time below 4s. 8d. We are so much inclined to judge
from appearances and not righteous judgment that the blame for bad
trade was thrown entirely upon the scale, as if its existence or
non-existence could influence the coal markets and their prices. To
the superficial observer the collateral conditions of the scale would
appeal with force; but men who look at the fitness of things, and who
do not measure that fitness by a small period or single phase of our
industrial life, are fully aware that all kind of trade seasons are
required to supply a proper test--these recognise that the scale, with
proper adjustments, is bound to be an equitable means of adjusting
wages. There was this coincidence which strengthened the position of
the objector: the scale ended just when a boom in trade set in, and
many men believed that it had been the incubus which had in an evil
manner weighted the trade and kept wages down. "See," they said, "how
the conditions have altered since its removal, and shall we not be
foolish if we give it another lease of life?"
The second remark applied to the delay in securing the advance through
not trusting those at the head to negotiate a settlement, and this in
spite of urgent appeals. This remark applies not merely to the
distrust of that day, but to all such occasions. The foolishness is
not merely for a day, but for all time. It is a great check upon men's
ardour to find themselves doubted, and it is a grand incitant and
inspiration to feel they have the confidence of their people behind
them. If a leader is not such as can be relied upon to do his best he
is not fit to be in the position. Generals win battles most assuredly
when the men trust them. There is always danger when with suspicion
those in the ranks are watching the head.
THE COUNTY COUNCILS' ACT
For a considerable time prior to 1888 there had been a great desire
amongst the people for a more active part in local affairs. This was
running currently with the national and parliamentary idea. The
opposition which reared itself against the national was found striving
to prevent an extension of home affairs. It was in relation to this
that the Marquis of Salisbury, "that master of jeer and gibe," said
what the people wanted was a circus, as they were more eager for that
class of amusement than seriously taking part in the management of
parish or county business. However, as in the parliamentary suffrage,
so in the transferring of the local affairs from the parish magnates
and the petty sessions to the people; the spirit of reform, the
friends of freedom, and the trustees of the people were too strong.
Those who were in power--the masters in the art of "grasping the
skirts of happy chance"--those skilful plagiarisers of other people's
ideas, calling them their original property, those who have always
waited to be forced to do right, introduced and carried the "Local
Government Act."
As the men of Durham were eager and expectant in 1885 with reference
to the extension of the suffrage--not merely eager to receive, but to
use--so in relation to the county affairs, they were earnestly
desiring to receive the long withheld right and to put it into
operation. In this matter they were and are unique. The system of
political teaching carried on by their Franchise Association had not
been in vain. While in other parts of the country men had been at
fever heat until they were incorporated into the electorate, and then
lapsed into indifference or misuse, in Durham the same keen zest was
manifest after the passing of the Act as before. Between the Royal
assent being given and the time of operation a serious preparation
took place. A very large number of meetings were held, and in a
business manner the election was prepared for, with the result that
about one-fourth of the new-formed Council were working men, and fully
seventy per cent. of the parish and district councillors were from
their ranks. In this respect the county occupied a proud and peculiar
position, for in no other county was any such use made of the Act.
Instead of that, the lethargy seen in other counties was such as to
justify the Salisburian jeer as to the circus. It may be said without
fear of contradiction that no selfish or ill use was made of the power
thus gained. No county anywhere more needed reform in matters
pertaining to the home life of the people, for in matters of
convenience and sanitation the condition of many parts was deplorable.
There was a general idea that these working men when they were placed
in this responsible and new position, with the public purse to draw
upon, would act the part of prodigals, and run into all kinds of
waste. Those who said that, based their reasoning on a very false
position. They said (and no doubt believed) that the miners did not
contribute to the rates, and therefore would rush into useless
expenditure. Some of the miners asked where the rates came from if not
from them. The fear has been falsified. There was great need in the
home surroundings for rushing, but with all that, gradual reforms were
the order of the day, and no one suffered.
1890
Another Advance sought--Death of Mr Crawford--The Ten Hours' Drawing
and Hewers' Hours--The second Advance--International Miners'
Conference
This year opened with another claim for an advance. In the Federation
Minutes for January 8th is the following:--
That the secretary write to the secretary of the Coal Owners'
Association asking a meeting requesting an advance of 15 per cent. on
all classes.
That motion was the outcome of a resolution passed at the Miners'
Council on the 4th. Not merely was the amount of advance named, but
the 1st of February was to be the date of its commencement, with the
alternative that the ballot be taken if it were refused. The Board met
the owners on the 21st of January, when they were given the following
resolution:--
The Durham Coal Owners' Association is unable to make any further
advance in wages unless, or until, a much higher invoice price of
coal is realised than has yet been attained. The owners' accountants
have ascertained the selling price for the last three months (ending
December 31st, 1889) and they certify the net average invoice price
to be 5s. 9.88d. This, according to the recent sliding scale
agreement, would make wages 13¾ per cent. above the standard of
1879. Wages are, as a matter of fact, now 25 per cent. in advance of
that standard brought up to this point, by the special advance of 10
per cent. given only 5 or 6 weeks ago, in anticipation, as the owners
then declared, of higher prices yet to be got.
The owners invite the Federation Board to verify these figures, and
to join in a further ascertainment for the first three months of this
year, with a view to thus determining whether any advance in wages is
justified, either now or in April next.
The owners regard it as all-important that the men employed in the
collieries in the county of Durham should be afforded, and should
avail themselves of, an opportunity of correcting the serious
misapprehension under which they labour from regarding the prices
quoted in the newspapers for what is but a small proportion of the
output as representing the entire volume of trade.
LINDSAY WOOD,
_Chairman_.
Coal Trade Office, Newcastle,
_January 21st, 1890._