fact that it would leave an incompleteness in our record, might have
been passed over unnoticed. Some doubts were felt as to the state of
the accounts, and it was resolved to have a thorough inquiry into and
examination of the books. Mr John Staton, the accountant, was employed
for the purpose. His report was to the effect that the treasurer was
indebted to the Association to the amount of £282, 11s. 1d. This
examination covered the period commencing with December 1876. He not
only described the amount, but he suggested a system of book-keeping.
The result of the affair was the suspension of the treasurer (Mr
Forman acting _pro tem._), and his removal on the 6th of May, and the
appointment of Mr J. Wilson. The whole circumstance was unfortunate.
There were many (the writer among them) who doubted if there had
been any defrauding, and who were convinced he had only been careless.
He was an earnest worker in the Association.
[Illustration: ALDERMAN JOHN WILSON, J.P., M.P.]
1883-84
Five Days per Week Movement--Fourth Sliding Scale--Second Relief
Fund--Wheatley Hill "Putt Pay"
The question of restriction of the output was again brought under
discussion at the beginning of the year. It was not peculiar to nor
spontaneous in Durham, but was of extraneous suggestion. It was the
result of a miners' conference in Leeds, and was set forth under two
phases: the reduction in the hours per day and the days per week to
five--all the pits being off on the Saturday. The members were told
plainly by Mr Crawford what the real issue was and what was the
condition of the mining districts. While in other districts the hours
had to be reduced, in Durham they would remain, but the days per week
would apply to all alike. He, however, pointed out that there was only
one-sixth of the miners of the county represented. A special Council
was called, and the matter placed before it, when it was decided "that
pits ought to work not more than five days per week and draw coal not
more than ten hours per day--each and every pit being idle every
Saturday, irrespective of how many of the preceding days of the week
have been worked."
A Second National Conference was held on the question. A report was
issued by the representatives, Messrs Crawford and Wilson, which
showed the fallacy of attempting any national movement. The
conference was called to hear how far the decision had been carried
out. The report showed that there were only 81,000 paying members in
the districts represented, the total number employed being about
379,000; that there were only 9500 persons who had adopted the Leeds
Resolution of Restriction, and some districts positively refused to
carry it out. In the face of these facts the conference reaffirmed the
restriction resolution, and resolved that the ballot should be taken
in each district, and that there should be an adjournment to hear the
result.
In the meantime a meeting was held between the Executive Committee in
Durham and the owners. The Committee stated their reasons for
requesting the meeting, and hoped the owners would assist them to
carry the conference decisions into effect. The reply was that the
question was so important to both employers and employed that it would
require serious consideration. Could the workmen point out any
probable good which would result? How far it had been carried out?
Unless it were generally adopted it would mean ruin to those districts
attempting it. They were willing to take part in a national conference
for the purpose of discussing the subject. The matter was again
brought before a conference in Birmingham on April 10th. There were
twenty-seven delegates present from districts where 229,000 men were
employed. The only item of business was the appointment of a Committee
to meet the Mine Owners' National Association, each district to
appoint its own representative on the Committee. Mr Crawford was
afterwards appointed to act for Durham. The request for a meeting was
sent to Mr Maskell W. Peace, the owners' secretary. It was refused, as
they considered it outside their province. Beyond the disorganisation
in the other districts it was found in Durham to be incompatible with
the sliding scale, and as a consequence the attempt at a national
regulation of labour proved abortive. That which oft looks easy when
at a distance is often found impracticable when we are brought face to
face with it. If a national restriction be ever carried out it will
need solid unions, and all men of one mind, or it will fail at the
start.
THE FOURTH SLIDING SCALE
As the period approached when the definite year of the scale would end
there were growing signs that the requisite six months' notice would
be given. At a meeting of the Federation Board held on May 23rd it was
decided to give such notice to terminate the scale at the end of the
year, and the Board prepared to meet the emergency, and if possible
renew the scale or modify it. A resolution was come to at their
meeting in October, expressive of their opinion that "a sliding scale
is the best mode of adjusting the wages questions." They further
resolved that each section should meet the owners for the purpose of
discussing any alteration peculiar to themselves. Acting on that
arrangement the Executive Committee sent out a circular urging the
maintenance of the principle. In addition they called a special
Council, and asked for suggested amendments. In response there were
seventy-seven suggestions returned, embracing every kind of
alteration or grievance, to be considered before the scale was
re-established. These were sent to the employers, who replied by
sending a counter list containing (if not as many) a very large number
of questions. The Federation Board asked why they were making so many
claims. These reasons were supplied, each section being taken
_seriatim_. The various Committees and the Federation Board were doing
their best to get the settlement placed in the hands of some body of
men, so that the scale might be rearranged. This advice was not
accepted, for at a special Council the power to settle was retained by
the county so far as the miners were concerned.
The reasons assigned by the owners in support of their claims were
unacceptable to the Board. They felt justified, they said, in
refusing, but were willing to meet to discuss the respective
alterations. The meeting took place, but it was found that the
representatives of the miners could not proceed, as their Council had
refused to accept the scale until all the notices of men who were
discharged for depression of trade were withdrawn and all the pits
recommenced. "The owners said that such a thing was an impossibility,
seeing that a want of trade was the only cause of pits being stopped
and men dismissed. If the pits could be worked they would work them,
but this they could not do in consequence of the terrible depression
of trade. It was nonsense to say that the pits were stopped by an
arrangement among the owners. That was a monstrous absurdity." These
remarks were sent out to the miners with a most earnest appeal not to
delay the matter any longer, because it could only result in danger. A
form accompanied the circular upon which the lodges were asked to
vote whether they would place the question of a sliding scale in the
hands of the Federation Board. This appeal was successful, and the
Board was instructed to proceed with it by a majority of 104. At the
earliest possible moment a meeting was arranged, and the scale agreed
to on the lines of the previous one, to commence on 1st August 1884,
and to continue for two years certain, subject to two calendar months'
notice. But such notice was to be given on a date to permit of a
termination on the 31st of July. This fourth sliding scale was similar
to the third one, which appears on page 177, so we need not reproduce
it.
SECOND RELIEF FUND
The formation of the Second Relief Fund was forced upon the county by
the fact that there were so many men out of work, and their poverty
was a peril to those who were in employment. Men's necessities are a
strong force, oft compelling them to do things they would otherwise
shrink from. It was thought, therefore, it would be sound economy to
ease off the poverty, if luxury could not be afforded, and thus save
men from overcrowding the labour market, or at least from accepting
conditions which, if once established, would prove a general injury.
Then there was a feeling of sympathy for the distress seen on all
hands, and a desire to alleviate, if not obliterate it; for the miners
of Durham may have little, but they never hesitate to share it. They
are not the men "who, seeing their brother in distress, shut up their
bowels of compassion against him." The sight of distress, or a
knowledge that someone is in danger, never appeals in vain.
The Council meeting held on May 3rd, 1884, dealt with the question of
providing for the relief of those men who were discharged through
depression of trade. It decided that a special Council should be
called on the 7th for the purpose of discussing the best means, and in
the meantime suggestions might be sent in--"motions of all kinds,
including levies, to be admissible." Without describing these in
detail, suffice it to say that there were eighty-eight in number,
covering all phases of the subject, both as to means of raising money
and amount of benefit. The Council decided for a levy of 3d. per full
and 1½d. per half member per fortnight. That £2000 should be
advanced from the General Fund, to be redeemed by the levy, and "that
the amount of money the levy will bring be equally divided by the
Executive Committee amongst the men idle or who may be idle." It was
soon found that the income from the levy would not give anything near
10s., and often it was found to run as low as 5s., per week.
WHEATLEY HILL "PUTT PAY"
As this, although belonging to an individual colliery, is yet of a
peculiar character, it will be well to note it here. On the pay Friday
falling on April 4th it was found that the company had become
bankrupt, and the wages of the workmen were not forthcoming. This
being the second occasion at these collieries, and only half the
amount for the previous occasion having been paid, there was great
consternation, and the presence of an agent was urgently requested.
The treasurer immediately went out, and found the people ready for a
riot. This, of course, was to be expected. Mr Ramsay, the agent of the
colliery, desirous to meet in part the wants of the people, sold a
branch engine, but when the N.E.R. engine came to take it away men,
women, and children commenced and pulled the rails up, thus keeping
both engines as it were in "pound." It was arranged that there should
be a mass meeting the next day (Saturday), and the treasurer was to
attend to persuade the men to allow the sale to proceed, and accept
the money as an instalment of their wages. The meeting was held in a
field. The day was fine, there was a large crowd, and the treasurer
was in his most eloquent mood, when a very laughable incident
occurred. There was a pigeon-flying match from Newcastle to Thornley.
It was about the time when the birds were expected. Some of the men
were watching the heavens more closely than they were listening to the
speaker or at the time thinking about their wages. Just when the
orator was in the midst of one of his best sentences a voice was heard
(which was the descent from the sublime to the ridiculous): "Haud thee
hand till th' 'Slate Cock' comes in." In a moment speaker and occasion
were lost, and the gathering generally watched the bird, hero of the
hour, as, like an arrow shot from some great bow, he came right on to
his "ducket." Then in deliberate manner the same voice was heard
exclaiming: "There, he's landed; thoo can gan on wi' thee speech." But
rhetoric and reason were both ineffective after the "Slate Cock" had
landed.
The Executive Committee, however, were quick in their action, and put
in men as bailiffs at each colliery to prevent anything being taken
away. After a year had been taken up by the process of law, and £1000
spent in money, the entire wages, slightly over £4724, with the
colliery pay sheets, were handed over to the treasurer. That sum
included the wages of Union and non-Union men alike, and was paid to
all with this difference, that the members got their money free of
cost, but the non-members were charged 7s. each towards the cost
incurred in procuring the money. This sum was all paid out as per the
pay sheets. The last man to turn up was five years after.
1885
Industrial Remuneration Conference--Extension of the
Franchise--Labour Representation--Lloyd Jones
In January 1884 a peculiar but very useful conference was held in
London. It was, and is, known as the "Industrial Remuneration
Conference." In the preface to the proceedings, which were published,
we are told why the conference was called.
"In the spring of 1884, a gentleman of Edinburgh determined to devote
a considerable sum of money to the purpose of keeping before the
public mind this vital question, viz.: What are the best means,
consistent with justice and equity, for bringing about equal division
of the daily products of industry between Capital and Labour, so that
it may become possible for all to enjoy a fair share of material
comfort and intellectual culture, and possible for all to lead a
dignified life, and less difficult for all to lead a good life?"
For the purpose indicated he gave £1000, vested in seven trustees, Mr
T. Burt being one of them. To the trustees there was a Committee
added, and Mr Crawford was, by the consent of the Miners' Council,
amongst the number. That Committee considered that the best means of
carrying out the trust was by organising a conference and inviting all
sorts and conditions of opinion. There were two main branches of
inquiry: "Is the present system or manner whereby the products of
industry are distributed between the various persons and classes of
the community satisfactory; or if not, are there any means by which
that system could be improved?" These general propositions were
divided into many branches. The purpose of this historical outline is
served by mentioning the connecting link being Mr Crawford's
appointment on the Committee. The chairman of the conference was Sir
C. Dilke.
While these important industrial matters were taking place the
political affairs had not been neglected. The Franchise Association
had kept up a close and instructive agitation not only at home, but
outside the county, pressing the demand for an assimilation of county
to borough. They urged that it was a glaring anomaly for a man to be
eligible to vote in a borough, and because he passed over an arbitrary
line (yet in all respects the same man in trade and duties of
citizenship) he was not permitted to do so. At the Trades Union
Congress held in Nottingham in 1883 the following resolution was
proposed by the representatives from Durham:--
That, without accepting an equalisation of the county with the
borough franchise as a final solution of the great question of
Parliamentary Reform, this congress is of opinion that the Government
should lose no time in introducing their promised measure, and calls
upon the organised trades of the country to assist by every means in
their power in promoting the popular movement in support of this
long-expected reform, and authorises the Parliamentary Committee to
join with the Durham Franchise Association and other Associations of
all kinds in the proposed deputation to the Prime Minister.
The result of this resolution was the reception by Mr Gladstone of a
very large deputation, representative of all the Trades Unions in the
country, on January 3rd, 1884. Three speakers--J. Arch, A. Wilkie, and
J. Wilson--were selected, and they received the assurance that the
Government would introduce the Bill. It was introduced, and occupied
nearly the whole of the session; was carried through the Commons, but
was defeated by the Lords, or as Mr Gladstone said, they put "an
effectual stoppage on the Bill; or in other words, they did
practically reject it." The Liberals, however, were determined that
the matter should be settled, and for that purpose summoned an autumn
session. By the tact and eloquence of the Prime Minister the great
measure was carried in spite of the most bitter opposition, in which
constitutional means were stretched to their utmost limit, and the
deepest depths of vulgarity were ransacked for the foulest epithets to
use against the working classes, some of whom appear to have very
short memories, as they forget this and other great acts done for them
by the Liberals.
The passing of the Act did not take the miners of Durham or their
colleagues over the Tyne by surprise, but found them expectant, and
ready to use their newly acquired power. The twelve years of the
teaching of the Franchise Association bore fruit at once. During the
summer of 1884 numerous district meetings were held. The Miners'
Executive and the Committee of the Franchise worked together. The two
great questions were the political right withheld and the action of
the irresponsible House of Lords in thwarting the will of the nation
as expressed by the duly elected representatives of the people. The
4th of October was the appointed day to hold district meetings
simultaneously all over the county. The people were urged to make them
a success. The Committee was appointed to take charge, and the owners
were notified that all the collieries would be off on that day. The
whole county was in a political fever. John Morley had uttered his
memorable words, which have passed into one of our epigrams: "End them
or mend them." The political creed of the progressives was "Down with
the Lords" and "Faith in Gladstone." One sentence may be quoted from
Mr Crawford's circular of that time:
Mr Gladstone and the Government deserve the highest praise for their
action in this matter, and with the support of the people they will
yet carry the Bill against the organised and determined opposition of
a class of men who have amassed immense wealth by, in past times,
taking that which belonged to the people.
The practical effect of the Act in Durham was seen on January 24th,
1885, when the Federation Board called a special Council to consider
the following programme:--
PROGRAMME, 1885
(1) Shall there be Labour Representatives?
(2) If so, how many?
(3) If it be decided to have Labour Representatives, who shall he or
they be?
(4) The ways and means of supporting such person or persons from the
Associations.
(5) What should the salary of such man or men be?
(6) Should we nominate men other than Labour Representatives? That
is, men who hold similar views to ourselves, but who will pay their
own costs, both in contesting and otherwise.
(7) If this be done, who should they be?
(8) The selection of divisions.
The resolutions come to were--(1) there should be Labour
representatives; (2) there should be _bona fide_ Labour candidates
selected from the workmen, but run in connection with the Liberals;
(3) the candidates should be J. Wilson, W. Crawford, and L. Trotter;
(4) the ways and means should be left in the hands of the Federation
Board, and that the salaries should be £500 per year. On the same day
the Board met, and decided to select the Bishop Auckland, Mid-Durham,
and Houghton-le-Spring divisions--Mr Trotter for Bishop Auckland;
Mid-Durham, W. Crawford; Houghton-le-Spring, J. Wilson. They further
decided to inform the North and South Durham Liberal Associations what
had been done, and asked them if they would co-operate with the
Board.
A meeting between the representatives of the Liberal Associations, the
Federation Board, and the Franchise Association was held in the County
Hotel, Durham, when the following resolutions were agreed to:--
RESOLUTIONS, 1885
That it is highly desirable for all sections of the new electorate to
arrange for the object of securing the return of Liberal Members at
the next election, and that this meeting is prepared to give support
to the persons nominated by the Miners' Federation Board, providing
their candidature is endorsed by the Liberals in each division.
That this meeting requests the constituencies to form Liberal
organisations, and that small committees from the South and North
Durham Liberal Associations, the Federation Board, and the Miners'
Franchise Association be appointed to aid such organisations.
_January 24th, 1885._
So far as the Mid-Durham and the Houghton divisions were concerned,
all went on smoothly. The candidates were accepted with complete
unanimity, but in the Auckland division the feeling in some quarters
was in strong opposition. The Board were asked to withdraw Mr Trotter,
which they refused to do. There were other two gentlemen in
nomination, and he was asked to put himself in competition with them,
and if rejected retire. He refused, and they, the Board, approved of
his refusal, and arranged a meeting of the lodges in the division for
the purpose of explaining the situation. At this point there arose a
complication of a different order. At their meeting on October 22nd,
1885, the Board decided "that each candidate must be responsible for
the returning officer's fees in their respective divisions." Shortly
after this was made known Mr Trotter withdrew, the reason assigned
being the refusal of the Board to pay the returning officer's fees,
although all the candidates were treated alike. As a consequence the
division was vacant, and open to any candidate. This only need be
added, that at the General Election in November Mr Crawford and Mr
Wilson were both returned by great majorities--the latter being
defeated in 1886, but succeeding Mr Crawford in 1890 as the Member for
Mid-Durham.
This may be a fitting place to try to remove a false impression, which
has lingered in some minds unto this day, as to what they are pleased
to call "the shameful treatment" of Mr Lloyd Jones, while in the
Chester-le-Street division, by the Federation Board. There never was a
grosser misstatement. The Board did nothing but what was fair and
honourable throughout the whole proceedings, although they were made
the object of a somewhat bitter attack by _The Newcastle Chronicle_,
which attack was entirely founded upon a too slight knowledge of the
facts. As mentioned above, an arrangement was made whereby the workmen
were to have their divisions undisputed, and with the rest there was
no claim for interferences set up. Mr J. (now Lord) Joicey was
selected by the Liberals for the Chester-le-Street division, the
Federation Board having no part or lot in the transaction. Mr Jones,
who was an intimate friend of Mr J. Cowen, was brought out, it is well
known, as Mr Cowen's nominee, and as such, contested the division.
The Board, as such, did nothing in it in any way. If they had, their
action would have been dishonourable in the light of the agreement.
This, however, they did do: as soon as Mr Trotter withdrew from Bishop
Auckland, they sent a deputation to interview Mr Jones and to make him
an offer of that division. The writer was one of the deputation, and
with the others did all possible to persuade him, but he refused. It
was felt he was not free, or he would have accepted. This can be said
without fear of contradiction: the Board as a whole regretted the
refusal, for Mr Jones was a great orator, respected very much by the
miners in Durham, as witness their continual choice of him for their
arbitration cases, and he could have had a safe seat.
1887-89
In Dark Days--The Eight Hours--The Sliding Scale--Advance of Ten per
Cent.--Second Advance of Ten per Cent.--Death of the Scale--The
County Council