Object. | 6 deg. 48' N., | 8 deg. 24' 24'' N.,
| 158 deg. 14' E. | 163 deg. E.
| |
man | ooleen | tanata
apparel (men's) | koall | --
men, people | aramass | --
woman | lee | fafeeny
apparel (women's) | lee-kooty | --
boy | tchirri-maoon | tamali-kirriky
girl | tchirri-payni | tama-feeny
father | paba | tamana
mother | nono | tinana
old man | -- | tilui-tanata
old woman | booot | tama
son | -- | areeky
brother | reeagey | taeena
sister | reeagey-lee | kawe
workman or slave | aramass-a-mal | --
head | -- | debosoulu
hair | -- | ladoo
face | -- | lofee-mata
brow | -- | moa-lai
ear | -- | kaootalina
eye | -- | karimata
nose | -- | kai-joosoo
mouth | -- | moa-joosoo
tongue | -- | alaydo
tooth | -- | nitcho
beard | -- | babaee
neck | -- | teoowa
arm | -- | leema
hand or finger | -- | motikao
nail | -- | padde
body | -- | fuaitino
belly | -- | manawa
thigh or leg | -- | koonawaee
foot | -- | sapoowaee
toes | -- | motikao-waee
bone | -- | tayeewee
heart | -- | wagga-wagga
blood | -- | toto
village | -- | takaeena
chief | tchobity | alikee
high-chief | tchobity-lappilap | --
a king | nanamareeky | --
minister | nannekin | --
warrior | -- | patooa
friend | -- | tosoah
house, hut | nanoom | tamafalee
bow and arrow | katchin-kotayoo | --
musket | kotchack | --
cannon | kotchak-lappilap | --
spear | kotayoo | --
saw | ratch-a-ratch | --
knife | kapoot | nife (Anglice knife)
young bamboo | aleck | --
cocoa-palm | erring | nyoo
old cocoa-nut | erring | mata-seelee
young cocoa-nut | payeen | kamatoo
yam | kaap | --
sugar-cane | katchin-tchoo | --
bread-fruit | mahee | --
banana | oot | --
ginger | goonapella | --
food | moonga | --
rope | shaal | --
coral | paeena | --
reef | mat | --
ship's mast | kow | --
ship | tchob | --
mainsail | tcherrick | --
launch | wooarr | wakka
large ship, man-of-war | -- | wakka-wakka
go, fetch me a canoe | kowa-golawata-ny-wooarr | --
small canoe | wooarr-madigadig | --
war-canoe | wooarr-ma-loot | --
shoe | -- | takka
bread | -- | papay (from papaya)
pipe | peepo | meety-meety
tobacco | -- | tobacco
smoke | atee-niagey |
| (? act of sternutation is |
| intended to be expressed) | --
heaven | -- | telaoo
sun | katerpin | telah
the sun scorches (_sc._ | |
the sun is evil) | katerpinban-kara-kara | --
moon | tschoonaboong | malama
star | ootchoo | fatoo
day | -- | trasonayee
light | -- | taeejao
night | bong | tepoh
darkness | -- | pooori-taoo
morning | raan | tapa-taeejao
evening (little night) | -- | afee-afee
wind | katchi-niang | --
lightning | -- | wooeela
thunder | -- | mana
rain | katow | tamakee-tayoowa
the rain approaches | katow-bankoto | --
basket | kiam | --
distilled spirit | jako-ni-waee | --
fire | katchiniagey | afee
water | peeel | wooaee
hot water (also tea) | peeel-karakara | --
earth, land | tchaap | fanooa
sea | nantcheet | wooaee-taee
hill | -- | faka-maoona
island | -- | tama-fanova
stone, rock | takee | fatoo
sand | pig | --
iron | -- | keela
tree, wood | tooee _or_ tooka | lagaoo
sandal-wood | tooka-pomow | --
trepang | meneeka | --
red-trepang | lekapasina-menelka-witata | --
inferior sort | lognan | --
best sort | mayeen | --
black sort | matup | --
trepang split open | penapen | --
pearl-oyster | paee | --
flesh | -- | tayeeho
human flesh | -- | takeery
pig | piig (corrupted | --
| from the English) |
dog | -- | kooree
bird | -- | looppi
egg | -- | tafooa
dove | moorie | --
domestic fowl | maleek | --
fish | maaam | eeka
fool | booy-booee | --
hat | tchoroop | --
chisel | tcheela | --
flask | jug (English) | --
calabash | ay-jug | --
book | ay-ting | --
box | koba | --
native cucumber | toor | --
apron | goal | --
fish-hook | katcheen-mata | --
musical instrument | katchang | --
a liar | lakoompot | --
tortoise-shell | katchinipoot | masana
mosquito | -- | namoo
name | -- | koai-to-mare
what is your name? | idiatoom? | --
who are you? | itch-kowa? | --
voyage, journey | -- | mamao
white | boot-a-boot | mah
white-man | oolyn-way | tamamah
black | tintol | ooree
black-man | -- | lama-ooree
red | witata | ayoola
blue, green | -- | ayooee
yellow | -- | kikana
great | lappilap | naneeoo
small | madigidig | likee-likee
strong | -- | faee-mafee
young | -- | taaney
young man | -- | tama-taaney
good | mamo | aylaooe
long | mareerie | --
short | mootamoot | --
old | -- | matooa
far | malooot | ma-mao
painfully alarmed | matchek | --
bad | metchiwate | fa-keeno-keeno
beautiful | katchilell | aylaosee
dead | metchilarr | koomatie
a dead man | honi | --
bad odours | -- | puraoo
ugly (bad) | -- | fa-keeno-keeno
ill | tchoo-mo | ayeesoo
living | -- | aylaooee
cold | -- | makalili
warm | kara | mafana
hot | kara-kara | --
I, me | nej | enaoo
we | -- | kohootoha
thou | -- | akoee
he | -- | tamala
ye or you | noom | akoee
they | kowa | --
all | karootcheea | kohoo-tohoo
much, many | matoto | tama-kee
seldom | malolo | --
where? | aya? | --
who? | -- | saya?
who's there? | -- | saya-tay?
which | itch | --
what? | ta? | --
what does that cost? | taa-ban-pyn? | --
to-day | raanauit | tai-jaoo
this night | neeboong | --
near | -- | taoo-preemaee
yesterday | eejayo | na-nafee
long since | kelanaydgo | --
to-morrow | lo-koop | taya-soakee
yes | -- | oh
I know | nejereera-neekee | --
no | tcho | sayaee
I don't know | nej-tyraneekee | --
how do you call this? | togata mett? | --
enough, that's enough | aare | --
there is no more | allatcher | --
fast | bit-a-bit | --
one | aaat | taahee
two | aaree | rooah
three | tchil | torah
four | abang | fah
five | aylieem | leemah
six | oan | ono
seven | etch | feetoo
eight | ewal | waroo
nine | atoooo | seewo
ten | katingool etchak | katawa
eleven | katingool-aat | katawa-tahee
twelve | katingool-aree | katawa-rooah
thirteen | katingool-etchil | katawa-tora
twenty | ree-etchak | mata-rooah
thirty | tchil-etchak | mata-torah
forty | pa-etchak | mata-fah
fifty | lyeem-etchak | mata-leema
sixty | oan-etchak | mata-on
hundred | a-bookie | lou
200 | ree-a-bookie | rooah-lou
300 | tchil-abookie | --
1000 | ket | kutaioa-lou
5000 | lyeem-a-ket | --
2,505 | ree-a-ket-lyeem-a- | --
| bookie-elyeem |
5,090 | lyeem-a-ket-atoooo- | --
| etchak |
4,440 | pa-a-ket-pa-a-bookie- | --
| pa-etchak |
3,030 | tchil-a-ket-tchil-etchak | --
9,740 | atoooo-a-ket-etch- | --
| a-bookie-pa-etchak |
10,990 | noooo-atoooo-a-bookie- | --
| atoooo-etchak |
to eat | namenam | kaee
to drink | -- | oonoo
to run | -- | saeeray
to dance | -- | anoo
to go | gota | anaaoo
to go ashore | gota-nanchap | --
to go up | gota-waai | --
to descend | goti-waai | --
I am going on board | -- | anaoo-gafano
I am going forward | ny-ban-tchoomelaa | --
whither go you? | go-leejaa? | --
go on! | hugo-waai! | --
stand up! | hoota! | --
wait! | hooti-mas | --
sit down | monti | --
lie down | wenti | --
to write or tattoo | ting | --
to sing | -- | besse
to sleep | merilah | moi
to speak | kalang | toka
to love | bukka-bukka | anaoo-fifai-kikaoi
I do not love him | eekah | --
the dead | kummela | leekie-teea
It smells unpleasantly | -- | poor-aoo
to steal | lyppirap | --
to sit | -- | nofo
to stand | -- | anasani
to come | tongata | --
come back! | broto | --
come here! | ky-to | --
to bathe | too-tu | --
to bring | wata | --
to take | wa-waee | --
night-mare | loatch | --
to give | kiang | --
give me | kita | --
you are giving | kowa-kiang | --
APPENDIX C. (p. 399.)
FORM IN SPANISH OF THE AGREEMENT ENTERED INTO IN DUPLICATE,
CHINESE AND SPANISH, AND SIGNED BY EACH CHINESE EMIGRANT BEFORE
LEAVING MACAO.
Nombre__________ Provincia__________
Edad__________ Profesion__________
DIGO YO__________ natural__________
en China, de edad de _____ anos, que he convenido con Dn. F. VELEZ lo que
se espresa en las clausulas siguientes:
1^a. Quedo comprometido desde ahora a embarcarme para la HABANA en la Isla
de Cuba en el buque que me senale dicho Senor.
2^a. Quedo igualmente comprometido y sugeto por el termino de ocho anos a
trabajar en dicho pais de la Isla de Cuba a las ordenes de la SOCIEDAD LA
COLONIZADORA o a las de la persona a quien traspasare este Contrato para
lo cual la faculto, en todas las tareas alli acostumbradas, en el campo,
en las poblaciones, o en donde quiera que me destinen, sea en casas
particulares, establecimientos de cualquiera clase de industria y artes, o
bien en ingenios, vegas, cafetales, sitios, potreros, estancias y cuanto
concierne a las labores urbanas y rurales sea de la especie que fueren.
3^a. Los ocho anos de compromiso que dejo contraidos en los terminos
espresados en la clausula anterior, principiaran a contarse desde el
octavo dia siguiente al de mi llegada al puerto citado de la HABANA,
siempre que yo llegare en buena salud, y desde el octavo dia siguiente al
de mi salida del hospital o enfermeria, caso de llegar enfermo o incapaz
de trabajar al tiempo de mi desembarco.
4^a. Las horas en que he de trabajar dependeran de la clase de trabajo que
se me de, y segun las atencinoes que dicho trabajo requiera, lo cual queda
al arbitrio del patrono a cuyas ordenes se me ponga, siempre que se me den
mis horas seguidas de descanso cada 24 horas, y el tiempo preciso a demas
para la comida y almuerzo, con arreglo a lo que en estas necesidades
inviertan los de mas trabajadores asalariados en aquel pais.
5^a. Ademas de las horas de descanso, en los dias de trabajo, no podra
hacerseme desempenar en los Domingos mas lavores que las denecesidad
practicadas en tales dias segun la indole de los que haceres en que me
ocupen.
6^a. Me sugeto igualmente al orden y disciplina que se observe en el
establecimiento, taller, finca o casa particular adonde se me destine, y
me someto al sistema de coreccion que en los mismos se impone por faltas
de aplicacion y constancia en el trabajo, de obediencia a las ordenes de
los patronos o de sus representantes, y por todas aquellas, cuja gravedad
no haga precisa la intervencion de las leyes.
7^a. Por ninguna razon o por ningun pretesto podre, durante los ocho anos
por los cuales quedo comprometido en este Contrato, negar mis servicios al
patron que me tome, ni a evadirme de su poder, ni a intentarlo siquiera
por ninguna causa, ni mediante ninguna indemnizacion, y para significar
mas mi voluntad de permanecer bajo su autoridad en los limites que en este
Contrato le doy, renuncio desde ahora el derecho de rescision de Contrato
que otorgan a los colonos los Articulos 27 y 28 de las Ordenanzas sobre
colonizacion promulgadas por S. M. la Reina DA. YSABEL 2^a. en 22 de Marzo
de 1854, y el que pudieran otorgarle cualquiera otra ley o disposiciones
que en lo sucesivo se publicasen.
8^a. En cuanto a casos de enfermedad convengo y estipulo, que si esta
escede de una semana se me suspenda el salario, y que este no vuelva a
correrme hasta mi restablecimiento o lo que es igual, hasta que mi salud
permita ocuparme en el servicio de mi patrono, no obstante el tenor de los
Articulos 43, 44 y 45 del Reglamento citado, pues tambien renuncio al
derecho que pudiesen otorgarme para ninguna otra ecsigencia que solo a
fuerza de tramites costosos y largos pudiera llegar a justificarse o a ser
reprovada.
Dn. F. VELEZ se obliga poa su parte para conmigo:
1^a. Aque desde el dia en que principien a contarse los ocho anos de mi
compromiso, principie tambien a correrme el salario de cuatro pesos al
mes.
2^a. Aque se me suministre de alimento cada dia ocho onzas de carne salada
y dos y media libras de boniatas o de otras viandas sanas y alimenticias.
3^a. Aque durante mis enfermedades se me proporcione en la enfermeria la
asistencia que mis males reclamen con los ausilios, medicinas y
facultativo que mis dolencias y conservacion ecsijan fuere por el tiempo
que fueren.
4^a. Aque se me den dos mudas de ropa, una camisa de lana y una frazada
anuales.
5^a. Sera de cuenta del mismo Senor y por la de quien corresponda mi
pasage hasta la HABANA y mi manutencion a bordo.
6^a. El mismo Senor me adelantara la cantidad de ocho pesos fuertes para
mi abilitation al viage que voi a emprender.
7^a. Tambien me dara cuatro mudas de ropa, colcha y de mas avios
necesarios, cujo importe de pesos 4 con los de la clausula anterior hacen
la suma de pesos doce, la misma que satisfare en la HABANA a la orden de
la SOCIEDAD LA COLONIZADORA con un peso al mes que se descontara de mi
salario por la persona a quien fuere traspasado este Contrato,
entendiendose que por ningun otro concepto podra hacerseme descuento
alguno.
DECLARO haber recibido en efectivo y en ropa segun se espresa en la ultima
clausula la suma de pesos doce mencionados que reintegrare en la HABANA en
la forma establecida en dicha clausula.
DECLARO tambien que me conformo con el salario estipulado, aunque se y me
consta es mucho mayor el que ganan los jornaleros libres y los esclavos en
la Isla da Cuba, porque esta diferencia la juzgo compensada con las otras
ventajas que ha de proporcionarme mi patrono, y las que aparecen en este
Contrato.
Y en fe de que cumpliremos mutuamente lo que queda pactado en este
documento firmamos dos de un tenor y para un solo efecto ambos
contratantes en ______ a _____ de 18__.
POR LA SOCIEDAD LA COLONIZADORA.
TRANSLATION OF THE FOREGOING.
Name________________________ Province__________________
Age___ Business or occupation____________________
I, the under-signed____________ born at__________ in China ____years old,
have entered into an agreement with Don F. Velez, upon the following
conditions, viz.--
1. I engage from the date hereof to embark for the Havannah in the island
of Cuba in whatever ship the before-mentioned gentleman may appoint.
2. I further promise and engage during the space of eight years to work in
the said country of Cuba under the orders and regulations of the
Colonization Society, or of the person to whom the present agreement may
be assigned, and to perform all necessary agricultural labour in the
settlement, or wheresoever I may be ordered so to do, whether in a private
house or in any description of industrial enterprise, or in factories, in
plantations, in coffee-gardens, at country-seats, or on pasturage grounds,
and generally all manner of labour, whether in town or country, of what
description soever it may consist.
3. The eight years during which I bind myself to labour under the
conditions specified in the last preceding paragraph shall be held to
commence eight days after my disembarkation in the aforesaid harbour of
the Havannah, it being always understood that I have been landed in good
health, or else shall commence on the eighth day after my discharge from
hospital, in the event of my having landed in ill health or incapable of
working.
4. The hours during which I bind myself to labour shall depend upon the
nature of the work which I shall be required to perform, and the degree of
special attention which such work may require, or may be determined on his
own responsibility by the master under whose orders I may be placed,
provided always that I am permitted to enjoy certain hours of repose
during every 24 hours, and certain fixed periods for breakfast and dinner,
similar to those assigned to other paid labourers in that country.
5. Besides my hours of rest and recreation during work days, I shall not
be bound to do any work upon Sundays, beyond such necessary labour as may
seem to be requisite in the opinion of my employer or employers.
6. I also bind myself to submit to the orders and discipline which may be
in force in the house of business, farm, or private house in which I am
employed, and further agree that I shall be amenable to such _system of
punishment_ as may be in force in such localities for the correction of
indolence, absence from work, disobedience to the orders of any employers
or their agents, as also for all such minor offences as may not call for
the intervention of the law.
7. On no account whatever, and under no circumstances, shall it be lawful
for me during the aforesaid period of eight years for which I hereby bind
myself, to absent myself from my employer's service, or to withdraw or
escape from his authority, or under any circumstance or under any
provocation to complain against him, and in order to render more binding
upon me this declaration of my voluntary obedience to all these
provisions, I _renounce_ from the date of the present subscription the
right to rescind the provisions of this contract secured to emigrants by
articles 27 and 28 of the ordinances on colonization promulgated by H. M.
Queen Isabella II., 22 March, 1854, as also any similar rights that may be
secured to emigrants by any laws or official documents published or to be
published in reference thereto.
8. In case of sickness or infirmity I agree and declare that I fully
consent that if such illness shall exceed one week in duration, my wages
shall be stopped, and shall remain suspended until my recovery, or, which
is the same thing, until such time as my health permits me to re-enter the
service of my employer, without having recourse to the articles 43, 44,
and 45 of the aforesaid regulations, my rights under which I forego by the
last preceding paragraph, and do again _renounce_.
Don F. Velez for his part engages with me:--
1. That from the day on which my said term of eight years' service begins,
my wages shall be paid at the rate of four Spanish piastres monthly.
2. That there shall be provided me daily eight ounces of salt meat and two
and a half pounds Boniatas (_Jatropha Manihot_), or other equally good and
nutritious food.
3. That in the event of illness I shall be provided in the hospital with
such things as my case may require, and in particular with all medicines,
&c., necessary to restore me to health, so long as my illness may last.
4. That I shall be supplied annually with two pairs of trowsers, one
woollen shirt, and one woollen coat.
5. That my passage to the Havannah and maintenance while on board shall
be defrayed at the expense of my employer or his agent or representative.
6. That my employer shall further pay me eight dollars in order to enable
me to provide necessaries for the said voyage; and further,
7. That he shall provide me with four pairs of trowsers and a coverlet,
the same not to exceed four dollars, making with the preceding the sum of
12 dollars, which 12 dollars I bind myself to repay to the order of the
Colonization Society, by means of a monthly instalment of one dollar paid
by the person with whom my labour shall be contracted for, but upon the
further condition that no other deduction whatever shall be made from my
said monthly pay.
I hereby declare that, in conformity with the preceding paragraph, I have
received by way of cash advance and in clothing the equivalent of the said
12 dollars, which, as already stipulated, shall be repaid by me at the
Havannah.
I also declare that I am perfectly satisfied with the aforesaid payment,
although I am aware, and it is well known, that the free labourers, as
also the negro slaves, in the island of Cuba, are paid a much larger wage.
But I consider myself recompensed for this difference by the other
advantages which my employer binds himself to secure to me, and which are
set forth in the present contract. And in witness that we on either side
engage that the provisions hereof shall be duly and faithfully carried
out, we subscribe on that behalf two copies of similar purport this ____
day of ____ 18__.
For the Colonization Society, __________
Signature of emigrant, __________
APPENDIX D. (pp. 539-548).
DESCRIPTION OF THE TYPHOON ENCOUNTERED IN THE CHINESE SEAS, BY
H.I.R.M.'s FRIGATE NOVARA, ON THE 18TH AND 19TH AUGUST, 1858.
The path of the typhoon has been deduced from comparison with the readings
of the barometer, with which it corresponds pretty accurately, if due
allowance be made for the fact, that in determining it the various
directions in which the line of centres runs must be calculated on the
supposition that the orbit of the cyclone is circular, which it is not in
reality, since at any considerable distance from the centre it must be
elliptical. Hence it is apparent that the rate of velocity of the cyclone
in advancing along its path follows no fixed law, whereas some such
regularity undoubtedly exists among the masses of air encountered by the
cyclone. Hence too the errors thus made in specifying the direction of the
wind become of considerable importance in this connection, more especially
in the event of the place of observation being at any distance from the
centre, or that the path of the cyclone forms a sharp angle when wheeling
round. Moreover, as actually experienced, the path of the typhoon would
lie more near the line of the points of observation than a sketch founded
upon such observations would indicate, and than a general comparison of
the paths of cyclones founded upon the theory of their gyratory motion
would substantiate, except in those cases where the observer has been
directly in the path of the cyclone.
In our case the absolute distances, as specified in the annexed table (see
p. 490) of fifteen different stations taken during the three days during
which the cyclone and its premonitory and subsequent symptoms lasted, are
only assumed, because simultaneous observations of the varying directions
of the wind could not be taken at various points of the course of the
cyclone, and in so far may be inaccurate, although the relative distances
might possibly be tolerably correct.
The observations as to the direction of the wind at noon of the 18th
August and at the ensuing midnight, give results contradictory to the
theory, since the wind in both cases is almost the same as would at
midnight of the 19th indicate a central point, falling actually behind
that portion of the path of the line of centres already traversed on the
18th. Upon this showing the direction of the wind at 6 P.M. of the 18th
may be assumed as that of the centre of the cyclone. In fact, the path of
the cyclone at this point lay parallel with the course the ship was
holding, whence only trifling variations would be observable in the
direction of the wind at those periods. Besides, the cyclone was at that
time approaching the vertex of its orbit, in doing which it encountered
the large and tolerably lofty island of Okinawa-Sima of the Loo-Choo
group, which must have resulted in a certain expenditure of the force
causing the gyratory movement of the cyclone. In analyzing the path of the
cyclone, account must also be taken of the winds that prevailed from the
17th August up to midnight, although these are to be considered, with
respect to the cyclone proper, only in so far as they were winds that had
been altered in direction at the origin of the typhoon in conformity with
the laws of cyclones, which by no means imply in all cases a perfect
gyration. However, as these winds are varied in direction by the same
causes which are in full activity in the case of the cyclones, such
variations must follow the same laws, and the lines of centres which
present themselves with reference to these as parts of a circular orbit,
naturally lie in the same direction as that of the cyclone at its origin.
As early as the 13th August a marked alteration in the temperature of the
air had been perceptible at Shanghai; the thermometer fell from between
86 deg. and 95 deg. Fahr. to between 73 deg.4 and 78 deg.8 Fahr.: easterly breezes set
in, and the barometer rose in a remarkable manner for that latitude and
season. On the 17th the weather was still fine, but the sun set red and
fiery behind a dense mass of clouds.
The morning of the 18th broke with continued fine weather; but cumulous
clouds were massed on the sky, and looked black and threatening to the
N.E. By 8 A.M. the wind and sea had both risen materially. By 3 P.M. the
roll of the sea was from N. by E., the sky became still more cloudy, and
the clouds began to descend; banks of clouds in the direction of the
central point. At midnight between the 18th and 19th altered course to W.
by S., in order to run out of the cyclone by reaching its southern edge.
On the 19th at 8 A.M. a heavy sea from the northward, the sky a dense mass
of clouds with very limited horizon; the whole aspect of the heavens a
grey misty wrack of clouds, gradually falling lower and lower,--only in
the direction of the central point was there visible a gloomy,
leaden-coloured segment of clear horizon. From 4 P.M. to 8 P.M. the clouds
completely enveloped us, so that it was barely possible to descry an
object a cable's length from the ship; constant gusts of wind with fine
rain or sea-spray; very heavy sea from the west, but the waves fairly
decapitated by the wind as fast as they rose. By 11 P.M. a few dark clouds
became visible in the S.S.E., and the horizon began to widen again.
20th. The sky still covered; in the west, white parallel bands of clouds,
forming segments of circles: the masts and rigging covered with a crust of
evaporated salt.
17th August.
Hours Mean Direction Strength
from pressure of wind. of wind
midnight of 0 to 10.
to atmosphere.
midnight.
1 29.908 S.E. 3/4 E. 3.5
2 .912 S.E. by E. 1/4 E. 3.5
3 .915 S.E. by E. 1/4 E. 3.5
4 .917 S.E. by E. 1/2 E. 2.5
5 .914 S.E. by E. 1/4 E. 2.5
6 .913 E.S.E. 2.5
7 .909 S.E. by E. 3/4 E. 2.5
8 .899 E.S.E. 3.
9 .886 S.E. by E. 1/2 E. 3.
10 .878 E. by S. 1/4 S. 3.
11 .869 E. 3/4 S. 3.
12M. .860 E. 1/4 S. 3.
1 .852 E. 1/2 S. 3.5
2 .853 E. 1/2 S. 3.5
3 .848 E. 3.2
4 .834 E. 1/2 N. 4.
5 .817 E.N.E. 4.
6 29.808 E.N.E. 4.
7 .810 N.E. by E. 1/4 E. 4.
8 .812 N.E. by E. 1/4 E. 3.5
9 .812 N.E. by E. 3.5
10 .806 N.E. by E. 1/2 E. 3.5
11 .795 E.N.E. 3.5
12 .784 E.N.E. 3.5
18th August.
1 29.779 E. by N. 3.5
2 .771 E. by N. 3.2
3 .762 E. by N. 3.2
4 .758 E. by N. 3.2
5 .751 E. by N. 3.5
6 .740 N.E. by E. 1/2 E. 3.5
7 .721 N.E. by E. 4.
8 .696 N.E. by E. 4.5
9 29.666 N.E. by E. 5.
10 .640 N.E. 5.2
11 .612 N.E. 1/2 N. 5.7
12M. .581 N.E. by N. 6.5
1 .548 N.E. by N. 1/2 N. 5.
2 .526 N.E. by N. 6.5
3 .50 N. 7.5
4 .482 N. by E. 7.
5 .459 N.E. by N. 7.5
6 .435 N.E. by N. 8.
7 .421 N.E. by N. 8.
8 .411 N.E. by N. 8.
9 .408 N.E. by N. 8.
10 .405 N.E. 3/4 N. 8.5
11 .401 N.E. 1/2 N. 8.7
12 .375 N.E. 1/2 N. 8.7
19th August.
1 29.306 N.E. by N. 5.7
2 .319 N. by E. 8.
3 .335 N. by E. 7.
4 .351 N. 7.5
5 .364 N. 1/2 E. 7.2
6 .376 N. 7.2
7 .383 N. by W. 6.5
8 .376 N. by W. 1/2 W. 7.2
9 .361 N.N.W. 7.7
10 .347 N.N.W. 8.
11 29.324 N.W. 8.
12M. .295 N.W. 8.
1 .268 N.W. 1/2 W. 7.7
2 .252 N.W. by W. 7.5
3 .238 N.W. by W. 7.7
4 .223 N.W. by W. 1/2 W. 7.7
5 .220 W. by N. 1/2 N. 8.
6 .221 W. by N. 1/2 N. 8.
7 .225 W. by N. 1/2 N. 8.
8 .229 W. by N. 8.5
9 .233 W. 8.5
10 .243 W. 8.5
11 .256 W. 8.5
12 .282 W. by S. 9.
20th August to noon.
1 29.351 W. by S. 1/2 S. 9.
2 .363 W. by S. 9.
3 .375 W. by S. 9.
4 .413 W. by S. 9.
5 .437 W.S.W. 7.5
6 .457 S.W. by W. 7.
7 .457 S.W. 1/2 W. 6.
8 .471 S.W. 6.
9 .489 S.W. 1/2 S. 6.5
10 .505 S.W. 1/2 S. 6.5
11 .512 S.W. 1/2 S. 6.5
12M. .515 S.W. 1/2 S. 6.5
The barometric readings are corrected to the freezing-point density of the
atmosphere, as also to the level of the ocean, and are further reduced by
comparison with the Standard Barometer at the New Observatory. They are
also relieved of a source of error arising from the regular decline for
each day of the barometer, as evidenced by the observations made during
June and July, 1858, in mean latitude 23 deg. 52' N., mean longitude 119 deg. 12'
E. This downward tendency will be apparent from the following readings for
each hour:--for 1h. (A.M.) - 0.004, 2h. - 0.005, 3h. - 0.0012, 4h. -0.015,
5h. - 0.012, 6h. - 0.006, 7h. - 0.02, 8h. - 0.012, 9h. - 0.021, 10h.
-0.02, 11h. - 0.018, noon - 0.015, 1h. - 0.008, 2h. - 0.007, 3h. -0.021,
4h. - 0.025, 5h. - 0.023, 6h. - 0.015, 7h. - 0.008, 8h. - 0.001, 9h.
-0.008, 10h. - 0.014, 11h. - 0.015, 12h. (midnight) - 0.011. These
quantities are to be read as implying that when added to or deducted from
those supplied by actual observations, they result in the quantities
already assigned as the corrected averages for the day. The direction as
well as strength of the wind are copied from the averages as calculated by
the Commodore from the ship's log, the meteorological journals and the
daily postings made by the Commodore himself.
* * * * *
According to the delineation of the path of the cyclone, as prepared from
the observations recorded, the following table, already referred to, gives
the approximative distance of the ship at stated points from such central
path, as compared with that deduced from barometrical observations,
allowing for the differences already mentioned. In the case of the
wind-pressure, the average is deduced from the mean of successive
observations taken every hour, and for the most part divided into
intervals of three hours each.
Distance. Air- Difference. Distance
pressure. according
to curve.
1 17th August 4 A.M. 336 29.915 in. 336
2 " " noon. 297 .860 0.055 300
3 18th " midnight. 265 .783 .132 257
4 " " 6 A.M. 230 .736 .178 233
5 " " 9 A.M. 205 .667 .248 205
6 " " 6 P.M. 153 .438 .477 153
7 19th " 3 A.M. 140 .335 .580 138
8 " " 5 A.M. 148 .364 .551 142
9 " " 8 A.M. 146 .373 .542 143
10 " " noon. 125 .296 .619 130
11 " " 3 P.M. 123 .238 .677 122
12 " " 6 P.M. 134 .222 .693 138
13 " " 9 P.M. 148 .235 .680 144
14 20th " midnight. 183 .296 .619 183
15 " " 6 A.M. 313 .450 .465 313
The minimum pressure according to the curve would be 28.975, but must
actually have been less. According to the strict reading it would result
that all radii before reaching the point where nearest the central path,
as also all those in the same half-circle after such central line has been
crossed, should have the same value, whatever the direction, which if
rigidly asserted cannot be correct, since the motion of a cyclone is truly
circular only in the immediate vicinity of its central point. As that
point is receded from, the motion becomes more or less elliptical, as is
attested by the barometric differences, which had the cyclone been a true
circle in all its parts ought to be similar for similar distances. This it
is admitted is not the case, as the barometric pressure shows a marked
decline in the earlier part of a cyclone the more rapidly the central line
is approached, just as it rises again once that line has been passed.
For this reason the distances as assigned upon a line of curves deduced
from the foregoing observations must be too great, especially those which
are calculated at right angles to the path of the typhoon, because
perpendiculars drawn at right angles to the varying directions of the wind
must intersect each other at points more distant than the actual central
point of the cyclone itself.
* * * * *
To the foregoing may be appended a few extracts recounting the damage done
by the great typhoon of 27th July, 1862, from which some idea may be
formed of the tremendous violence and destructive effects of this
description of atmospheric agency.
_From London and China Telegraph, 29th Sept., 1862._
"A dreadful typhoon occurred at Canton on 27th July, 1862. The destruction
of life and property is immense, the loss of life in the city and
neighbourhood being estimated at about forty thousand. In the telegram
which was received a few days ago announcing this event, a query was
placed, and very reasonably, after the number stated; but the press state
that as far as inquiries have been made at present it is probably correct.
The loss of life has chiefly occurred amongst the junk population, and the
fine new fleet of forty Imperial junks, intended for the Yang-tse-kiang,
has been destroyed. The water rose till the streets of Honam had three
feet in them, but the buildings suffered less than might have been
expected; some two or three hundred feet of the granite wall at Shameen
was washed away, and blocks of stone were driven about as if they had been
billets of wood; houses in the city had also been blown down, and trees
rooted up; the rice crops have suffered severely; and the total damage may
be estimated in millions of dollars. Mr. Gaillard, an American Missionary,
was killed by the falling in of his house; and the residences of the Rev.
Messrs. Bonney and Piercey were thrown down, a large junk having been
driven up against them. At Whampoa the docks were all flooded, while the
workshops attached were unroofed and otherwise injured. From the _China
Mail_, which gives a long and graphic description of this disastrous
visitation, we extract the following:--'The British brig _Mexicana_
capsized in Hall and Co.'s dock, and lies on her beam-ends; the British
ship _Dewa Gungadhur_ is lying on her side in Gow and Co.'s dock; the
British steamer _Antelope_, in the Chinese dock at the corner of Junk
River, has her bow run up over the head of the dock, and her stern at an
angle of thirty degrees into it; the British steamer _Bombay Castle_ was
washed off the blocks in Couper's wooden dock, and was scuttled by her
captain to save her from being floated out of the dock; the American ship
_Washington_ is aground, blocking up the entrance to the Chinese dock in
Junk River; the American ship _Jacob Bell_ and British barque _Cannata_
are high on a mud flat, dry at low water--the latter making water, and
discharging her cargo; the new British steamer _Whampoa_ broke from her
moorings and went ashore, but has since been got off without injury.
Several chops sunk, and five of the foreign Customs' inspectors were
drowned. Many junks went down with all hands. Bamboo-town is entirely
destroyed, the water having flooded it to the depth of six feet, and swept
off a great number of its inhabitants. It is greatly to be feared that the
disasters among the shipping outside will prove something frightful, and
that many vessels now anxiously expected have either been driven on the
rocks and gone to pieces or have foundered at sea. Already, it will have
been observed, one dismasted vessel, the Danish brig _Hercules_, has come
in; and more may be looked for in the course of the next fortnight. The
_Iskandershah_ is on shore in the river, close to Tiger Island, a little
above the Bogue.' One writer says the city looks just as it did after the
bombardment by Admiral Seymour, and that there has not been such a typhoon
since 1832.
"The typhoon which visited Canton so severely also committed great ravages
at the port of Macao. The loss of life was very great. Many junks were
sunk or driven ashore, and their crews drowned. The _Chilo_, a British
ship engaged in the rice trade, went ashore, and is a total wreck; and
another vessel was also reported lost. The wharves have suffered severely,
and houses were blown down. A letter, dated 28th July, says:--'Yesterday
morning a very strong typhoon did a great deal of damage here. The new sea
wall on the Praia Grande stood it well, except in one place; but the old
one, which has stood so many typhoons before, is now nearly entirely
broken down; also Messrs. De Mello and Co.'s wharf. Some houses have come
down, and trees on the Praia and other places have lost nearly all their
branches. The British barque _Chilo_ got ashore outside, and has parted
amidships; about 100 piculs copper cash have been saved from her cargo.
The steamer _Syce_ is ashore in the inner harbour, but without damage. A
good many junks and boats have capsized or been dismasted, and a great
many lives lost. The appearance of the Praia Grande after the typhoon was
really astonishing. We had a very short notice or indication of a typhoon.
On Saturday night the wind commenced to blow from N.E., but not before
Sunday morning, about a quarter past four, did the barometer go down, and
it stood at 8 A.M. at 28.60; thermometer 81. At about 10 A.M. it was
blowing hardest from S.W., and caused the greatest damage.'"
VOL. III.
APPENDIX I. (p. 13.)
_The following reprint (by permission) from the columns of the
"Spectator" of 11th Oct. and 25th Oct., 1862, conveys so
accurate an idea of the achievements of the gallant and lamented
Burke and Wills, and of the mismanagement that led to their
disastrous fate, that no apology is needed for inserting it
here._
THE AUSTRALIAN EXPLORING EXPEDITION OF 1860.[159]
(_Spectator, 11th and 25th Oct., 1862._)
"Those who are interested--and who is not?--in the history of the latest
and most successful of Australian exploring expeditions will find the
principal materials requisite for the satisfaction of their curiosity in
the small volume now before us. The special interest attaching to this
particular expedition lies in the striking contrast which it presents
between the perfect success of its leaders and their melancholy end.
Having accomplished their arduous task of traversing the Australian
continent from south to north, Messrs. Burke and Wills returned to their
starting-point, only to find that the depot which they had established
there had been abandoned by their companions less than twelve hours before
their arrival. Utterly broken down by privation and fatigue, and
disappointed of the succour on which they had confidently relied, they
were unable to traverse the comparatively trifling distance which
separated them from the settled districts, and, after some weeks of
hopeless wandering, they were literally starved to death when almost
within sight of aid. The story of these few weeks, as contained in the
scanty records left by Messrs. Burke and Wills, and in the statement made
by their sole surviving companion, is one of the most touching narratives
of human fortitude that we have ever met with. The feeling of sympathy,
almost painful in its intensity, which it necessarily excites, is
immediately followed by a desire to ascertain the precise quarter in
which the gross neglect which alone could have rendered such a
catastrophe possible can justly be charged. It is to this point that we
propose mainly to direct the remarks which we have to make on Mr.
Jackson's volume; and we shall recapitulate the history of the expedition
only so far as is absolutely necessary to render our observations
generally intelligible.
"The exploring party left Melbourne on August 20, 1860. It was accompanied
by a number of camels, which had been imported for the purpose, on the
supposition that these animals would be peculiarly fitted to bear the
privations incidental to such a journey. The party was headed by Mr.
Robert O'Hara Burke. Mr. Landells, who had charge of the camels, was
second in command; and the third officer was Mr. William John Wills, who
also acted as astronomical and meteorological observer to the expedition.
On September 23 they reached Menindie, on the Darling river, about 400
miles from Melbourne. Here Mr. Landells, in consequence of some
disagreement with Mr. Burke, resigned his post; and Dr. Beckler, the
medical officer to the expedition, declined to go any further. Hereupon
Burke appointed Wills in Landells' place, and divided his party, leaving
one section at Menindie, in charge of Beckler, while he, with Wills and
six others, pushed on, on October 19, for Cooper's Creek, about 400 miles
further north, under the guidance of one Wright, a man acquainted with the
country, whom he met with on the spot. On October 31, when about half-way
between Menindie and Cooper's Creek, Burke appointed Wright third officer,
and sent him back to the Darling, with instructions to bring up the
remainder of the party and stores to Cooper's Creek without delay. He then
pushed on, and reached the Creek on November 11. He remained here about a
month, and then again divided his party. Three men, six camels, and twelve
horses were left at the depot on the Creek, under the command of Mr.
Brahe, whose instructions were to remain till Burke's return, or until he
was forced to retreat by want of provisions. Burke started on December 16,
taking with him Wills, King, and Gray, six camels, one horse, and
provisions for three months, which was the time he expected to be absent;
but he told Brahe that he might be away four months, or even more. On
February 11, 1861, he reached a point only a few miles from the shore of
the Gulf of Carpentaria, and thus accomplished his mission of entirely
crossing the Australian Continent from south to north. He at once retraced
his steps, and arrived at the depot in Cooper's Creek on April 21,
accompanied by Wills and King, Gray having died a few days before. They
found that Brahe had quitted his post that very morning, and started for
the Darling, leaving some provisions buried at the foot of a tree, on
which he had cut an inscription indicating the fact. The exhausted
explorers debated what they had best do. Wills and King wished to make for
Menindie; but Burke, thinking that, weak as they were, it was hopeless to
try to overtake Brahe, decided to push for the nearest settled districts
of South Australia, distant about 150 miles. This they did on April 23,
having left a note in Brahe's _cache_, but without adding anything to his
inscription on the tree, or leaving any distinct intimation that they had
ever been there. But the enterprise was beyond their strength. They were
so weak that they could not advance more than five or six miles a day;
their camels knocked up, their provisions ran short; and, finally, Burke
died on July 1st, Wills having succumbed a day or two earlier. King, the
sole survivor, fell in with the natives, who treated him kindly; and he
was rescued on September 15th by a party sent from Melbourne in search of
him, under the guidance of Mr. Howitt.
"We must now return to Mr. Wright, and see how he carried out the
instructions given him by his chief. Mr. Burke, as we have already said,
sent him back to Menindie on October 31, 1860; and he reached that place
on November 5. Here, in the teeth of Burke's orders to bring the rest of
the party on to Cooper's Creek _without delay_, he remained inactive until
January 26, 1861, when he appears to have moved northward. He never,
however, got further than Bullo, a place about sixty miles south of
Cooper's Creek, where Mr. Brahe fell in with him on April 29, and at once
placed himself under his orders. Two days later Wright left Bullo, and
moved a few miles further south, "not seeing the utility of pushing on the
depot to Cooper's Creek for the purpose of remaining there the few weeks
their stores would last." On May 3, at Brahe's suggestion, Wright and he
returned to the depot on Cooper's Creek, taking no stores with them. They
remained there a quarter of an hour, did not examine the _cache_, and
then, seeing no signs of Burke having been there, rejoined the rest of
their party, and made their way back to the Darling, whence Brahe at once
proceeded to Melbourne. On hearing his report, the Exploration Committee
lost no time in despatching the relief party, under Mr. Howitt, which, as
we have already said, discovered King in the following September.
"After the foregoing brief summary of the facts of the case, the reader
will probably have but little difficulty in coming to the conclusion that
the death of Messrs. Burke and Wills was, in great measure, owing to Mr.
Wright's having so unaccountably neglected to obey the distinct
instructions of his chief. Mr. Jackson, indeed, holds that no one but
Wright was at all to blame in the matter. Nay, he even goes so far as to
accuse Wright of having wilfully and deliberately left the leaders of the
expedition to a fate which he must have known would be the natural result
of his inaction. 'Can any reasonable person,' he asks, 'doubt that Wright
knew perfectly well the exact nature of his instructions, and foresaw the
disastrous consequences almost certain to ensue should they be
disregarded.' This very serious charge is based upon a passage in a
despatch from Mr. Wright to the Exploration Committee at Melbourne, dated
Dec. 19th, in which he says:--'As I have every reason to believe that Mr.
Burke has pushed on from Cooper's Creek, relying upon finding the depot
stores at that water-course upon his return, there is room for the most
serious apprehensions as to the safety of himself and party, should he
find that he has miscalculated.' This passage seems at least to prove that
Wright had fully comprehended both the meaning and the object of the
instructions he had received, _to return to Menindie, and bring up the
stores as rapidly as possible to Cooper's Creek_. In the teeth of these
positive orders he remained at Menindie no less than eighty-two days, from
Nov. 5th, 1860, to Jan. 26th, 1861, doing literally nothing at all. There
was, as far as we can see, nothing to prevent him from reaching Cooper's
Creek with a portion of the stores before the end of 1860. The distance
from Menindie to the Creek is about 400 miles, and Mr. Burke had traversed
it without difficulty in twenty-three days. When Burke left Cooper's Creek
on December 16th, he was in daily expectation of Wright's arrival. Had
this reasonable expectation been fulfilled, there would then have been no
reason why Brahe should not have remained at the depot for six months, or
even a longer time. Wright appears to have spent a considerable portion of
the time which he wasted at Menindie in making trips to see his wife and
family, who were at a station about twenty-one miles off, being troubled
with fears that they would not get safely and comfortably to Adelaide,
whither he wished to send them. The explanation by which he subsequently
endeavoured to account for his delay was anything but satisfactory. In the
despatch already referred to, dated Dec. 29th, he alleged that he 'delayed
starting merely because the camels left behind by Mr. Brahe were too few
in number, and too inferior in carrying powers, to carry out a really
serviceable quantity of provisions.' When, however, he was examined by the
Commissioners appointed to inquire into the affair, he stated that he
remained at Menindie because he was waiting for the confirmation of his
appointment as third officer. When pressed to reconcile these two
statements, and reminded that, unless he could do so satisfactorily, he
'stood in an awkward position before the Commission,' he made no reply.
When at last he did set out from Menindie, we have seen that he advanced
no further than Bullo, where he was joined by Brahe on April 29th. In
explanation of this circumstance, he urges that Burke had left Menindie at
a favourable season, when water was abundant; while when he started the
advance of summer had dried up all the water-courses, and the ravages of
scurvy had reduced the effective strength of his party to an alarming
extent. This statement is, no doubt, substantially true; but we need
hardly observe that it rather aggravates than extenuates his offence.
Since he was well acquainted with the country, and knew that the advance
of summer would immensely increase the difficulty of traversing it, he is
all the more inexcusable for not having attempted the journey before the
hot weather set in. When, after having been joined by Brahe, he paid a
final visit to Cooper's Creek, the careless manner in which he conducted
the search almost drives us to the conclusion that he was completely
indifferent to its result. It was at Brahe's suggestion that he went back
at all. Then though both he and Brahe were mounted, and were accompanied
by a spare pack-horse, he did not, although the contingency of finding
Burke's party was the sole object of his journey, attempt to provide for
it by taking with him any stores of any kind. On reaching the depot, he
stayed there only a quarter of an hour, and then, having failed in that
time to discover any trace of Burke's party, at once turned his back on
the Creek. It is scarcely possible to imagine how, under such
circumstances, he could have omitted to examine the _cache_ made by Brahe
a few days before, in which case he would have discovered that Burke's
party had returned to the Creek, and would have learnt the direction in
which they had gone. When questioned on this point by the Commissioners,
he replied that he had noticed traces of natives about the place, and
feared that if he disturbed the ground where the stores were hid they
would see that something was buried there, and would plunder the _cache_.
He 'had not the presence of mind,' he went on, to add any mark of his own
to the inscription which Brahe had cut upon the tree. He seems, in fact,
to have been thoroughly sick of the whole business, and to have thought of
nothing but getting back to the settled districts with all possible speed.
"We must now inquire what amount of blame can be fairly attached to Mr.
Brahe, whose departure from Cooper's Creek was the immediate cause of the
melancholy end of Messrs. Burke and Wills. He appears to have received
instructions to remain at the Creek until the return of Burke's party, or,
at any rate, until the failure of his provisions obliged him to retreat.
Burke fixed three months as the probable duration of his absence; but
Wills seems to have impressed upon Brahe that it was quite possible they
might have been away for at least four months. Brahe did actually remain
there more than four months--from December 16th to April 21st;--but he
left before he was absolutely compelled to do so. Even supposing him not
to have overrated the supply of provisions necessary to carry his party
back to the Darling, he could clearly have remained until he had consumed
the stores which he left behind him at the Creek. But we must not forget
that he was placed in a very difficult position. One of his companions was
dangerously ill, and had for some time beset him with entreaties to return
to Menindie; and all his party seem to have thought it very doubtful
whether Burke would return that way at all. In Brahe's diary, on April
18th, we find the entry, 'There is no probability of Mr. Burke returning
this way.' Here the observation suggests itself that, had this been his
real conviction, there was no occasion for him to deprive himself of the
stores which he left behind him. Mr. Jackson points out that the letter
left by Brahe in the _cache_ at the Creek did not give a true account of
the condition of his party. In it Brahe said that they were all quite
well except one, and that the camels and horses were in good working
condition. It was this intelligence which induced Burke to decide to make
a push for South Australia. Had he known that Brahe's party, both men and
beasts, were really in a weak and exhausted state, as the slowness of
their rate of progression appears to prove, he would probably have decided
to follow in their track. Since Brahe was under Wright's command at the
time of their final return to Cooper's Creek, the lamentable carelessness
which, as we have already said, was displayed on that occasion, cannot
fairly be laid to his charge. It is almost impossible for us, with the
full knowledge of all the circumstances which we now possess, not to allow
our judgment to be influenced by the fact that, if Brahe had postponed his
departure for a few hours only, the melancholy catastrophe would not have
occurred. If, however, we wish to judge him fairly, we must not forget
that this is a fact of which, at the time of his departure, he was
necessarily ignorant. On the whole, we are inclined to agree with the
verdict pronounced in his case by the Commissioners who were appointed to
inquire into the affair. 'His decision,' they say, 'was most unfortunate;
but we believe he acted from a conscientious desire to discharge his duty,
and we are confident that the painful reflection that twenty-four hours'
further perseverance would have made him the rescuer of the explorers, and
gained for himself the praise and approbation of all, must be of itself an
agonizing thought, without the addition of censure he might feel himself
undeserving of.'
"We have now to inquire into the manner in which Mr. Burke discharged his
duties as leader of the expedition, with a view of ascertaining whether
its melancholy termination can, in any degree, be traced to any fault,
whether of omission or of commission, on his part. If we are willing to
submit ourselves absolutely to Mr. Jackson's guidance, we may, indeed,
spare ourselves this trouble; for he asserts most distinctly that Mr.
Burke invariably did what was best under existing circumstances, and that
he never neglected any precaution which could tend in any way to bring his
undertaking to a successful issue. But we must remember that Mr. Jackson
comes forward as the avowed advocate of Mr. Burke; and, while we are not
one whit behind him in enthusiastic admiration for the energy and
self-devotion displayed by his hero, we must not allow our respect for
these qualities to blind us to any defects which we think we can detect in
the conduct of the expedition. The report of the Commission, appointed by
the Victorian Government to inquire into the circumstances connected with
the death of Burke and Wills, finds fault with Burke on several points,
which we will proceed to consider in detail. In the first place, it
pronounces that Burke acted 'most injudiciously' in dividing his party at
Menindie. We are not sure that we can entirely concur in this verdict. We
do not see any evidence that Burke intended the depot at Menindie to be a
permanent one. On the contrary, it seems clear that he intended it to have
been transferred bodily to Cooper's Creek. On his arrival at Menindie, Dr.
Beckler's refusal to proceed further placed him in an awkward position. As
Beckler had no objection to remain at Menindie, Burke resolved to make his
services available as far as possible, and left him there with a section
of the party in charge of the heavier stores, while he himself pushed on
towards Cooper's Creek under the guidance of Mr. Wright. The division of
the party did not in any way retard or imperil Burke's arrival at Cooper's
Creek; and he seems to have looked forward to the union of all his forces
at that place before he proceeded further. As soon as he was convinced
that Wright was worthy of confidence, he appointed him third officer of
the expedition, and sent him back to bring the remainder of the party to
Cooper's Creek without delay, at the same time accepting Beckler's
resignation, and relieving him from any further charge. We cannot
therefore see that the division of the party at Menindie was directly
productive of any evil consequences, nor would any harm have resulted from
it, but for Wright's flagrant neglect of the instructions of his chief. In
the next place, the report pronounces that 'it was an error of judgment on
the part of Mr. Burke to appoint Mr. Wright to an important command in the
expedition, without a previous personal knowledge of him.' On this point
we think there is good ground for the censure of the Commission. That
Burke was, as it were, driven into a corner by the resignation of Landells
and Beckler is quite true; but it is difficult to imagine that he should
not have been able (supposing him to possess any insight into character at
all) to detect, during the time that he and Wright were together, some
indication of the gross incompetence which the latter subsequently
displayed. Mr. Jackson endeavours to shift the blame from Mr. Burke's
shoulders to those of the Exploration Committee, by observing that the
Committee knew of Wright's appointment by Dec. 3, and so had plenty of
time, if they had had any objection to him, to replace him by some one
else. What objection could the Committee possibly have to a man whose name
they had never heard before that moment? Clearly they are not to blame for
relying upon the judgment of the leader whom they had selected, and
confirming his appointment of a man who he assured them 'was well
qualified for the post, and bore the very highest character.' Whatever
blame may attach to the selection of Mr. Wright for a post of trust must
rest entirely upon Mr. Burke. The Commissioners next proceed to blame Mr.
Burke for finally departing from Cooper's Creek before the arrival of the
depot party from Menindie, and for undertaking so extended a journey with
an insufficient supply of provisions. On both these points there is
something to be said in Mr. Burke's favour. As regards the first, his
conduct was the natural result of his misplaced confidence in Wright,
combined with the consideration that the success of his journey depended
in great measure upon the rapidity with which it was prosecuted. With
respect to the second, we must remember that on an expedition of this
kind, when the carrying power is limited, and every ounce of weight has to
be considered, it is almost as important to exclude everything that is
superfluous as it is to leave behind nothing that is strictly necessary.
It seems probable, however, that Mr. Burke was guilty of an error in
judgment, in underrating the time which the journey from Cooper's Creek to
Carpentaria was likely to require. Finally, the Commissioners draw
attention to the fact that it does not appear that Burke kept any regular
journal, or that he gave written instructions to his officers. 'Had he,'
they observe on this point--and we fully concur in their
remark--'performed these essential portions of the duties of a leader,
many of the calamities of the expedition might have been averted, and
little or no room would have been left for doubt in judging of the conduct
of those subordinates, who pleaded unsatisfactory and contradictory verbal
orders and statements.'
"We are unable, the reader will perceive, to concur in Mr. Jackson's
repeatedly expressed opinion, that there are no grounds whatever for any
of the censures which the Commissioners found it their duty to pronounce
on some points connected with Mr. Burke's management of the expedition.
The fact is, that after a careful consideration of all the circumstances
of the case, we incline to the conclusion that Mr. Burke did not possess
the qualifications necessary for the successful leadership of such an
enterprise; and that, consequently, some blame must rest with the
Exploration Committee, who selected a comparatively unfit person for a
position of such responsibility and importance. We appreciate and admire,
as enthusiastically as Mr. Jackson himself can possibly do, the courage
and self-devotion displayed by Mr. Burke; but we cannot forget that
gallantry and daring are not the only qualities required in the leader of
an exploring expedition through an unknown and difficult country. The
choice of the Committee was, we believe, mainly dictated by the
consideration that Mr. Burke had, while employed in the police-force of
the colony, shown himself to be possessed of a considerable talent for
organization, and of no little aptitude for command. They appear not to
have attached sufficient importance to the not less material fact, that he
knew nothing of bush-travelling, and had no practical experience of the
preparations and precautions necessary for the successful prosecution of
such a journey as that with which he was entrusted. Mr. Jackson calls upon
us to observe that it was to the _rapidity_ of Mr. Burke's progress that
his ultimate success is due; and the observation is, to a great extent,
justified by facts. It appears to us, however, that most, if not all, of
the errors of judgment of which he was guilty, during the progress of the
expedition, are directly traceable to the same quality of mind which
rendered him so prompt in action. The Commissioners hit the blot in his
character when they pronounced that 'his zeal was greater than his
prudence.' The examination of his proceedings which we have already made
affords, we think, ample grounds for this conclusion. We have, however,
met with one passage in the records of the expedition which exhibits Mr.
Burke's constitutional hastiness of temper and want of judgment in so
strong a light, that we cannot refrain from placing it before the reader.
It occurs in King's narrative of the attempt made by himself, Burke, and
Wills, to reach the settled districts of South Australia, after they had
found the depot at Cooper's Creek deserted. Mr. Wills had gone back to the
depot, and Burke and King were awaiting his return. King proceeds as
follows:--
"'A few days after Mr. Wills left, some natives came down to the creek to
fish at some water-holes near our camp. They were civil to us at first,
and offered us some fish; on the second day they came again to fish, and
Mr. Burke took down two bags, which they filled for him; on the third day
they gave us one bag of fish, and afterwards all came to our camp. We used
to keep our ammunition and other articles in one gunyah, and all three of
us lived together in another. One of the natives took an oil-cloth out of
this gunyah; and Mr. Burke, seeing him run away with it, followed him with
his revolver, and fired over his head, and upon this the native dropped
the oil-cloth. While he was away, the other blacks invited me away to a
water-hole to eat fish, but I declined to do so, as Mr. Burke was away,
and a number of natives were about who would have taken all our things.
When I refused, one took his boomerang and laid it over my shoulder, and
then told me by signs that if I called out for Mr. Burke, as I was doing,
that he would strike me. Upon this, I got them all in front of the gunyah,
and fired a revolver over their heads; but they did not seem at all
afraid, until I got out the gun, when they all ran away. Mr. Burke,
hearing the report, came back, and we saw no more of them until late that
night, when they came with some cooked fish, and called out, "White
fellow." Mr. Burke then went out with his revolver, and found a whole
tribe coming down, all painted, and with fish in small nets carried by two
men. Mr. Burke went to meet them, and they wished to surround him; but he
knocked as many of the nets of fish out of their hands as he could, and
shouted out to me to fire. I did so, and they ran off. We collected about
five small nets of cooked fish. The reason he would not accept the fish
from them was, that he was afraid of being too friendly, lest they should
be always at our camp. We then lived on fish until Mr. Wills returned.'
"This method of dealing with the natives was surely, to say the least of
it, exceedingly injudicious. They had, it appears, always shown themselves
friendly to the explorers; and, in the weak state of the party, it was
little short of madness to run the risk of disturbing the friendly
relations between them and the blacks by any act of violence. And yet we
find Mr. Burke actually attacking them, and taking forcibly from them the
food which they had always shown themselves ready to give; and for no
better reason than that 'he was afraid of their being too friendly, lest
they should be always at the camp.' Not many days later Mr. Burke died
while making a last attempt to rejoin those very natives whom he had
driven away. It is scarcely possible to avoid the conclusion that Mr.
Burke's judgment must have been materially weakened by the sufferings and
privations he had undergone, before he could possibly have acted in so
utterly unaccountable a manner.
"We must now say a few words as to the route taken by Mr. Burke on his
journey from Cooper's Creek to Carpentaria, and the nature of the country
through which he passed. His first idea after reaching the Creek was to
proceed due north, and four tentative expeditions were made in that
direction, one of which was pushed to a distance of ninety miles. Finding,
however, that the ground was too rough, either for horses or camels, he
finally resolved to proceed in a north-westerly direction as far as Eyre's
Creek, and at that point turned northward, and crossed the continent by a
route which lies mainly on or about the 140th meridian of east longitude.
The country does not appear to be difficult to traverse; and Mr. Wills
tells us that the worst travelling-ground they met with was between Bullo
and Cooper's Creek. As regards the nature of the land, Mr. Burke briefly
sums it up in the following words: 'There is some good country between
this (Cooper's Creek) and the Stony Desert. From thence to the tropics the
country is dry and stony. Between the tropics and Carpentaria a
considerable portion is rangy, but is well watered and richly grassed.'
Mr. Wills reports that 'as to pasture, it is only the actually stony
ground that is bare, and many a sheep-run is, in fact, worse grazing than
that.' As regards the supply of water, it appears that the expedition,
except when actually crossing the desert, never passed a day in which they
did not traverse the banks of, or cross, a creek or other water-course.
The whole country appears, in short, to be admirably adapted for pastoral
purposes, and its discovery cannot but add largely to the resources of the
Australian colonies. Sir Henry Barkly, the Governor of Victoria, in a
despatch to the Duke of Newcastle, states that the occupation of "Burke's
Land" with stock is already seriously contemplated by the squatters, and
that there seems little reason to doubt that in the course of a few years
the journey from Melbourne to Carpentaria will be performed with
comparative facility by passing from station to station. He adds that
much of the country traversed by the expedition between the Darling and
Cooper's Creek is already taken up, so that both sheep and cattle are now
depastured within 25 miles of Bullo, stretching thence easterly along the
Queensland boundary in an almost unbroken chain. These anticipations are
fully confirmed by the report of Mr. Landsborough, the Queensland
explorer. This gentleman, who has crossed the continent from Carpentaria
to Melbourne, gives the most favourable account of the pastoral
capabilities of the country which he traversed, and does not hesitate to
express an opinion that within twelve months the whole of it will be taken
up by settlers. We need not therefore hesitate to conclude, with Sir Henry
Barkly, that 'the results attained by the expedition are of the very
highest importance, both to geographical science and to the progress of
civilization in Australia.'"
APPENDIX II. (p. 131.)
_The following pathetic address, recently transmitted by H.E.
Sir George Grey to the Duke of Newcastle, H. M. Secretary of
State for the Colonies, for presentation to Her Majesty under
her recent bereavement, also attests the deeply poetic vein that
marks the Maori character._
Oh Victoria, our Mother!--We greet you! You, who are all that now remains
to recall to our recollection Albert, the Prince Consort, who can never
again be gazed upon by the people.
We, your Maori children, are now sighing in sorrow together with you, even
with a sorrow like to yours. All we can now do is to weep together with
you. Oh, our good mother, who hast nourished us, your ignorant children of
this island, even to this day!
We have just heard the crash of the huge-headed forest tree which has
untimely fallen, ere it had attained its full growth of greatness.
Oh, good lady, pray look with favour on our love. Although we may have
been perverse children, we have ever loved you.
This is our lament.
Great is the pain which preys on me for the loss of my beloved.
Ah, you will now lie buried among the other departed kings.
They will leave you with the other departed heroes of the land.
With the dead of the tribes of the multitude of 'Ti Mani.
Go fearless then, O Pango, my beloved, in the path of death; for no
evil slanders can follow you.
Oh my very heart! Thou didst shelter me from the sorrows and
ills of life.
Oh my pet bird, whose sweet voice welcomed my glad guests!
Oh my noble pet bird, caught in the forests of Rapaura!
Let, then, the body of my beloved be covered with royal purple robes!
Let it be covered with all-rare robes!
The great Rewa, my beloved, shall himself bind these round thee.
And my ear-ring of precious jasper shall be hung in thy ear.
For, oh! my most precious jewel, thou art now lost to me.
Yes, thou, the pillar that didst support my palace, hast been borne to
the skies.
Oh, my beloved! you used to stand in the very prow of the war-canoe,
inciting all others to noble deeds. Yes, in thy life-time thou wast
great.
And now thou hast departed to the place where even all the mighty must
at last go.
Where, O physicians, was the power of your remedies?
What, O priests, availed your prayers!
For I have lost my love; no more can he re-visit this world.
APPENDIX III. (p. 172.)
COPY OF OFFICIAL LETTERS OF H.E. COL. SIR T. GORE BROWN,
GOVERNOR OF NEW ZEALAND TO COMMODORE VON WULLERSTORF-URBAIR,
COMMANDER OF THE NOVARA EXPEDITION.
I.
_Government House, Auckland, New Zealand, January 4th, 1859._
Sir,
I do myself the honour to express to you the gratification which the visit
of His Imperial Majesty's frigate _Novara_ has afforded to the inhabitants
of Auckland and to myself.
I beg also to convey to you and to the officers of the scientific
department of your Expedition my best thanks for the valuable information
supplied by the investigations of these gentlemen.
It will be my agreeable duty to report to her Majesty's Government on the
subject, and I am satisfied that her Majesty will receive the
communication with pleasure, and will recognize the importance of the
services rendered to one of her Dependencies.
Wishing you a prosperous voyage, and success in the interesting objects of
your pursuit, I beg to subscribe myself,
Your faithful servant,
THOMAS GORE BROWN, Col. H.M.S.,
Governor of New Zealand.
II.
_Government House, Auckland, New Zealand, January 5th, 1859._
Sir,
Having already endeavoured to express my thanks to yourself and the
officers of the scientific department of your Expedition for the valuable
aid afforded to the Colony, I now venture to ask you to confer a still
greater favour, by giving permission to Dr. Hochstetter to extend his
researches for a few months longer.
In the event of your granting this permission, the means necessary to
enable him to explore effectually will be provided at the expense of the
Colony of New Zealand.
I feel less diffidence in making this request to you, as Representative of
the Imperial Government, because Dr. Hochstetter's labours in this Colony
may be made the means of furthering the objects, which his Imperial
Majesty the Emperor of Austria had in view, when he despatched the
Expedition under your command.
I beg to add, that, should you feel it compatible with your duty to accede
to the application I have now the honour to make, every assistance shall
be afforded to Dr. Hochstetter, whilst engaged in this Colony, to enable
him to make his scientific researches as valuable as possible to the
Expedition of which he will remain a member, and care shall be taken to
facilitate his return to Europe at the expense of this Colony by such
route as he shall prefer.
I have the honour to be, Sir,
Your most faithful servant,
Thomas Gore Brown, Col. H.M.S.,
Governor of New Zealand.
APPENDIX IV. (p. 172.)
REPLY OF COMMODORE B. V. WULLERSTORF-URBAIR.
_On Board H.I.R.M. Frigate Novara, Auckland Harbour,
January 5th, 1859._
Sir,
In reply to your official note, dated Government House, Auckland, January
5th, a. c. in which, as the Representative of the Imperial Government, you
prefer the request, that I would give Dr. Hochstetter permission to extend
his geological researches in this Colony for a few months longer, I am
most happy to accede to your application, and to give Dr. Hochstetter, in
his capacity as geologist of the Imperial Expedition, leave for that
purpose, under the following conditions, which are nearly the same as
those stated in your kind note:----
1. That Dr. Hochstetter's sojourn in New Zealand may not exceed six
months, and thus enable him to return to Europe nearly at the same period
as the I.R. frigate is most likely to arrive there, namely, in November or
December next.
2. That the _Novara_ Expedition, of which Dr. Hochstetter still remains a
member, may likewise enjoy the benefit of the observations, collections,
and publications made by Dr. Hochstetter during his stay in New Zealand.
3. That the means necessary to enable Dr. Hochstetter to explore the
country effectually shall be provided at the expense of the Government of
New Zealand; that every assistance shall be afforded to this gentleman
whilst engaged in these geological explorations, and that care shall be
taken to facilitate his return to Europe (viz. Trieste), at the expense of
the Government of New Zealand, by such route as he shall prefer.
Upon this understanding I shall not only consider it compatible with my
duty to accede to your Excellency's application, and give Dr. Hochstetter
permission to remain for the time stated in the Province of Auckland, but
shall also feel quite certain, that the Imperial Austrian Government, as
well as the Academy of Sciences whose delegate Dr. Hochstetter must be
considered, will be highly gratified to learn that it was in the power of
the first Austrian Exploring Expedition to become serviceable to a nation
which has done so much for the advancement of science and the development
of natural resources in almost all parts of the world.
With hope that the friendly arrangement thus entered into on this subject
may create a lasting bond of union and communications between the
scientific men of both countries,
I have the honour to subscribe,
Your faithful servant,
B. V. WULLERSTORF.
APPENDIX V. (p. 188.)
ADDRESS OF THE INHABITANTS OF THE PROVINCE OF AUCKLAND, NEW
ZEALAND, TO THE GEOLOGIST OF THE NOVARA.
Dr. Hochstetter,
On the conclusion of your Geological Examination of a large and most
interesting portion of this province of New Zealand, we--the assembled
inhabitants of Auckland, representing every section of the community, and
for the most part intimately connected with the Agriculture and Commerce
of the province--desire to express our admiration of the eminently
scientific manner and unwearied activity with which you have conducted
your researches into the Geological Formations and Mineral Resources of
Auckland. We have also to thank you for the valuable information upon
these objects, which you have already placed in our possession in the
public lecture delivered by you in this hall on the 24th of June, and in
the reports you have forwarded to the General and Provincial Governments.
The report of a member of the _Novara_ Expedition, on the physical
characteristics of this portion of New Zealand--of which so little has
hitherto been known--will be acknowledged in Europe as both impartial and
authentic.
To us, as a community, the information contained in that report and the
maps you have constructed, together with those additional details we hope
to receive from you after your return to Europe, will be of essential
service in a material point of view. We also desire to convey to you our
sense of the impartiality of your reports, which, whilst they lay open to
our view those resources of the country that will eventually aid to its
wealth and its general prosperity, in no way exaggerate their value or
tend to lead to extravagant ideas or speculations that might only result
in disappointment.
Arriving in Auckland a stranger, upon whose sympathies we had no claim,
you have exerted all your energies to condense the results of your
scientific exploration into practical forms, for the benefit of the people
of the foreign country you visited for purely scientific purposes, or for
the special advantage of your own country.
On all these accounts we feel that our warmest thanks are due to you for
your disinterested exertions for the promotion of our welfare. As an
enduring testimony thereof, we request the acceptance of this purse, the
contents of which we beg you will devote to the purchase of some piece of
plate that we trust may be regarded by your family and your countrymen,
not only as a tribute of respect to your varied talents, but as a
well-merited memento of the grateful acknowledgment by the people of the
province of Auckland of the eminent scientific and practical services
rendered to them by you.
We are desirous that the plate should bear the following inscription:
"Presented to Dr. Hochstetter, Geologist attached to the Imperial Royal
Austrian Scientific Expedition in the frigate _Novara_, by the inhabitants
of the Province of Auckland, New Zealand, in testimony of the eminent
services rendered to them by his researches into the Mineral and
Agricultural resources of the Province."
Signed on behalf of the subscribers,
R. MOULD, JOHN WILLIAMSON,
Colonel, commanding Royal Engineers, Superintendent,
Chairman of Committee. Province of Auckland.
_Auckland, 24th July, 1857._
APPENDIX VI. (p. 193.)
ADDRESS OF THE INHABITANTS OF THE CITY AND PROVINCE OF NELSON TO
THE GEOLOGIST OF THE NOVARA.
Dr. Hochstetter,
Before your departure from among us, we, the inhabitants of the Province
and City of Nelson, beg to express to you our great obligations for the
benefits which you have conferred upon us as a community.
Though we cannot but congratulate you upon your approaching return to your
country and your family, we have strong personal reasons for looking upon
it with regret. We feel that it has been no light or trifling advantage to
have had among us one of that small class of men who conduct the great
national expeditions by which the benefits of science are distributed over
the world.
We know that such an one comes invested with the highest possible
authority to speak decidedly on the subjects of his investigations, and
are sure that we may place the most implicit confidence in his statements.
It is the great characteristic of such scientific pursuits as you are
engaged in, that though on the one hand they are joined to the deepest and
inmost principles of nature, on the other they are linked to the daily
wants and commonest necessities of life. We believe therefore that your
visit here will not be barren of practical results. We believe that it
will give us both a desire to develope, as far as possible, our share of
the gifts of nature, and a knowledge how we may best do this.
We know that we have had no special claims on you for the interest you
have taken in our welfare. The advantages which we have derived from it
are, however, of such a kind that both those who give and those who
receive may be proud of. We have had many opportunities of noticing how
earnestly you pursue knowledge for its own sake, and are glad to find that
those who do so are the most ready to employ for the benefit of others
what they have acquired themselves. You have done this in our case with
considerable personal exertion and discomfort, which have been cheerfully
encountered by your diligence and activity.
We do not wish to do more than allude to considerations of a personal
kind. But we must express our appreciation of your courteous and kind
behaviour towards us, and assure you that few men could have been among us
for so short a time and have acquired so much of the character of a
personal friend.
We beg your acceptance of the accompanying Testimonial, the product of our
Gold-fields, and we ask you to apply it to the purchase of a piece of
plate, which may help to keep us in your remembrance, and on which we ask
you to place the following inscription:--
"Presented to Dr. Ferdinand Hochstetter, Geologist to the Imperial Royal
Austrian Scientific Expedition in the frigate _Novara_, by the inhabitants
of the Province of Nelson, New Zealand, as a record of their appreciation
of the great benefits conferred upon them and the Colony by his frank
communication of the results of his zealous and able researches into the
geological character and mineral resources of the Province."
We earnestly hope that all good may go with you on your return to Europe,
and that after a pleasant and speedy voyage you may reach in safety your
home and friends. And with this wish we bid you heartily "Farewell."
Signed on behalf of the inhabitants of Nelson:
J. P. ROBINSON,
Superintendent of the Province of Nelson,
New Zealand.
APPENDIX VII.
NEW GRANADA has now taken the title of the United States of Colombia, as
appears from the following document translated from the Spanish circular
to the Diplomatic Officials and Consuls of the United States of Colombia.
Secretary of State and Foreign Affairs.
Sir,--
In order that you may be exactly acquainted with the situation of the
country, the undersigned Secretary of State, proposes to inform you every
fortnight of the progress of the nation, setting forth fully and frankly
all that has been done, neither misrepresenting nor omitting anything
which, whether favourable or adverse to the new order of things in
Colombia, may be worthy of your notice.
You are not ignorant that since July 18, 1861, when the Federal Government
came into power in Bogota, the States of Cauca, Antioquia, Santander, and
Tolima have continued in the hands of the Centralists. You are not
ignorant that the decrees of "Tincion and Desamortizacion" of effects in
mortmain, put forth during the days which followed the 18th of July,
provoked the most violent discontent on the part of the ultramontane
clergy; and that these clergy, exchanging piety for gain, and setting
aside all the Christian precepts of charity, renunciation of worldly
goods, moderation, and submission to the powers that be, placed themselves
in open rebellion, and endeavoured by every possible means to subvert the
peace. Thus Romanism succeeded in raising in Santander an army of 3000
men, in Tolima another of 1000, and in Boyaca and Cundinamarca several
armed companies, one of which (that of Guasca) numbered upwards of 1000
soldiers. The Government did not, nevertheless, concern itself much about
this, because on its side were reason, opinion, and strength. Now, I am
glad to tell you, that out of the nine States of the Colombian Union,
seven enjoy an order and tranquillity as absolute as unchangeable. The
heroic State of Santander, so maltreated by the Centralists during four
years, does not contain on its soil one armed enemy, and its Government,
diligent and efficient in peace as in war, is directing its attention to
the re-establishment of commerce and the good exercise of its
administration. The faction of Tolima, after having committed incalculable
depredations and excesses, has been completely subdued. The parties
fomented in Boyaca and Cundinamarca have been broken up; the only one
which has hitherto been able to maintain a footing, although considerably
diminished, that of Guasca, has been overcome during the last few days,
its chief having been killed in battle. The only disturbed States are
therefore now those of Cauca and Antioquia. Thus, then, considering that
the seven States in which order and peace reign, Panama, Bolivar,
Magdalena, Santander, Boyaca, Cundinamarca, and Tolima, are on the coast,
in the north and centre; that is to say, the most important ones in a
commercial, financial, and military point of view, because in them are
principally found the ports through which our foreign commerce is carried
on, the rich custom-houses, the salt mines, the navigable rivers, the most
valuable riches, the most abundant agricultural produce, the sources of
our exports, the great mass of the population, and the greatest amount of
the national strength; it may very reasonably be concluded that Colombian
order rests upon firm bases,--and considering, further, that in the two
States still unquiet, the disturbers are reduced to very narrow limits,
having no port through which to introduce the elements of war, no funds at
their disposal to increase or maintain their present force;--that public
opinion is generally against them, seeking all means of showing them
hostility, of diminishing their army, and of closing to them all
resources;--that they are closely threatened by a numerous, trained,
enthusiastic army, in perfect discipline, and well supplied with
provisions and ammunition;--that this army, part of which occupies the
south of the valley of Cauca, another part the Andes of Quindio, and the
other preparing at Mompos to penetrate, if necessary, into Antioquia,
commanded by experienced generals, under the immediate direction of the
President of the Union;--and lastly, that the insurgent troops will amount
at most but to a third part of those sent against them by the Government;
that they are in want both of provisions and arms, as also of able
generals:--when all this is considered, I say, it must be concluded that
ere long peace will be re-established in these two States as it has
already been in the rest of Colombia. It is not without regret that the
President is about to undertake military operations against the two
disturbed States, for his most earnest desire has been to establish
tranquillity by means of conciliation, without fighting. The conduct
observed by him since the commencement of the civil war has been in
keeping with this desire. Only to mention recent events, hardly was Bogota
occupied in 1861, ere he addressed himself with this object in the most
conciliating terms to the Governments of the insurgent States. That of
Antioquia had not even the courtesy to answer him. A new and even more
advantageous offer of peace, on the occasion of convoking the National
Convention, has been made, proving the patriotic feeling of the President
and the obduracy of the Centralists ruling in Antioquia. And it must be
remembered that the leniency of the Government of the Union is so much the
more praiseworthy, as it has been the Government of Antioquia which has
brought upon Cauca the calamity which has now prostrated it. In fact,
peace and law would have obtained there many months ago, but for a cruel
faction supported and reinforced by the Antioquian Government, who renewed
it when it was failing, supplied it with money and munitions, assisted it
with military forces, and maintained anarchy and, not alarm, but terror,
in the State of Cauca. But notwithstanding these weighty motives for
inducing the Government of the Union to send its army against the State of
Antioquia, yet with great magnanimity it has declared that it will only do
so in the event of the Government of Antioquia not having agreed to
submit to the Union by the 6th of August next, the day on which the
national convention is to assemble at Cartajena. It is not indeed possible
that this State should be allowed to remain separate from the Union,
against the will of the Antioquian people, who do not join in the views of
those now ruling them, nor is it to be endured that they should carry on
against the other States and the Government of the Union a useless war,
for no defined political object. The States that have not yet chosen their
deputies for the Convention are now engaged in electing them. For the
rest, although it may well be thought that after such a war as that
through which we have passed the re-establishment of order and harmony in
the different branches of public administration, as well in the States as
in the Union, must be a long and anxious task, yet fortunately quite the
contrary has taken place. Immediately after the battles in which the
Federalists were successful society began to enjoy well-regulated civil
and judicial administration, and consequently confidence, commerce,
labour, social life, and striving for peace, were renewed with vigour. Our
people is as much the friend of order and justice as of liberty and
independence. To obey willingly it only desires from its governors
honesty, activity, loyalty to institutions, patriotism, and respect for
the ever moderate wishes of the country. The nation hates civil war, not
alone from reason, but from instinct; it has not spontaneously sought the
sad experience it has had of this terrible calamity; our strifes have not
come from below; the incendiary torch fell from the seat of the chief
Government. At least this is what has happened during the years just past.
But this longing for durable peace, this dearly-bought experience, and
this horror of civil war, joined to a moderate and firm love of liberty
and a decided spirit of progress, will produce without doubt a
constitution liberal, just, foreseeing, and clear, and for the future will
excite the attention of the people to the election of their high
officials. The President of the Union is in the country; his head-quarters
are in no fixed place; until now he has been first in Piedras and then in
Ambalema. A general secretary accompanies the President, for the despatch
of administrative matters of a serious nature, or connected with the war,
so that there may be no branch of government neglected, nor any subject of
public interest which shall not be attended to as in ordinary times. This
city, made nearly a year ago into a Federal district, has a governor and
a sufficient number of alcaldes and other subalterns to maintain order and
police. Besides the army which is moving upon Antioquia and Cauca, there
has been raised and organized another of reserve, as strong as the former,
and divided into three parts, which garrison the States of Santander,
Boyaca, and Cundinamarca. The national engagements in matters of credit
have engaged the attention of the Government in the most especial manner.
No outlay, not even to satisfy the necessities of existence, does it
prefer to fulfilling its obligations with foreign creditors. Also are
religiously cancelled the obligations in favour of foreigners given by the
disloyal Government of the extinct Granadine Confederation, for the sums
taken to make war upon the States which have supported Federal
institutions. Property belonging to foreigners is more efficiently
protected than it appears ever to have been before. In fact, all that has
relation to the faithful observance of public treaties, to the persons,
properties, and rights of citizens, or subjects of other nations, is a
subject of special solicitude to the Colombian Government, it being well
persuaded that the civilization as well as the good of the country demand
a faithful fulfilment of its foreign engagements, in order to raise the
national credit, and to aggrandize, by the increase of knowledge, of
wealth, and population, the modest country in which our lot has been cast.
To conclude, a solid and general peace is approaching with quick steps,
and I believe that I shall be able to announce it to you definitely,
together with the notice of the commencement of the operation of the
national Convention, within two months. Some material improvements have
been undertaken; but the favourable moment of entire peace has not yet
arrived to carry out all that the Government intends and desires to
accomplish. In the "Rejistro Oficial" you will find all that has been done
in these branches, and in favour of European immigration and the
colonization of our waste lands.
MANUEL ANCISAR.
_Bogota, June 5, 1862._
FOOTNOTES:
[158] The orthography of the above vocabulary is founded upon the ordinary
rules for English pronunciation. The syllable on which the chief stress is
laid is marked when necessary by an accent.
[159] _Robert O'Hara Burke, and the Australian Exploring Expedition of
1860._ By Andrew Jackson. London: Smith, Elder, and Co.
INDEX.
A
Abaca, Manila Hemp, ii. 321-324
_Acacia Catechu_ (Terra Japonica), ii. 114
Adam's Peak, Ceylon, ascent of, i. 406-418
Adams, William, one of the mutineers of the _Bounty_, iii. 261-263
Address of the German Residents in Sydney to the commander of the
Expedition, iii. 53 (and Appendix)
Adiga River near Madras, i. 457
Agraharam, Imperial present to the Brahmins, i. 459
Agriculture, School of (_Quinta Normal_), at Santiago de Chile, iii. 300
Aichison, Mr., Missionary at Shanghai, ii. 460
Alameda, the new, at Lima, iii. 396
---- the public promenade at Santiago de Chile, iii. 296
Albatross, the, i. 188
Alboran, Island of, i. 25
Algeziras, i. 40
Algoa Bay, i. 258
Alpaca, the, successful attempts to introduce into Australia, iii.
64-66; value in Peru and Bolivia, 65
Alwis, James de, his proficiency in Cingalese dialects, i. 396
Amancaes, Valley of, near Lima, iii. 396
Amaral, Dom Joao Maria Ferreira do, Governor of Macao, assassination of,
ii. 403
American Missionary Society, its activity in China, ii. 460-465
Amphitheatre, Roman, at Pola, iii. 454
Amsterdam, Island of, in Indian Ocean, i. 323-335
_Ananassa Sativa_, ii. 167, 325
Aneroid Barometers, their usefulness under certain conditions, iii. 328
Angas, Geo. Fred., Esq., secretary of the Australian Museum, Sydney,
iii. 33
Anthropometry, how practised, ii. 127; iii. 122-126
Ant Islands, ii. 588
Apothecary's store in Shanghai, ii. 437-440
Appin, village of, near Sydney, iii. 26
Aquasie Boachie, son of an African chief resident in Java, his history,
ii. 206
Arcot, city of, i. 452
Areca palm, ii. 102
Arequipa (Peru), iii. 350
Arewarewa, a skin disease common in the Society Islands, iii. 247
Arica (harbour and village), iii. 345
Armegon, first British settlement on the Coromandel coast, i. 428
Arreois, the, a secret society formerly existing at Tahiti, iii. 219
Arrival in Trieste, iii. 455
Artillery barrack at Valparaiso, iii. 285
Ash Island (New South Wales), iii. 44
Aspinwall (Isthmus of Panama), description of, iii. 438
Assacu tree, the (_Hura Brasiliensis_), i. 135
Atmospheric currents, i. 183
Atolls, appearance of and how accounted for, ii. 588, 626
Auckland, harbour and city, described, iii. 96-99
Augustinian (or Barefoot) monks, convent at Manila, ii. 304
Australia, German emigrants in, iii. 6, 31-33
Australian club in Sydney, iii. 43
---- farm, description of an, iii. 38, 41
Australische Zeitung, the German newspaper in Sydney, iii. 6
Avatars, the, or descents of Vishnu, i. 436
Ave Maria in Manila, the, ii. 347
Azores, Island of, iii. 336
Azoteas, or terraced roofs of Lima, iii. 366
B
Baines, Admiral, Commander-in-chief of H.M. Pacific squadron, iii. 323,
418
Baker, W., Esq., Government interpreter at Auckland, iii. 102
Balgonie Farm, near Sydney, iii. 36
Ball on board the _Novara_ in honour of the birth of an heir to the
throne of Austria, iii. 52-54; ball given by the Austrian Consul at
Valparaiso in honour of the Expedition, 321
Balsas, or rafts used along the west coast of South America, description
of, iii. 419
Bamboo paper (China), ii. 516
Bampoka, island of (Nicobar Group), ii. 43, 61
Bampton reef, ii. 626
Bandong, city in Java, ii. 235
Banyan tree, i. 357
Bargo, forest huts at, near Sydney, iii. 40; curious library in one of
the houses at, 42
Barometer, its lowest reading during the Typhoon in the China seas, ii.
545
Barrier Island, iii. 91
Basle Missionary Association in China, ii. 368
Basses or Baxos near Galle, i. 418
Batavia, description of, ii. 180-190
Batte-Malve, Island of, one of the Nicobar Group, ii. 42
Bay-Lake (Manila), ii. 288
Bell-bird of Australia, the, iii. 38
Bennett, Dr. George, Zoologist of Sydney, iii. 14
Beri-Beri, a Javanese malady, ii. 188
Bernstein, Dr., physician and naturalist, ii. 211
Betel-nut and fibre, ii. 73, 102, 144, 238, 260
Biche de Mar, or sea slug. _See_ Trepang.
Big Island. _See_ Sikayana.
Binondo, suburb of Manila, ii. 290
Birloche, the, a two-wheeled vehicle in use in Chile, iii. 294
Bleeker, Dr., Ichthyologist in Java, ii. 183
Bligh, Capt., commander of the _Bounty_, iii. 260; his fate, 261;
becomes Governor of the penal colony of Botany Bay, 75
Blodgett, Rev. Mr., Missionary at Shanghai, ii. 460
_Boehmeria nivea_, the Rame-fibre, ii. 167, 205, 321-324
Bohea mountains of China, the, ii. 506
Bo-tree, the (_Ficus religiosa_), i. 357
Bolts, William, his attempt to colonize the Nicobars for Austria, ii.
6-10
Book-printing introduced into Tahiti, iii. 202
Boomerang, known to the ancient Egyptians, iii. 31
Borax, or Tincal, trade in, along the Peruvian coast, iii. 344
Botanical garden of Rio, i. 143; of Cape Town, 205; of Buitenzorg
(Java), ii. 205; of Sydney, iii. 20
Botanical riches of the Nicobars, ii. 101-103; of Java, 204-206; of
Sydney, iii. 19-21
Botany Bay, account of, iii. 18
Botany Tower, in Sydney, iii. 18
_Bounty_, abridged account of mutiny of the, and subsequent fate of the
mutineers and their descendants, iii. 261-276
Brahmaism, its tenets, i. 435-437
Brand Vley, hot-springs of (Cape Colony), i. 225-229
Brauns, William, Consul-general of Hamburg, at Lima, iii. 364
Brazil, importance of, as a field for German emigration, i. 132, 171
Bread-fruit tree found in the Nicobars, ii. 101; in Puynipet, 558, 567;
in Tahiti, iii. 243
"Brickfielder," unpleasant sensations in a, 111. 52
Bridgman, Dr., Missionary and Sinologue, ii. 460
_Bromelia ananas_. _See_ _Ananassa sativa_.
Brooke's deep-sea lead, mode of using and results, i. 112, 263
Brotherhood of the Heaven and Earth (secret society of the Chinese of
Singapore), ii. 147
Broughton's Pass in New South Wales, iii. 27
Browne, Col. T. Gore, Governor of New Zealand, iii. 136
Buddha, tooth of, i. 405
Buddhism, tenets and history of, i. 352-358
Buitenzorg (Java), excursion to, ii, 203-208
Bukit Timah, the, or mountain of tin at Singapore, ii. 143
"Bullock-bandy," Cingalese native conveyance, i. 417
Bungalow, description of one at Vellore, i. 452
"Burster," violence of, at New Zealand, iii. 141
Bush, the, of Australia, described, iii. 26, 30
Bushmen, or Bosjesmen, the, i. 203
Bush-rangers, depredations of the, iii. 76
C
Cabo Tormentoso, Storm Cape, now Cape of Good Hope, i. 192-195, 257
Caffres, i. 203
Cajamarquilla, ruins of, visited, iii. 385-388
Caldera, Chile, its appearance, iii. 340
Caledon, village of Cape Colony, visit to, i. 242
Callao, port of Lima, iii. 363
Caltura, Ceylon, curious rencontre at, i. 369, 397
Calzada, the, or public promenade of Manila, ii. 310
Camden Park, Sydney, visit to, iii. 20-23
Camoens, grotto of, at Macao, ii. 394
Camote, the, or sweet potato, ii. 102
Campamiento (Gibraltar), i. 39
Campbell, Mr., of Tacna (Peru), curious statistics furnished by him of
the stimulating properties of coca leaves, iii. 404
Campbelton, New South Wales, excursion to, iii. 24