For I the sey well sikerlye

That Mahoun hath no poweste

Nother to helpe the ne me.”

Quod the kyng, my frende so dere,

I wyll make a covenaunte here.

If thou myght the Geaunte sloo,

And bring me out of my woo,

Thi god for the love of the

Grete honour shall haue of me.

All crysten that I haue taken here

Shall be delyuered with good chere.

In all my lond of Alexaundre

Men shall not the Crysten dere.

There shall be none in hethenes,

Man ne woman more ne lesse,

That is of crystiante

But he here shall delyuered be.[53]

[53] Caius MS., p. 451.

The combat took place at the sultan’s court. When Guy beheld the

horrible giant, he declared that it was the devil and no man. After a

long and fierce fight, Guy cut off his adversary’s right arm, then

his left, and finally his head. Let the reader note the following

coincidences: Guy and Tirant both made a pilgrimage to Jerusalem; from

there they came to Alexandria; the ransom of prisoners is mentioned in

_Guy of Warwick_, and the ransom of captives is a fact in _Tirant lo

Blanch_. Martorell did not reproduce this story, but he seems to have

retained the words Jerusalem, Alexandria, and ransom of Christians, and

from these he developed his own story. In the lines quoted above, Guy’s

fervent religious spirit is brought into prominence, and at the same

time a struggle for supremacy between the Christian and the Mohammedan

religions is suggested. In _Tirant lo Blanch_ also, the hero is filled

with religious zeal and fervor, and under his leadership Christianity

triumphs in all Barbary.

We have pointed out above the more important points of resemblance in

_Guy of Warwick_ and _Tirant lo Blanch_. Let us now mention a few of

the minor ones.

In the English romance, the following words are spoken of Felice:

She was therto curteys and free ywys,

And in the .vii. arts well learned withoute mys.

All the .vii. artis she kouthe well,

Noon better that euere man herde tell.[54]

[54] Caius MS., p. 7.

In _Tirant lo Blanch_ the empress confesses that she cannot argue as

well as Carmesina, “per yo no hauer studiat les liberals arts com ma

filla.”[55]

[55] ... because I have not studied the liberal arts as my

daughter has. _Tirant lo Blanch_, chap. clxxxii, col. 2.

When Guy made his confession of love to Felice, he said:

Bot thou haue mercy on me,

Myself y shall for sorwe slee.[56]

[56] Caius MS., p. 23.

When Tirant made his confession to the princess, he said: “puix lo meu

cor ha tant fallit que es stat causador de tant agreujar la vostra

singular persona e percaçar tant de mal per a mi, ab la mia ma plena de

cruel vengança ans que lo sol haja passat los columnes de Hercules yol

partire en dues parts....”[57]

[57] ... since my heart has been so delinquent that it has been

the cause of afflicting so grievously your excellent personage

and producing so much pain through me, with my hand full of cruel

vengeance I shall cut it in two before the sun has passed the

columns of Hercules. _Tirant lo Blanch_, chap. cxxix, col. 3.

In _Guy of Warwick_, Oisel beholds her betrothed, Tirri, lying before

her as if dead, and in her despair she utters these words:

A, leman Tirri,

In wroched time mi bodi thou say,

When thou shalt for me day.

Dye ich-il forth with the:

For sorwe lives no may y be.

Bot y may dye ichil me quelle:

Len to libbe is nought mi wille.[58]

[58] Auchinleck MS., p. 278.

Let us compare with these lines the words of Carmesina, while lamenting

over the lifeless body of Tirant:

Puix la fortuna ha ordenat, e vol que axi sia, los meus ulls no deuen

james alegrarse, sino que vull anar a cercar lanima de aquell qui

solia esser meu Tirant en los lochs benaventurats hon reposa la sua

anima si trobar la pore: e certament ab tu vull fer companyia en la

mort.[59]

[59] Since fortune has ordained and wills it so, my eyes will

never more be gladdened, but I will go to seek the soul of him

who used to be my Tirant in the blissful places where his soul

reposes if I can find it: and indeed I wish to be thy companion

in death. _Tirant lo Blanch_, chap. cccclxxiii, col. 2.

And in another lamentation she utters these words: “Si la sperança de

morir nom detingues, yom mataria.”[60]

[60] ... if the hope of dying did not deter me, I should kill

myself. _Ibid._, chap. cccclxxv, col. 1.

In the analysis we have observed how Carmesina pleaded with Tirant not

to permit his amorous nature to interfere with his martial spirit. In

the English romance, Felice justifies her attitude towards Guy in the

following manner:

And if y the had mi loue yiue

And wille it the whiles y liue

Sleuthe wolde the so oercome,

That thou woldest nomore armes doon,

Ne come in turnement nor in fighte.

So amorous thou wolde bee anone righte.[61]

[61] Caius MS., p. 65.

We have described in the analysis the scene in which Carmesina throws

herself on the corpse of Tirant. Let us compare with it the following

lines which picture to us the grief of Felice at Guy’s death.

She sowned on her lordys bere,

And kyst hys mouth with wepying chere.

Hys fete, hys hondys she kyssed then,

So dyd many an other man.

All that with her commyn were

Mad mornying and sorry chere.[62]

[62] _Ibid._, p. 621.

The love story in _Tirant lo Blanch_ forms an important part of the

book. Surely the origin of this feature cannot be attributed to the

career of Roger de Flor. On the contrary, the above comparative study

presents strong evidence that the love affair between Tirant and

Carmesina was developed by Martorell from elements drawn from _Guy of

Warwick_. But unfortunately the author ascribed to the Capita Major so

passionate a nature that in some of the love scenes we are disgusted at

the actions of the protagonist. The character of Tirant is admirable

in almost all respects, but in the pursuit of his immoral desires it

is detestable. In our amazement and disappointment we ask ourselves

why the author endowed his hero with such low and immoral cravings.

Tirant’s conduct towards the princess reminds us of a passage in the

English romance wherein the treacherous steward, Morgadour, falsely

accuses Guy of having dishonored the daughter of the Emperor of

Constantinople. The passage reads as follows:

Sir, quoth he, y shall the telle:

Thy shame noo lenger couere y nelle.

A souldiour thou hast with the,

That thinketh for to shende the.

Thy doughter, that so fair is,

He hath leyn by, ywis.

In-to hir boure with strength he yede:

By thy doughter his wille he dede.[63]

[63] Caius MS., p. 187.

This incident may have prompted Martorell to ascribe to Tirant the

rôle of a passionate lover, and we feel that he adopted the suggestion

without any hesitation whatever. Boccaccio’s influence was powerful in

those days, and the incident afforded great possibilities for emulating

the famous Italian writer. If this conjecture be true, our censure of

the author must be limited to a reproach for having so easily and so

shamelessly followed that influence. But Martorell keeps in close touch

with real life. It may be that such conduct of knights had come to his

notice directly or indirectly. If that is the reason why the obscene

features were introduced, our condemnation will not be extremely

severe. But if it was his purpose to present to us an ideal hero, then

the author is deserving of the most scathing denunciation possible, for

he must have been as morally weak as the hero he asks us to admire. He

seems to take a delight in describing unbecoming and immoral scenes.

Not only does he give vivid narrations of Tirant’s efforts to attain

the “compliment de amor,” but he also makes bold descriptions of the

liaison between the empress and Hypolite; the relations of Diaphebus

and Stephania; and the revolting plan by which Viuda Reposada

succeeded in making Tirant believe that Carmesina was unfaithful. But

we may be doing the author a grave injustice. Possibly these immoral

scenes were intended to have a moral effect. It may have been the

purpose of Martorell to disgust the readers with these scenes. Possibly

it was a protest against the immoral conditions that prevailed in his

time.

After making the above comparative study, we are not willing to accept

the statement of Amador de los Ríos, so emphatically repeated by

Givanel Mas, that the feats of Roger de Flor form the principal source

of the Catalan book of chivalry. Nor will we accept the opinion of

Denk that _Tirant lo Blanch_ represents nothing else but the figure of

Roger de Flor reproduced in the form of a novel. To the conservative

statement of Menéndez y Pelayo we shall offer no serious objections,

for the latter part of _Tirant lo Blanch_ does bear the stamp of a kind

of historical novel in which the heroic expedition of the Catalans

and Aragonese and the tragic fate of Roger de Flor is more or less

faithfully reflected. But we feel that the resemblance between Roger de

Flor and Tirant lo Blanch and their military enterprises is so slight

that even his statement must be qualified as misleading. However,

had he stated that Tirant’s activities at Constantinople had a true

historical basis, and that basis was Roger de Flor’s expedition to the

Orient, we should most heartily indorse that statement.

If we have objected to the intimations and declarations that this book

of chivalry is a historical novel based on the exploits of Roger de

Flor, it is due to the fact that the real deeds of that hero play a

very insignificant part in it. Roger de Flor was a brave commander

with a remarkable genius for organizing his forces, and for planning

campaigns. Muntaner does not describe him a single time as fighting

hand to hand in a battle with the enemy. The historical Roger de

Flor probably would not have created enough interest and enthusiasm.

Moreover, in Tirant’s adventures and fights on the sea, whenever some

extraordinary naval strategy was necessary, the credit for it is

not given to Tirant, but to some member of the crew who is usually

described as an experienced seaman. And yet Roger de Flor was so

efficient a sea captain that the officers of the Temple intrusted

him with their largest ship. If the author had intended to represent

him, surely he would not have denied him the honor of those exploits.

It is obvious that he did not regard his hero as an experienced

mariner. The hero he had in mind was a knight whose duty called him

to the battlefield. Tirant lo Blanch bears a far stronger resemblance

to Guy of Warwick than to Roger de Flor. The striking points of

similarity of these characters have already been noted. In addition

to these points, we may briefly add that Tirant’s religious zeal; his

generosity; his refusal to accept rewards; his fighting in tournaments,

in personal combats, and on the field of battle; and his love—debased

unfortunately—are qualities that are not mentioned in connection with

Roger de Flor, but they are all in accord with the career of Guy of

Warwick. Such being the case, would it not be far more accurate to say

that _Guy of Warwick_ is the principal source? The very beginning of

_Tirant lo Blanch_ indicates that its author was intimately acquainted

with the English romance. Is it not probable that Guy of Warwick’s

activities at Constantinople reminded Martorell of Roger de Flor’s

heroic services to the emperor of that same city, whereupon he selected

that historical event as a background for a certain part of the career

of his hero? It must be remembered that Martorell knew well the

exploits of the brave and adventurous soldiers of the Catalan-Aragonese

expedition. His conception of military heroism was in great part based

on the history, traditional or written, of his people. The spirit

that animated its heroes became a part of him, and consequently it

was but natural that that spirit should find expression in a literary

production in which a military hero is portrayed.

From the above comparative study of _Tirant lo Blanch_ in relation to

its sources, viz., Lull’s _Libre del Orde d’Cauayleria_, Muntaner’s

_Chronica_, and the English romance, _Guy of Warwick_, we are convinced

that these sources have furnished important ideas and material to

Martorell. The features drawn from Lull’s work are few, but, on the

other hand, they have been subjected to very little change. It is

important, however, for it seems to have provided a starting point for

the author. Guy of Warwick has yielded more concrete material than the

other two sources, but it has been modified to suit the pleasure and to

meet the needs of the author. Muntaner’s _Chronica_ did not furnish as

many ideas and suggestions as _Guy of Warwick_, but the martial spirit

of the Catalan and Aragonese warriors pervades a large part of the work.

It is not in our power to divine with certainty the plan as originally

conceived by the author when he began his work. However, it is evident

that he was intimately acquainted with Lull’s work and the English

romance from the very beginning. It is quite probable that Martorell’s

purpose was to make a hero of the squire who had received instructions

pertaining to knighthood from the hermit, as related by Lull. This

hermit reminded him of Guy of Warwick, whom he greatly admired, and he

could not resist the temptation to reproduce that part of the English

champion’s career which led to his retirement to a hermitage. Then,

as we have already observed, the squire who is now Tirant lo Blanch

meets the hermit, William of Warwick, after which he continues his way

to the English court. A little more than a year later he returns to

the hermit, and the latter is informed of the important events that

took place in London. After a few days’ sojourn, Tirant returns to

his native land, Brittany. His career is very promising, for he has

been proclaimed the greatest knight in the exercises of arms at the

English court. And now what is the young hero to do? Martorell had

perhaps from the beginning of his work rather definite ideas in regard

to his hero’s career. Still it is quite possible that he had made no

fixed plan in advance, but selected the various spheres of Tirant’s

activities during the course of the composition of his book. However

that may be, Tirant’s career finally resolved itself into the following

distinct spheres of operation: he succored the Knights of St. John on

the island of Rhodes; after that, he joined the expedition of the King

of France against the infidels; then he went to the aid of the Emperor

of Constantinople; next he conquered and christianized Barbary; and

finally he returned to Constantinople and reconquered all the lost

territory of the Grecian empire. And now the question arises: Are all

these various spheres of operation based on real historical events?

PART IV

THE HISTORICAL BASES UPON WHICH TIRANT’S

SPHERES OF OPERATION ARE FOUNDED

CHAPTER I

THE WILLIAM OF WARWICK EPISODE

In the preceding part, wherein was made a comparative study of three

important sources of _Tirant to Blanch_, we have had occasion to

mention the real historical facts that form, in a more or less general

way, the basis of Tirant’s career while in the service of the Emperor

of Constantinople. Let us now transfer our researches to the field of

history and try to determine what historical events underlie the hero’s

various undertakings. Let us, moreover, examine all the features of

_Tirant lo Blanch_ that give any indication of historical influence, in

order that we may attain a better understanding of the author’s method

in composing this work. The first question that confronts us is: What

historical basis is to be found in the William of Warwick episode?

The hero of the English romance of _Guy of Warwick_ is more or less

a legendary personage. John Rous, a learned scholar and writer who

lived between 1411 and 1491, in his writings concerning the legendary

history of Warwickshire, names Guy as the second of the Saxon Earls of

Warwick. We cannot cite any authentic historical facts about him. The

story probably represents an old Saxon legend, perhaps in the form of

a ballad, which in the course of time became a romance in French, and

this was later translated into English. In the two fourteenth-century

versions to which we have referred in Part III of this work, Aethelstan

is represented as the King of England. This fixes the supposed time

of Guy’s career as prior to 940, which marks the end of Aethelstan’s

reign. The latter annexed Danish Northumbria, and, in 937, won the

great battle of Brunanburh over the Danes, Scots, and Strathclyde

Britons. This fact shows that there are at least some traces of

authentic history in the romance, for in _Guy of Warwick_ we read of an

invasion of the Danes.

In _Tirant lo Blanch_, no dates are mentioned so that if we wish to

establish the period in which the events described took place, we shall

have to depend on the historical characters that are named, and the

incidents, occurrences, and events that are narrated. The data that we

may gather for this purpose probably will throw light on other matters

in which we are interested.

The document that was given to Tirant in which he was declared the best

knight of all those that participated in the exercises of arms at the

English court was signed “Rex Enricus.” This king was young and feeble,

and for that reason the hermit William of Warwick suggested that the

Duke of Lancaster should take the place of the king in the approaching

personal combat with the strong and valiant Moorish king of Canary;

but the suggestion caused loud protests from the Dukes of Gloucester,

Bedford, and Exeter, who claimed that their kinship to the king was

closer than that of the Duke of Lancaster. It is quite clear that the

author had in mind the English king, Henry VI, who during his minority

was represented by his two uncles, the Duke of Bedford as protector of

the realm, and the Duke of Gloucester as regent in England while the

protector was in France. The Duke of Exeter was the grand-uncle of the

young king. There was no Duke of Lancaster at that particular period.

Richard de Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick, also was closely associated

with the boy-king. When Henry V was on his deathbed, he sent for the

earl and asked him to be the master of his son, the future Henry VI,

requesting him at the same time “to be gentle with him and guide and

instruct him in the condition of life to which he belonged.”[64] Henry

V died in 1422, and the Earl of Warwick became the tutor and governor

of the new king, although that title was not conferred upon him until

1428. The coincidence is striking! In the story William of Warwick was

the fatherly adviser of the young English king, and in history Richard

of Warwick was the tutor and governor of the English boy-king. And

here the question arises: Could Martorell have had in mind Richard de

Beauchamp when he wrote certain parts of his work?

[64] The Countess of Warwick, _Warwick Castle and its Earls_, New

York and London, 1903; vol. I, p. 121.

Let us here give a brief account of the career of Richard de Beauchamp.

Upon his father’s death in 1401, he became Earl of Warwick, being at

that time twenty years old. His early years were spent chiefly in

performing feats of arms, as did the knights of old. At the coronation

of Queen Jane he defended the field against all those that dared to

joust with him. Not finding sufficient opportunities for knightly

exercises and adventures at home, he went abroad. He made a pilgrimage

to Rome and from there went to Verona, where he engaged in a joust

with another knight. After the jousting they fought with axes, next

with swords, and finally with daggers. From Verona he went to Venice

and then to Jerusalem. There the sultan’s lieutenant, upon being

informed that Richard was a descendant of Guy of Warwick of whom he

had read in books in his own language, entertained him royally, and

gave him precious gifts. Richard then made his way overland to England,

frequently interrupting his journey by taking part in tournaments.

Shortly after his return, he was sent to the town of Calais and made

Captain of that place. Longing for a little excitement, he made up

a tournament of his own. Three days in succession, mounted on his

caparisoned steed, he went out on the field, and each day he returned

victorious. Later he was sent as ambassador to Constance in Germany,

to attend the well-known Council of Constance. There he was challenged

by some great duke, who was slain in the encounter. The German emperor

expressed his admiration for him by saying that “no Christian prince

hath such another knight for Wisdom, Nurture, and Manhood; that if

all courtesy were lost, yet it might be found again in him.”[65] His

principal military activities were in the war against the French.

In 1416 he was sent to relieve Harfleur; was at the siege of Caen;

captured several places; was made Captain of Beauvais; and was present

at the siege of Rouen. When that city finally fell, the capitulation

was made to him. He was appointed to several offices at home and

abroad, his last and most important one being the Governorship of

France and Normandy. In the year 1439 he died in the castle of Rouen at

the age of fifty-eight.

[65] _Ibid._, vol. I, p. 113.

A strong resemblance between Richard de Beauchamp and Guy of Warwick

is evident. Is it not probable that this similarity was to some

degree instrumental in causing Martorell to give the William of

Warwick episode a setting of the fifteenth century? There are several

references made to deeds of William of Warwick which cannot be found in

the English romance, _Guy of Warwick_. One of them, however, concerns

without doubt Richard de Beauchamp. When the hermit-king told the

countess where the arms were that he desired, she begged him to reveal

to her how he happened to know so much about her husband. He answered

that he was with the earl when the latter, as Capita Major of the city

of Rouen, won a signal victory over the large army of the French king.

Richard de Beauchamp was a popular hero, and if Martorell had been in

England, as he claims in his dedicatory letter, he might have heard of

many feats of the great knight and soldier that are not recorded in

history. However, we have already learned the method of our author, and

we must not expect too many historical data on any subject. But, as a

rule, he gives us sufficient real facts to determine what events or

periods in history he has in mind. Other historical personages cited

in connection with the William of Warwick episode are the Earl of

Salisbury, the Earl of Northumberland, the Duke of Clarence, and the

Prince of Wales. These names also indicate that the historical period

represented is the first half of the fifteenth century.

When Tirant asked the hermit to name the greatest living knights in

England, the latter gave the names of Sir John Stuart and the Duke of

Exeter. History mentions but one great knight named John Stuart, and

he was of this period. From 1419 to the time of his death in 1429, Sir

John Stuart of Darnley was fighting valiantly on the continent on the

side of the French. Charles VII appreciated his worth, and rewarded

him several times: first he granted him the seigneurie of Aubigny in

Berry, next the comté of Evreux in Normandy, and finally the “glorious

privilege of quartering the Royal arms of France with his paternal arms

of Stuart.” He fell fighting bravely in a battle near Orleans. In the

well-known old French play, “Le Mistère du Siège d’Orléans,” written

some time after his death, the following tribute is paid to him:

Est mort tout le noble barnaige

Qui deffendoit la fleur de lis

Ha! le connestable d’Escosse,

Le plus vaillant dans la terre,

Est demeuré à fine force

Qui estoit tant prudent en guerre

On ne pourroit son bruit exquerre

Tant estoit vaillant et hardi

Or le convient il mectre en terre.[66]

[66] _Documents inédits sur l’histoire de France, première

série_, Paris, 1862; p. 342.

Martorell did well to name him as one of the greatest knights of that

period.

Sir Thomas Beaufort, Duke of Exeter, also was a great warrior. He

rendered distinguished services to the English nation in the struggle

with France. He was made Duke of Exeter in 1416, and in the same year

appointed Lieutenant of Normandy. He died at Greenwich in 1427.

Thus we see that Martorell has reproduced the latter part of the _Guy

of Warwick_ story, but has given it a setting in the fifteenth century.

It has been changed considerably, and the historical personage,

Richard de Beauchamp, has had some influence in giving form to this

reproduction. The career of this great knight reveals that the

exploits of Tirant at the English court were not the result of a vivid

imagination, but, on the contrary, were based in great part on knightly

customs and practices of the times. Martorell is a realist; when he

describes anything, it is usually based on something that he had

observed directly, or something that he had read or heard related which

impressed him as having really occurred. It is true that occasionally

we find the narration of some incredible incidents in his work, but it

is hardly probable that he expected us to believe them. It is owing to

the realistic temperament of the author that the different enterprises

of Tirant are based on historical events. He had a remarkable talent

for selecting interesting elements, and joining them so as to produce

an artistic whole. It was evidently not his purpose to make any part

of his work an accurate narration of some historical event. He distorts

facts or makes use of them under conditions different from those under

which they originally happened. Heroic deeds that called forth his

admiration, and historical incidents that were interesting to him and

of such a nature that he could utilize them in the work that he had

undertaken, furnished him with an abundance of material for his book

of chivalry. _Tirant lo Blanch_ is indeed a composite work, made up of

elements gathered here and there, logically connected and fashioned

into a consistent whole which impresses the reader with a feeling of

reality, because it is based, in the main, on actual experiences and

happenings in life.

CHAPTER II

CONCERNING THE ORDER OF THE GARTER

With regard to the duration of the festivities connected with the

marriage of the King of England to the daughter of the King of France,

and concerning the time of the departure of Tirant from London, we read

in chapter xxxix:

[67]Lo dia de Sanct Joan principiaren les festes e aquell dia se veu

lo rey ab la infanta sposada: duraren aquestes festes un any e un dia.

Complides les festes lo rey hague complit son matrimoni ab la infanta

de França. E tots les strangers prengueren comiat del rey e de la

reyna, e cascu sen torna en ses terres. Tirant apres que fon partit de

la Ciutat de Londres ab sos companyons fon en recort de la promesa que

hauia feta al pare hermita.

[67] The festivities began on the day of St. John and that day

the king was married to the Infanta: those festivities continued

for a year and a day. When the celebration was over the king had

consummated his marriage with the Infanta of France. And all

the foreigners took leave of the king and queen, and each one

returned to his own country. Tirant, after having left the city

of London with his companions, remembered the promise which he

had made to the hermit.

But in chapter lxxxv, Diaphebus, while telling the hermit about the

Order of the Garter, speaks these words:

[68]Ia era passat lany e lo dia: e les festes eran complides de

solemnizar com la magestat del senyor rey trames apreguar a tots los

stats ques volguessen esperar alguns dies: perço com la magestat sua

volia fer publicar una fraternitat, la qual nouament hauia instituida

de .xxvi. cauallers sens que negu no fos reproche. E tots de bon grat

foren contents de aturar.

[68] And now the year and a day had passed and the celebration of

the festivities was over, when His Royal Majesty sent word to the

noble visitors praying them to delay their departure for several

days: for His Royal Majesty wished to proclaim the institution of

a fraternity which he had recently founded, with a membership of

twenty-six knights, each of whom was without reproach. And all

were highly pleased to stay.

These conflicting statements as to the time of Tirant’s leaving London

indicate that when the author wrote chapter xxxix, he had no intention

of introducing the account concerning the Order of the Garter. But

later moved probably by a desire to show in what great honor Tirant was

held, and to describe the pomp, magnificence, and glory of knighthood,

he decided to introduce this feature. Still it is quite possible that

the peculiar and interesting stories in connection with the Order

may have caused its introduction. The circumstances which led to the

institution of the fraternity according to Martorell are as follows:

At a dance at the English court a lady named Madresilva lost a garter

while she was dancing. A certain knight picked it up. The King

witnessed the incident, and asked the knight to bring it to him and

fasten it on his left leg just below the knee. His Majesty wore the

garter in that way for four months and no one ventured to speak to him

concerning it. But one day one of the maids, who was a favorite of the

King, told him that the Queen, the maids of honor, the people of the

kingdom and those from abroad, all were displeased that he should show

so much honor to Madresilva. And the King answered:

[69]... donchs la Reyna sta de aço mal contenta, e los strangers e los

del meu regne ne stan admirats dix tales paraules en frances: Puni

soyt qui mal hi pense. Ara yo promet adeu, dix lo rey, yo instituire

e fare sobre aquest fet un orde de caualleria, que tant com lo mon

durara sera en recordacio aquesta fraternitat e orde que yo fare.

[69] “So then the queen is displeased with that, and the

foreigners and those of my kingdom are surprised at it.” Then he

spoke the following words in French: “Punished be he who thinks

evil of it. Now I promise God,” said the king, “I shall institute

and build upon this incident an order of knighthood, and this

fraternity and order that I shall found will be remembered as

long as the world shall last.” _Tirant lo Blanch_, chap. lxxxv,

col. 3.

In Elias Ashmole’s voluminous work,[70] published in 1672, the above

incident is related in the following manner:

[70] Elias Ashmole, _The Institution, Laws and Ceremonies of the

most Noble Order of the Garter_, London, 1672.

“As to the occasion of its institution, the vulgar and more general

opinion is, That the garter of Joane, Countess of Salisbury, falling

casually off, as she danced in a solemn ball, King Edward hastily

stooping, took it up from the ground; whereupon some of the Nobles

and Courtiers smiling as at an amorous action, and he observing their

sportive humor, turned it off with this reply in French, ‘Honi soit

qui mal y pense’; but withal added in disdain of their laughter, That

in a short time, they should see that Garter advanced to so high honor

and estimation as to account themselves happy to wear it.”

This story is generally regarded by historians as untrue. Ashmole

intimates that it was first published by Polydore Virgil about the

middle of the sixteenth century. If that be so, the story in _Tirant

lo Blanch_ is the earliest known version of this famous incident. The

word “Puni” instead of “Honi” is striking, but not surprising. In the

pronunciation of these words, as well as in their written or printed

forms, the hearer or the reader might easily mistake the one for the

other, and the substitution would have been favored by the fact that

“Honi” was not in common use.

But let us follow the account concerning the Order as we find it

in _Tirant lo Blanch_. In the castle at Windsor was prepared a

beautiful chapel which was to serve as a home for the new fraternity.

The king was the first to take the oath to obey its statutes and

ordinances. Then he selected twenty-five other knights to constitute

its membership, and the first one chosen was Tirant, because he was

the best of all. Then the following were named: “lo Princep de Gales,

lo Duch de Beta fort [Bedford], lo Duch de lencastre [Lancaster], lo

Duch datçetera [Exeter], lo Marques de Sofolch [Suffolk], lo Marques de

Sanct Jordi, lo Marques de Belpuig, Johan de Varoych, Gran Conestable,

lo Comte de Nortabar [Northumberland], lo Comte de Salasberi, lo Comte

destafort [Stafford], lo Comte de Vilamur, lo Comte de les Marches

Negres, lo Comte d’la Joyosa Guarda, lo Senyor de Scala Rompuda, lo

Senyor de Puig Vert, lo Senyor de Terra Noua, Miçer Johan Stuart, Miçer

de Riuçech.” All these were from the kingdom. The foreigners were: “lo

Duch de Berri, lo Duch Danjou, lo Comte de Flandes.” Then the author

says: “Foren tots en nombre .xxvi. cauallers.” But, including the king

and Tirant, he has named only twenty-four.

According to history, Edward the Third founded the Order of the Garter

between the years 1344 and 1351. The roll of founders consists of

twenty-six names. Besides those of the king and the Prince of Wales,

there are only four names given by Martorell that can be found on the

roll. The Duke of Exeter was elected into the Order in 1400 and his

is the ninety-ninth name on the list of members. The Duke of Suffolk

was elected in 1420 and his number is one hundred and forty on the

list. From a historical standpoint, Martorell made a blunder when he

gave the name of Sir John Stuart as a member, for the latter was an

enemy of England. Several of the names seem to be pure inventions. It

is evident that Martorell made up a list of his own. At first we are

surprised that he did not include the name of William of Warwick, but

since the latter had so resolutely insisted upon living as a hermit, he

could not consistently have been made a member. We have noticed that

instead of naming twenty-six, he named but twenty-four. Why did he not

name the Duke of Gloucester, whom he mentions in his work? It is indeed

surprising that he did not name one of the Portuguese kings, for John

I, Edward, and Alphonse V were all members of the Order. The latter was

the brother of Prince Ferdinand, to whom the book was dedicated. If

Martorell had known that these kings were honored with membership in

the noble Order, he would hardly have failed to mention one of them.

But he named none of these, and consequently the conclusion may be

drawn that he did not live at the court of Portugal and that he knew

little more about Prince Ferdinand than his name. And, moreover, these

omissions indicate rather strongly that the work was not first written

in the Portuguese language.

We are furthermore told in _Tirant lo Blanch_ that the king gave to

every member of the Order a collar of gold covered with round S’s.

Martorell undertakes in the following story to explain how the king

happened to adopt these letters as a device: At a royal hunt, a deer,

white as the snow because of its age, was slain, and a collar bearing

S’s was found around its neck. On the collar were found words stating

that when Julius Caesar left the island the collar was put on the

deer, with the request that the king into whose hands the deer might

fall should adopt the letter S as a device. The author explains the

significance of this letter in these words:

[71]“E lo collar era tots de esses redones. E perço com en tot lo

A.B.C. no trobareu letra una per una de major auctoritat e perfectio

que pugua significar mes altes coses que aquesta lettra S.... La

primera, sanctedat; sauiesa; sapiencia; senyoria; e moltes altres

coses que per S principien.”

[71] And the collar was all covered with round S’s. Because

in the whole alphabet you cannot find one letter of greater

authority and perfection and which can signify more noble things

than this letter S. The first thing it stands for is sanctity;

then sapience; science; seigniory; and many other things that

begin with S. _Tirant lo Blanch_, chaps. xcvi and xcvii.

Martorell may have invented this story, but we are inclined to believe

that he had heard or read an explanation of the kind. Perhaps the story

was current at the time. Ashmole, too, had his curiosity aroused by the

letters on the collars, and remembers that he had read or heard that

there was once an organization called the “Society of Saint Simplicius”

and that the members of that society used to wear collars with SS on

them, and these letters stood for Saint Simplicius. This saint suffered

martyrdom under Diocletian about 287 A.D.

All that Martorell has to say about the rules, ceremonies, initiation,

ladies of honor and their vows, reveals that he knew a great deal about

the Order. Where did he obtain his information? Was it through reading

or through hearsay? In some respects his account resembles that of an

eye-witness, yet in giving the names of members of the Order, Martorell

was obliged to invent some, for the reason that he did not have enough

English names at his command. Some of the names are purely Catalan, and

this fact indicates that the account was not written in England, nor

in Portugal, but very probably in Valencia; another argument in favor

of the contention that _Tirant lo Blanch_ was written originally in

Catalan, and not in Portuguese.

CHAPTER III

TIRANT SUCCORS THE KNIGHTS OF RHODES

In the analysis we have told that the Genoese made a treacherous

attempt to capture Rhodes on account of its commercial importance as

a seaport. Having failed in their effort, they induced the sultan to

undertake the conquest of the island, and within a short time the port

of Rhodes was blockaded, the city besieged, and the island overrun by a

multitude of Moors. The city, however, offered heroic resistance. The

Grand Master appealed to the Christian powers for help. Tirant’s aid

finally led to the raising of the siege. Now upon what historical facts

is this part of the work based?

Let us first consider the attempt of the Genoese to capture the city of

Rhodes. The plan agreed upon was to have a considerable number of their

ships in the port, and other vessels carrying many men were to be near

by, but far enough away so as not to be seen by the people of Rhodes.

Two Genoese members of the Order rendered the instruments of defense

of the castle useless. The plan was to be carried out on Good Friday.

While the ceremonies of the day were being celebrated, the Genoese

were to enter the church two by two. All were to carry arms, but they

were to be concealed under long black cloaks. After a large number of

them had entered, they, with the assistance of the two traitors, were

to seize the towers and finally the whole city. But their plan was

fortunately discovered and frustrated.

Knowing the author’s inclination for taking ideas from certain sources

and applying them under circumstances that are altogether different

from those under which they originally occurred, we shall quote

the following passage from Vertot’s history of this military order,

which describes an event that may have furnished some details to the

story of the unsuccessful venture of the Genoese. The passage refers

to a banquet given by Jacques de Lusignan, when the regency of the

government of Cyprus was committed to him.

Il se trouva à ce repas royal un grand nombre de Seigneurs Vénitiens

et Génois. Ces étrangers se disputèrent la préséance; elle fut décidée

ce jour-là en faveur des Vénitiens. Les Génois pour s’en venger,

résolurent de l’emporter la force à la main et ils convinrent entr’eux

de se trouver le lendemain au palais avec des armes cachées sous leurs

manteaux. Le Régent ayant été averti de leur complot, fit jeter par

les fenêtres du Palais huit nobles Génois qui se promenoient....[72]

[72] Abbé de Vertot, _Histoire des Chevaliers Hospitaliers de S.

Jean de Jérusalem_, Paris, 1726; Livre VI, p. 155.

Martorell began his work in 1460, seven years after the fall of

Constantinople. We are told that Mahomet the Second had said:

“Constantinople first and then Rhodes.” The sultan notified the Grand

Master of the Knights of Saint John that he would not respect the

treaty entered into by Amurates and the Order. The defiant answer to

this challenge, in the words of a Spanish historian of the Order, was

as follows:

Respondió dignamente la Orden que reconocida como Estado por todas las

naciones cristianas y por los soldanes turcos, sólo dependía de la

Santa Sede; que el Gran Maestre jamás la haría tributaria ni súbdita

de nadie, y que la religión de Rodas estaba no por mujeres, sino por

hombres que temían á Dios y sabían llevar la espada.[73]

[73] _La Soberana Orden militar de San Juan de Jerusalem ó de

Malta, por un Caballero de la Orden_, Madrid, 1899; p. 31.

This peril that was ever threatening Rhodes may have suggested to

Martorell that it would offer a favorable field for the exploits

of Tirant. And we are inclined to believe that the siege of Rhodes

conducted by the Sultan of Egypt in 1444, is the real historical event

upon which Tirant’s relief expedition is based. Some time prior to

that date the Grand Master de Lastic, being aware of the fact that the

sultan was planning to make a supreme effort to capture Rhodes, sent

ambassadors to most of the rulers in Europe to implore help, but, like

the King of France in _Tirant lo Blanch_, they did not respond. The

attack on Rhodes was made in the month of August, 1444. Let us quote

Vertot’s version of the event.

Une flotte considérable du Sultan parut de nouveau à la hauteur de

l’Isle de Rhodes, et y débarqua dix-huit mille hommes d’infanterie,

sans compter un gros corps de cavalerie et de Mamelus, qui faisoient

la principale force des Egyptiens. Ces Barbares sans s’arrêter à

aucune des Places de l’Isle, marchèrent droit à la Capitale, et

l’assiegèrent, pendant que leur flotte tenoit la mer pour le port et

empêcha qu’on n’y jettât du secours.[74]

[74] _Op. cit._, pp. 214 and 215.

There are no details of this siege on record. Vertot deplores this

fact, but he consoles himself by saying: “Ces Chevaliers sçavoient

mieux se servir de leur épée que d’une plume.” However, the records

give the general information that the siege lasted forty days; that the

fortifications were bombarded by many pieces of heavy artillery; that

many assaults were made which were always repulsed; and that, after

having lost the greater part of his men, the Saracen commander gave

orders to raise the siege.

In the discussion of the relation between Muntaner’s _Chronica_ and

_Tirant lo Blanch_, we have intimated that Tirant’s landing at the

castle of Rhodes was copied in a general way from Roger de Flor’s

successful attempt to bring relief to the besieged city of Messina. In

the analysis we have remarked that Tirant waited at the castle of Saint

Peter for favorable weather conditions to run the blockade. This castle

was built on the shores of Asia Minor, in or about the year 1402, under

the direction of the Grand Master de Naillac; consequently the date

of the siege of Rhodes in _Tirant lo Blanch_ cannot be assigned to a

period before that year.

CHAPTER IV

TIRANT JOINS THE EXPEDITION OF THE KING OF FRANCE

AGAINST THE INFIDELS

Some of the facts concerning this expedition are: the King of France

set sail from Aiguesmortes; his son, Philip, who was in charge of the

fleet of the King of Sicily, took part in this enterprise; at Tripoli

in Syria, Tirant, fully armed, leaped from his vessel into the water

and was the first to set his foot on the hostile shore; the stock of

provisions was replenished on the island of Cyprus; and towards the

close of this military enterprise, Tunis was taken.

The following historical facts indicate that the story of the

expedition was based on the Crusades of Louis IX. Saint Louis set

out on his Crusades from Aiguesmortes; he had a son named Philip who

accompanied him on the second Crusade; in Cyprus, an abundance of

provisions had been stored in advance for the use of the first Crusade;

when the king arrived at Damietta, he leaped into the water and was

among the first to step on Saracen soil; and Tunis was captured at the

time of the second Crusade and was obliged to pay tribute to the King

of Sicily, although this last event happened after the death of the

French king.

Perhaps the most striking of these coincidences is the one in which

these heroic figures leap into the water. Joinville, in his _Histoire

de Saint Loys_, describes this incident in the following words:

Quant le bon roy Saint Loys sceut, que l’enseigne saint Denis fut

arrivée à terre, il sortit de son vessel, qui ja estoit près de la

rive, et n’eut pas loisir que le vesseau, où il estoit, fust à terre:

ains se gette ... en la mer, et fut en eauë jusques aux espaulles.[75]

[75] _Histoire de Saint Loys, par Jehan Sire de Joinville_,

_Collection Complète des mémoires par M. Petitot_, Paris, 1819;

Tome II, p. 218.

A variant of this passage reads: “sailli en la mer tout armé, l’escu

au col, le glaive au poing, et fu des premiers à terre.”[76] When

the details of this incident had become somewhat dim in memory, the

following picture remains:

[76] _Ibid._, Tome II, p. 409.

Louis trouva le rivage bordé des troupes du Soudan, qui prétendoient

s’opposer au débarquement de son armée; mais ce Prince emporté par son

zèle et par son courage, se jetta le premier l’épée à la main dans

l’eau, et suivi de la Noblesse chargea les Infidèles et les tourna en

fuite.[77]

[77] Abbé de Vertot, _op. cit._, Livre III, p. 387.

This strikingly courageous act of Saint Louis, Martorell naturally

attributed to his hero, Tirant.

CHAPTER V

TIRANT CONQUERS AND CHRISTIANIZES ALL BARBARY

Tirant’s next field of operation is at Constantinople, which has

already been discussed. It must be remembered that he began his work

of freeing the Greek empire from the power of the Turks auspiciously.

But on returning to his army by sea, his vessel was driven by a

tempest to the African shores, where he was shipwrecked. After having

conquered Barbary and brought about the conversion of many thousands

to the Christian faith, he returned to Constantinople to complete the

restoration of the empire. Consequently, there remains for us the

task of ascertaining what historical basis underlies the story of the

conquest of Barbary.

When the author began his work, the Portuguese were busy fighting the

Moors in Africa. Prince Ferdinand of Portugal, who was Martorell’s

patron, according to the dedicatory letter, was at that very time

taking part in the African campaigns. But, to our surprise, the

conquest of Barbary does not reveal any significant traces of the

Portuguese wars against the Moors. The valiant Moorish Governor, Sale

ben Sale (Cale ben Cale in _Tirant lo Blanch_), plays an important rôle

in resisting the Portuguese, but the reference that is made to him in

Martorell’s work is not in connection with the conquest of Barbary. He

is mentioned in the William of Warwick episode as the successor of the

Moorish king who was slain by the hermit-king. Tirant’s conquest of

Barbary and the war of the Portuguese against the Moors had one object

in common, viz., the Christianization of northwestern Africa. With

Tirant, it became the chief purpose; with the Portuguese, it seems

to have been secondary, for their supreme aim was to rid themselves

of a constantly menacing enemy. It is possible that the campaigns of

the Portuguese against the African Moors attracted the attention of

Martorell, and, seeing that a similar undertaking would provide an

excellent field in which his hero might win additional laurels, he

determined to write and plan an imaginary account of a conquest of

that territory. But if this feature owes its origin to Portuguese

history, would it not be natural to expect in that account traces and

reminders of the military activities of the kingdom of Portugal? Did

this field not offer a wonderful opportunity to glorify the deeds

of Prince Ferdinand or, at least, of his people? But all efforts to

connect Tirant’s conquest with the campaigns of the Portuguese are in

vain. Here, then, is another strong indication that what the author

says in the dedicatory letter concerning the translation of an English

original into Portuguese is pure invention, for we are certain that no

English _Tirant lo Blanch_ existed and that Martorell wrote an original

work in which he created a hero according to his own good will and

pleasure. The various qualities of this hero manifested themselves

in certain spheres of operation which, as has already been pointed

out in all other cases, were based on real historical conditions and

events. We are told that _Tirant lo Blanch_ was written at the request

of a Portuguese prince, and yet Portuguese heroism and glory find no

place in the work, although there are occasions exceedingly favorable

for praises of Prince Ferdinand and his people. It seems almost an

act of disloyalty to his patron for Martorell to have passed over in

silence the opportunities of lauding Portuguese valor and honor. All

this indicates that the Catalan author did not reside at the court of

Portugal; that he did not write the book in the Portuguese language;

and that probably he was not requested by a prince of that nation

to write _Tirant lo Blanch_, for its contents in no way support the

statements made in the dedicatory letter; on the contrary, they seem to

refute them.[78]

[78] See page 77.

Is the conquest of Barbary perhaps based on some other historical

venture or event? We feel justified in answering the question

affirmatively, for Muntaner’s _Chronica_ seems to have furnished the

background for Tirant’s exploits in Barbary. In Martorell’s narration

of this conquest the following historical personages and geographical

names are of importance: the King of Tremicen, the King of Tunis,

Bugia, and Constantine. All these are found in Muntaner’s _Chronica_,

in certain parts of which are described the hostile relations between

the Moors of Africa and the crown of Aragon. In both accounts all

Barbary [“tota la Barbaria”] is specifically mentioned. This fact is

significant.

In Chapter XIX of the _Chronica_ Muntaner relates that the tribute due

to the King of Aragon from the King of Tremicen and the King of Tunis

had not been paid for a long time, and for this reason four well-armed

galleys were sent from Valencia to Tunis and Bugia. These wrought

great devastation along the African shores and besieged the important

ports. While in these waters they came upon a fleet of ten galleys,

all strongly armed and manned, belonging to the King of Morocco. The

Aragonese ships bravely attacked those of the Moors and succeeded in

capturing the whole fleet, which they took back with them to Valencia.

When Peter the Second became King of Aragon and Catalonia, he

determined to force the kings of Tremicen and Tunis to pay the tribute.

An expedition was sent to Barbary, and as a result Miraboaps, the King

of Tunis, was driven from the throne and his brother Mirabusach was

put in his place. The latter pledged himself to pay the tribute, and

signed a treaty with the Aragonese in which he granted them important

rights and privileges in his kingdom. Some time later Miraboaps

fomented a rebellion in Bugia and Constantine against his brother and

succeeded in making himself king of these two cities. When he died he

divided between his two sons, Mirabosecri and Bugron, the territory

over which he ruled. The former became King of Bugia and the latter

ruler over Constantine. But Mirabosecri was not satisfied; he wished to

hold sway over Constantine also, and accordingly he made preparations

to take that city from his brother.

Bugron saw that he could offer but feeble resistance against the

ambition of his brother. So he sent messengers to King Peter to inform

him that he wished to become a Christian and a subject of the crown

of Aragon. This message brought great joy to the heart of the king,

who immediately began to build many ships to transport a large army to

Africa. So extensive were his preparations that the lords and princes,

Christians as well as Saracens, who held territory along the seas,

became alarmed, for he told no one what he intended to do. The English

king, the French king, and the Pope made inquiries, but he would not

reveal his plans. Not until the expedition was far out upon the sea

did the commanders of the ships receive instructions as to their

destination. When Bugron was informed that the army of the King of

Aragon was on its way, he became elated and disclosed to some of his

intimate friends what he purposed to do, whereupon they arose in great

wrath and cut off his head. King Peter’s army landed at Alcoyll, not

far distant from Bugia. The king was shocked when he heard of Bugron’s

tragic death, but he concluded, nevertheless, to stay there and wage

war upon the Saracens. Fortifications were immediately constructed.

Formidable forces of Moors came to attack the Christians, but were

always repulsed. Troops from the vast Aragonese army made incursions

into the surrounding country, and soon none of the enemy could be

found for miles around. King Peter was highly pleased with this

excellent beginning, and it did not seem to him that the conquest of

all Barbary would be a difficult task if the Pope would only furnish

sufficient money to pursue the undertaking to a successful issue.

Accordingly he sent an ambassador to Rome to secure this necessary

financial assistance. Let us quote a few lines of the ambassador’s

petition to the Pope:

[79] Pare sanct, mon senyor lo rey En Pere Darago vos fa saber quell

es en Barbaria en un lloch qui ha nom Alcoyll, e troba que per aquell

lloch pot auer tota la Barbaria. Si vos, pare sanct, li volets fer

ajuda de diners e de perdonança, sera aço complit de la major part

auans que llonch temps sia. E la Barbaria es aytal, que qui haura les

marines si haura tota la Barbaria. E son gents qui tantost com vejen

lo gran destret que hauran se faran chrestians la major part.

[79] Holy Father, my lord king Peter of Aragon informs you that

he is in Barbary in a certain place called Alcoyll and finds

that with that place as base of operations, he can conquer

all Barbary. If you, Holy Father, will aid him with money and

indulgences, this will be accomplished within a short time. The

situation of Barbary is such that he who has possession of the

littoral will also hold all Barbary. And they are people who as

soon as they see the great distress that they will have to endure

will for the greater part become Christians. Muntaner, _op.

cit._; chap. lii.

In the meantime ambassadors came from the island of Sicily to implore

King Peter to come thither and free them from the oppressive rule of

Charles of Anjou. But the king’s heart was so firmly set upon this

conquest that he gave no heed to their entreaties. But when another

embassy came, and when he was informed that his petition to the Pope

had met with failure, he embarked with all his forces and sailed for

Sicily. And thus the high purpose of lo Senyor rey En Pere to conquer

and christianize all Barbary came to naught.

This undertaking of the King of Aragon furnished the historical

background for Tirant’s wonderful campaign against the Moors in

Barbary. Martorell did not make use of the details of the Aragonese

expedition, but he took up the subject and some of the geographical

names and historical personages and developed a story of conquest

according to his fancy. The enterprise of the Aragonese king was a

failure, but Tirant’s was naturally a glorious achievement.

It is quite probable that the shipwreck of Heraud as described in the

sequel to the romance of _Guy of Warwick_ led to the conception and

composition of the conquest. Tirant, like Heraud, was shipwrecked on

the African shores, was made prisoner, and became the leader of Moorish

forces. And now that Martorell had taken his hero to Africa, what

undertaking was he to engage in there? King Peter’s expedition came

to the mind of the author, and he decided to have Tirant accomplish

what the king had tried to do. It is possible, however, that Martorell

conceived his hero as conqueror of Barbary even before he thought of

the way in which he was to arrive there. But the first theory seems

more plausible, for the reason that in Tirant’s first activities in

Africa no conquest of Barbary and no religious motives are apparent.

CHAPTER VI

CONCLUSION: GENERAL DESCRIPTION OF TIRANT LO BLANCH

The Catalan romance of chivalry, _Tirant lo Blanch_, may be described

as a composite historical novel with a hero of a composite historical

character. From the beginning of the work to the end of the William of

Warwick episode the scenes are laid in England, and were it not for

the fact that Martorell describes a Moorish invasion as taking place

in that kingdom, we should be obliged to say that the atmosphere is

absolutely English. However, after Tirant’s return to the continent,

a purely Catalan or Aragonese spirit pervades the romance to the

very end. The names of other countries may be given as the scenes of

Tirant’s activities, but the Catalan heart and mind are always in

evidence. The author’s direct experience and his intimate acquaintance

with the history of his country find expression at every favorable

opportunity. Whatever is described or narrated bears a pronounced

Catalan stamp. Tirant’s relief expedition to Rhodes is based on the

siege of that place in 1444, but the manner in which he succeeded in

reaching the castle was copied from Roger de Flor’s successful attempt

to relieve Messina. The expedition of the King of France against the

infidels is based on the crusades of Louis IX; yet the way that it

ravaged the shores of Turkey was very similar to the manner in which

the vessels of King Jaime, King Peter’s predecessor, devastated the

shores of Africa. Tirant’s activities in the service of the Emperor of

Constantinople are based on the Catalan-Aragonese expedition to the

East under the leadership of Roger de Flor, but it cannot be forgotten

that the English romance, _Guy of Warwick_, has left strong and

indisputable traces in this part of the work. The conquest of Barbary

is based on the experiences of the kings of Aragon with the Saracens of

northwestern Africa, but, in making use of these historical elements,

Martorell absolutely disregards their chronological order. According to

these historical data, Tirant’s military career begins in the middle of

the fifteenth century and ends incongruously in the early years of the

fourteenth. The hero is made up of elements taken from Guy of Warwick,

Richard of Beauchamp, Roger de Flor, Saint Louis, Peter the Second

of Aragon and others. It is clear that Martorell had no intention

of singing the praises of Roger de Flor or of any other historical

personage. In fact it seems that he attempts to disguise and conceal

the historical elements. If he had adhered to these elements too

closely, he would by that very act have deprived himself of the liberty

of proceeding with his composition as he pleased.

Martorell had probably no other purpose in view than that of writing

a romance of chivalry in which the hero was to conform in the main

to his notion of what constituted a great military leader. He was of

a practical bent and he desired to present to us a lifelike hero,

one whose exploits should be within the bounds of possibility. All

material that was given place in his work seems to be based on what

he himself directly observed or what he had read or heard related. No

wild flights of the imagination are attempted. Occasionally passages

are met with relating incredible occurrences, but these are not

of his own invention. Within this work may be found religious and

philosophical discourses; speeches and disputations among members of

the imperial councils; formal debates among members of the imperial

family; documents and papers drawn up by notaries; formal challenges

and replies to these; dramatic lamentations; long and fervent prayers;

and allusions to classical Latin authors, to biblical characters and to

figures prominent in mediaeval literature. Many of these features bear

evidence that they are not original with Martorell, but were copied,

some closely, others loosely, from models that he found here and there.

But at times he is delightfully original. On these occasions his

narrations are natural and the dialogues exceedingly sprightly, making

a striking contrast with his other heavy and stilted literary efforts.

It is to be regretted that he did not cast aside the models that he

copied or imitated, and free himself from the influence of other

authors. His book would in that case have been reduced to approximately

one-fourth of its present size, but quite probably it would now be

considered a masterpiece of narration and dialogue.

Martorell, to judge him by the work that he has produced—unfortunately

we know nothing at all concerning him from any other source—gives us

the impression that he was a monk or an ecclesiastic. The intensely

religious spirit that pervades the book, the sermons and prayers,

and the efforts to conquer or crush the enemies of the Holy Catholic

Church point strongly in that direction. His high regard for the

orders of knighthood and his great admiration for distinguished heroes

give some grounds for believing that he was a member of a military

order. However, the various documents drawn up in legal form leave

the impression that he was a notary. But he has included in his work

several features that are not in harmony with a serious and lofty

purpose. From these a fair idea of his character and disposition may be

obtained. He is jolly, jovial, frivolous, talkative, _malicieux_, and

bold even to impertinence. He is queer and eccentric. He has peculiar

ideas as to the fitness of things. He shows extremely bad taste from

the standpoint of the present time. Sometimes he permits his hero to

conduct himself in an undignified manner, or makes him the victim of

mishaps that tend to decrease our admiration for him. And then as a

climax to these occasional disparaging portrayals, he endows his hero

with a low, immoral nature.

Tirant lo Blanch is pictured to us as a noble, generous, religious,

intrepid, valiant, and invincible military leader. He is admirable in

all respects but one—he is morally a weakling. This inconsistency,

together with other incongruities, has led a scholarly critic[80] to

declare that _Tirant lo Blanch_ is a parody on the romances of chivalry

and that “the animus of the whole narrative is satire.” But the romance

taken as a whole does not warrant such a conclusion, for the general

tone of it is earnest and sincere. Several features of the work seem

to be presented in a satirical spirit, but still it is very doubtful

that the author intended to hold up certain foibles, follies or vices

to reprobation and ridicule. Is it not rather probable that these

features are due to the realistic tendencies of the author, or to his

whims and humors? Were some of these features perhaps intended as a

protest against the immorality of knights in general? Were they to

teach a moral lesson? If these questions are answered affirmatively,

difficulties will confront us, for Hypolite, the paramour of the

empress, is not punished for his sinful liaison; on the contrary he

is rewarded, for after the death of the emperor and the princess he

becomes the imperial ruler and his reign is a long and glorious one.

Nor was he to be punished in the next world, for we are told “... e

podeu creure que per lo bon regiment, e per la bona e virtuosa vida fon

[Lemperador e la Emperadriu] collocats en la gloria de paradis.”[81]

It is impossible to believe that it was Martorell’s purpose to deride

and ridicule the deeds of prowess and the noble enterprises of the

champion knight of the English court, the deliverer of the Knights of

Rhodes, the intrepid knight of the French king’s expedition against the

infidels, the missionary-conqueror of Barbary, and the liberator of the

Grecian Empire. Surely the spirit of the narration of these important

activities of Tirant is not satire.

[80] F.M. Warren, _A History of the Novel Previous to the

Seventeenth Century_, New York, 1895; pp. 173 and 175.

[81] ... and you may feel assured that on account of their

excellent rule, and their good and upright lives, they were taken

up to enjoy the glories of paradise.

This Catalan romance of chivalry may have been conceived in accordance

with the taste of Martorell’s times, but conditions have changed. The

standards by which we measure the actions of men now are not the same

as they were then. If an author wishes us to become enthusiastic in

our admiration for his hero, the latter must conform to our standards.

We insist that the protagonist be, above all, heroic from a moral

standpoint. If he lacks that attribute we cannot give him a full

measure of appreciation. An immoral hero is a paradox, an impossibility

with us of the present day; consequently we shall never be able to

regard Tirant lo Blanch as a great hero. But from the foregoing study

it may perhaps appear that the “cura’s” estimate, composed both of

enthusiasm and reprobation (as set forth in the passage quoted in the

opening paragraph), is not unworthy of the good sense and critical

acumen of the great Cervantes.

FINIS.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

AMADOR DE LOS RÍOS, JOSÉ, _Historia critica de la literatura

española_, Madrid, 1861-1865.

ASHMOLE, ELIAS, _The Institution, Laws and Ceremonies of the

most Noble Order of the Garter_, London, 1672.

BONSOMS Y SICART, ISIDRO, and RUBIÓ Y LLUCH,

ANTONIO, _Discursos leídos en la Real Academia de Buenas Letras

de Barcelona en la recepción publica de D. Isidro Bonsoms y Sicart el

día 9 de Mayo de 1907_, Barcelona, 1907.

CALDERON, JUAN, _Cervantes vindicado en ciento y quince

pasajes del texto del ingenioso hidalgo_, Madrid, 1854.

CERVANTES, _El ingenioso hidalgo Don Quijote de la Mancha_,

edited and annotated by Francisco Rodríguez Marín, Madrid, 1911.

CERVANTES DE SAAVEDRA, MIGUEL DE, _El ingenioso hidalgo Don

Quijote de la Mancha_, with commentaries by Diego Clemencín, annotated

by Miguel de Toro Gómez, Paris, 1910.

CLÈDE, M. DE LA, _Histoire générale de Portugal_, Paris, 1735.

CUST, ELIZABETH, _The Stuarts of Aubigny_, London, 1891.

DENK, OTTO, _Einführung in die Geschichte der

altcatalanischen Litteratur_, Munich, 1893.

_Documents inédits sur l’histoire de France, première série_, Paris,

1862.

DUNLOP, JOHN COLIN, _History of Prose Fiction_, edited by

Henry Wilson, London, 1896.

GIVANEL MAS, JUAN, _Estudio crítico de Tirant lo Blanch_,

Madrid, 1912.

GUTIÉRREZ DEL CAÑO, MARCELINO, _Ensayo bibliográfico de

“Tirant lo Blanch.” Revista de Archives, Bibliotecas y Museos_.

September-December number of the year 1917, Madrid, 1917.

_Guy of Warwick_, Fourteenth-century versions, edited from the

Auchinleck MS. in the Advocates’ Library, Edinburgh, and from MS. 107

in Caius College, Cambridge, by Julius Zupitza, Early English Text

Society, London, 1883, 1887, and 1891.

JOINVILLE, JEHAN SIRE DE, _Histoire de Saint Loys, Collection

Complète des mémoires par M. Petitot_, Paris, 1819.

_La Soberana Orden Militar de San Juan de Jerusalem ó de Malta, por un

Caballero de la Orden_, Madrid, 1889.

LULL, RAYMOND, _Libre del Orde d’Cauayleria_, Barcelona,

1879.

MENÉNDEZ Y PELAYO, M., _Orígenes de la Novela_, Madrid, 1905.

METGE, EN BERNAT, _Lo Somni d’En Bernat Metge_, edited by R.

Miquel y Planas, Barcelona, 1907.

MONCADA, FRANCISCO DE, _Expedición de los catalanes y

aragoneses contra turcos y griegos_, Madrid, 1777.

MUNTANER RAMON, _Chronica, o Descripcio dels fets, e hazanyes

del Inclyt Rey Don Iaume Primer Rey Darago, de Mallorques, e de

Valencia: Compte de Barcelona, e de Muntpesller: e de molts de sos

descendens_, edited by Karl Lans, Stuttgart, 1844. _Bibliothek des

literarischen Vereins in Stuttgart._

NICOLAU Y D’OLWER, LUIS, _Sobre les fonts catalanes del

Tirant lo Blanch_. _Revista de Bibliografía catalana_, Barcelona, 1907.

NUÑES DE LEAÕ, DUARTE, _Cronicas del rey Don Joaõ de gloriosa

memoria, o I. deste nome, e dos reys de Portugal o X., e as dos reys

D. Duarte, e D. Affonso o V._, Lisbon, 1780.

PORTER, WHITWORTH, _A History of the Knights of Malta_,

London, 1883.

THE COUNTESS OF WARWICK, _Warwick Castle and its Earls_, New

York and London, 1903.

VERTOT, ABBÉ DE, _Histoire des Chevaliers Hospitaliers de S.

Jean de Jérusalem_, Paris, 1726.

WARREN, F.M., _A History of the Novel previous to the

Seventeenth Century_, New York, 1895.

INDEX

Adrianople, 64, 115.

Aethelstan, 99, 134.

Agnes, daughter of the Duke of Berry, 19.

Aguiló y Fuster, D. Mariano, 4.

Ahones, En Ferran de, 113, 119.

Aiguesmortes, 150.

Alcoyl, 155.

Alet, En Corberan de, 114.

Alexandria, 8, 29, 123.

Alfonso V, 75, 144.

Alimburch, 9, 10, 13, 74.

Amador de los Ríos, José, 97, 129.

Amoraunt, 123.

Amurates, 147.

Anatolia, 113, 114, 115.

Ania, 114.

Antioch, 123.

Arena, 118.

Argus, 122.

Armini, 40.

Artaqui, 114.

Ashmole, Elias, 142, 145.

Aubigny, 137.

Barbary, 27, 32, 53, 54, 56, 57, 60, 111, 122, 132, 152, 154, 156,

161.

Barcelona, 3, 4.

Beauchamp, Richard de, 135-137, 158.

Beaufort, Sir Thomas, 138.

Beauvais, 136.

Beirut, 26, 29.

Bellpuig, 46, 47.

Biblioteca Provincial in Valencia, 3.

Blancha, 16.

Boccaccio, 128.

Bonsoms y Sicart, D. Isidro, 3, 5, 74.

British Museum, 3.

Brittany, 15, 25, 26, 29, 76, 132.

Brunanburh, 134.

Bugia, 154.

Bugron, 155.

Caen, 136.

Caesar, Julius, 144.

Caesar of the Empire, 63, 64, 66, 71, 115.

Calais, 136.

Cale ben Cale, 152.

Cape Saint Vincent, 27.

Caramen, 59.

Carmesina, 34, 36, 40, 47, 49, 50, 53, 62, 63, 64, 65, 94, 106, 125,

126, 127.

Catania, 121.

Cataquefaras, 27.

Cervantes, 1, 2, 162.

Charles of Anjou, 112, 156.

Colbrond, 99.

Comte de Caylus, 5.

Comte de Flandes, 143.

Comte d’la Joyosa Guards, 143.

Comte de les marches Negres, 143.

Comte de Salasberi, 143.

Comte de Stafort, 143.

Comte de Vila Mur, 143.

Condam, Pere Miquel, 4.

Conde de Barcellos, 75.

Connétable du Royaume, 76.

Constance, Council of, 136.

Constantine, 60, 154, 155.

Constable of the Empire, 42, 46.

Constantinople, 33, 35, 38, 39, 47, 48, 53, 60, 61, 65, 106, 109,

113, 132, 147, 152.

Cornwall, 14.

Corsica, 31.

Countess of Belestar, 16.

Countess of Warwick, wife of William, 7, 8, 11, 12, 13, 15.

Countess of Warwick, Authoress, 135.

Cyprus, 29, 32, 150.

Damietta, 150.

Danish Northumbria, 133.

Dantona (d’Antona), 8, 13.

Denk, Otto, 97, 129.

Dentença, En Berenguer, 115, 117.

Diaphebus, 18, 24, 29, 31, 33, 34, 37, 40, 42, 46, 47, 51, 52, 64,

119, 128, 140.

Diocletian, 145.

Don Quijote de la Mancha, 1, 2, 5.

Duc de Viseo, 76.

Duch d’Anjou, 143.

Duch de Berri, 143.

Duch de Tenes, 118.

Duke of Aygues Vives, 17.

Duke of Bavaria, 21.

Duke of Bedford, 11, 14, 134, 143.

Duke of Berry, 19.

Duke of Burgundy, 21.

Duke of Burgundy, brother of, 17.

Duke of Brittany, 26.

Duke of Clarence, 137.

Duke of Cleves, 17.

Duke of Exeter, 11, 16, 134, 137, 138, 143.

Duke of Gloucester, 11, 14, 134, 143, 144.

Duke of Lancaster, 11, 134, 143.

Duke of Macedonia, father of Stephania, 35.

Duke of Macedonia, commander, 35, 36, 38, 39, 42, 44, 45, 46, 110,

117.

Duke of Messina, 44, 117.

Duke of Pera, 52.

Earl Jonas of Darras, 123.

Earl of Northumberland, 15, 137, 143.

Earl of Salisbury, 14, 137, 143.

Earl of Sent Angel, 46, 47.

Earl of Stafford, 14, 143.

Earl Rohold, 99, 105.

Edward, King of Portugal, 75, 144.

Edward the Third of England, 142, 143.

Elena, 118.

Emir Costdram, 107.

Emir Persan, 122.

Emperor of Constantinople, 33, 42, 44, 46, 48, 50, 62, 63, 65, 112,

132, 158.

Emperor of Germany, 104, 106.

Empress of Constantinople, 1, 33, 52, 66, 94, 125, 128, 161.

England, 7, 104, 145.

English Channel, 104.

Esclandar, 107, 110.

Evreux, 137.

Fabour, 123.

Famagosta, 29, 32.

Felice, 99, 101, 105, 109, 125, 127.

Ferdinand I, 75.

Ferdinand of Portugal, Prince, 69, 70, 75, 77, 79, 144, 152.

Ferrer, John, 60.

Fez, 59.

Filadelfia, 114.

Flor, Roger de, 5, 97, 104, 112-116, 120, 129, 149, 158.

Frederick I of Aragon, 112.

Fontsequa, 38.

Galba, Marti Johan de, 71, 78, 91.

Gallipoli, 115.

Genoa, 60.

Gircon, 116.

Givanel Mas, Juan, 3, 73, 95, 97, 129.

Grand Caramany, 48, 49, 50.

Grand Constable of England, 14, 18, 24, 143.

Grand Maître de Christ et de Saint Jacques en Portugal, 76.

Grand Master de Lastic, 148.

Grand Master de Naillac, 149.

Grand Master of the Knights of Saint John, 26, 28, 41, 146, 147.

Grand Turk, 38, 61.

Gulf of Venice, 28, 119.

Gumiel, Diego de, 4.

Guy of Warwick, _see_ Warwick, Guy of.

Harfleur, 136.

Henry V, 135.

Henry VI, 134.

Heraud, 106, 108, 122, 157.

Hercules, Columns of, 126.

Hermitage of Our Lady, 8.

Hippolyte, 1, 41, 47, 50, 52, 64, 66, 94, 128, 161.

Hispanic Society of New York, 3, 4.

Huntington, Archer M., 3.

Infanta Carmesina, 33.

Infanta de França, 140.

Institut d’Estudis Catalans, 3.

Jaffa, 29.

Jaime, King of Aragon, 158.

Jerusalem, 8, 27, 29, 99, 123, 135.

Joane, Countess of Salisbury, 142.

John I, 144.

Joinville, 150.

Justinian, 63.

King of Africa, 45.

King of Aragon, 31, 154.

King of Canary, 8, 10.

King of Cappadocia, 45.

King of Castile, 31.

King of Egypt, 43, 45, 110.

King of England, 9, 10, 15, 20, 24, 140, 141.

King of Fez and Bugia, 59, 62.

King of France, 26, 30, 31, 32, 50, 132, 148, 150, 158.

King of Friesland, 21, 22.

King of Morocco, 154.

King of Naples, 112.

King of Navarre, 31.

King of Poland, 21, 23.

King of Portugal, 27, 31.

King of Sicily, 27, 28, 29, 31, 33, 44, 62, 150.

King of Tremicen, 54, 55, 56, 111, 154.

King of Tunis, 54, 154.

King of Upper India, 48, 49, 50.

Knights of Saint John, 26, 28, 132.

Knights of Rhodes, 26.

La Clède, M. de, 76.

Leonor de Aragón, 75.

Lérida, 60.

Lisbon, 27, 76.

London, 5, 9, 15, 17, 132, 140.

Loriç, Isabel de, 71.

Louis IX, 150, 158.

Lord of the March of Tirania, 16.

Lull, Raymond, 72, 79, 92, 102, 131.

Lusignan, Jacques de, 147.

Madresilva, 141.

Magnesia, 114.

Mahomet the Second, 147.

Mal Vehi, Knight, 41.

Manfredi, Lelio, 5.

Maragdina, 55, 56.

Marques de Bellpuig, 143.

Marques de Sanct Jordi, 143.

Marques de Sofolch, 143.

Marquis of Saint George, 46.

Marseilles, 32.

Martorell, Johanot, 69, 70, 76, 77, 78, 92, 101, 103, 117, 128, 138,

145, 147, 152, 157, 158-162.

Menéndez y Pelayo, 2, 73, 98, 129.

Messina, 120, 121, 149, 158.

Metge, En Bernat, 88.

Miçer de Riuçech, 143.

Miraboaps, 154.

Mirabosecri, 155.

Mirabusach, 154.

Montagata, 57.

Morgadour, 108, 109, 110, 128.

Muntalba, Kirielayson de, 1, 22.

Muntalba, Thomas de, 1, 22, 23.

Muntalt, Caualler de, 19.

Muntaner, Raymond, 77, 97, 98, 104, 117, 121, 129, 131, 154.

Muntanyanegre, Knight, 16.

Nantes, 26, 66.

Nif, 114.

Normandy, 136.

Northumberland, 99.

Nunes de Leaõ, Duarte, 76.

Oisel, 126.

Order of the Garter, 24, 72, 140.

Orleans, 137.

Palermo, 27.

Paris, 118.

Pelidas, 38, 39.

Pera, 60, 113.

Peter the Second of Aragon and Catalonia, 154, 155, 158.

Philip, 27, 29, 30, 31, 32, 44, 61, 150.

Plaer de mi Vida, 1, 44, 47, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 58, 59, 62.

Pope, 26, 31, 156.

Porta del Ferre, 114.

Prince of Wales, 20, 137, 143.

Prior of Saint John, 41, 117.

Portugal, 76, 145, 152.

Queen Jane, 135.

Queen of Scotland, 24.

Real Academia de Buenas Letras de Barcelona, 3.

Reinbrun, 122.

Rex Enricus, 134.

Rhodes, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 119, 146, 148, 158, 161.

Ricart lo Ventures, 31, 32, 33, 34, 46.

Ricomana, 27, 30, 44.

Robert, Duke of Catania, 120.

Rocafort, En Berenguer de, 114, 117.

Roger de Flor, _see_ Flor.

Romania, 115, 118.

Rome, 21, 60, 135, 156.

Rouen, 136.

Rous, John, 133.

Rubió y Lluch, D. Antonio, 74.

Saint George, Church of, 18, 24.

Saint Peter, Castle of, 28, 119, 149.

Saint Simplicius, 145.

Saint Sofia, Church of, 40, 65.

Saint Thomas of Canterbury, 9.

Sale ben Sale, 152.

Scariano, 54, 55, 56, 111.

Sciacca, 120.

Scotland, 22, 23.

Senyor Dagramunt, 57, 59.

Senyor de Escala Rompuda, 18, 143.

Senyor de les Viles Ermes, 19.

Senyor de Pantalea, 44.

Senyor de Puig Vert, 143.

Senyor de Terra Nova, 143.

Sicily, 27, 30, 32, 33, 61, 76, 112, 156.

Spires, 106.

Stephania, 35, 36, 37, 40, 44, 47, 50, 51, 106, 119, 128.

Strait of Faro, 120.

Strait of Gibraltar, 27, 32.

Stuart, Sir John, 16, 137, 143.

Sultan, 28, 38, 61, 106.

Sultan of Cairo, 26.

Sultan of Egypt, 148.

Syracuse, 120.

Temple, 130.

Templars, 105.

Tenedos, 118.

Tira, 114, 128.

Tirri, 126.

Trebizond, 63.

Tremicen, 54, 55, 56.

Triamour, 123.

Tripoli in Syria, 31, 150.

Tunis, 27, 32, 56, 150.

Valencia, 3, 71, 145, 154.

Valladolid, 5.

Varoych, Johan de, _see_ Warwick, John of.

Varoych, Guillem de, _see_ Warwick, William of.

Venice, 5, 8, 60, 135.

Verona, 135.

Vertot, Abbé de, 147, 148, 151.

Villa Fermosa, Knight, 22, 23.

Virgil, Polydore, 142.

Viscount of Branches, 50, 117.

Viuda Reposada, 1, 36, 44, 48, 51, 53, 128.

Wales, 14.

Warren, F.M., 150.

Warwick, City of, 8, 9, 10, 101.

Warwick, Guy of, 73, 98, 101, 104, 105, 106, 110, 130, 131, 133, 158.

Warwick, John of, 8, 12, 14, 24, 74, 143.

Warwick, William of, 7, 9, 11, 13, 15, 16, 19, 73, 74, 91, 98, 101,

134.

Winchester, 99, 100.

Windsor Castle, 24, 142.

Xor Miqueli, 113, 115, 117.

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ALEXANDER, Ph.D. 8vo, pp. xii+163. Paper, $1.25 _net_; cloth,

$1.50 _net_.

COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS

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