TIRANT RETURNS TO CONSTANTINOPLE AND THE GREEK
EMPIRE IS COMPLETELY RESTORED
Finally the huge army embarked and sailed for Sicily, where it was
joined by King Philip with his forces. Within a few days the expedition
arrived near Constantinople, the port of which was blockaded by the
Moorish fleet. The army could not land until the hostile ships were
dispersed or captured. Tirant’s fleet attacked the enemy at break of
day, coming upon them so suddenly that they could not make a strong
resistance. Some Moors leaped into the water and succeeded in reaching
the shore, but all those who remained on the vessels were slain. Tirant
took possession of all the boats of the enemy. The troops of the sultan
and the Grand Turk were on the shore ready to attack the Christians if
these should attempt to land, so Tirant took his whole fleet, together
with the captured vessels, out to sea, and when darkness fell he
turned about, came back, and landed at a very advantageous point only
four leagues distant from the Moorish army. The next day the Moors
saw themselves surrounded by an army vastly superior to their own in
numbers. The sultan and the Grand Turk were in a quandary. Finally,
they decided to send ambassadors to Tirant to propose a treaty of peace
for a hundred and one years. In order to obtain such a peace, they were
willing to restore all the cities, towns, and castles that they had
conquered, and liberate all prisoners. Tirant convened his council to
consider the proposal, and it was decided to refer the matter to His
Imperial Majesty. The affair was important, and Tirant himself went to
consult the emperor about it. (Chaps. 408-434)
What a welcome excuse it was to go to see the princess! It was night
when Tirant arrived at the palace, and His Majesty had already retired.
But he succeeded in finding Plaer de mi Vida, who had come with the
expedition and had entered Constantinople almost immediately after
the landing of the troops. She quickly arranged a meeting between the
victorious Captain and Carmesina, and that night the princess was
overcome with love. (Chaps. 434-436)
The following day he went to see the emperor. The aged ruler could
not withhold his tears, so great was the joy he felt on seeing again
the invincible Commander. As soon as Tirant had informed him of the
purpose of his visit, the Imperial Council was convened, and after
mature deliberation it was decided to accept the proposal of peace made
by the enemy, but on the one condition that the sultan and the Grand
Turk, together with other important Moorish chieftains, should give
themselves up as hostages until the whole empire should be completely
restored and the prisoners liberated. The condition imposed by the
emperor was accepted and the treaty of peace was concluded. (Chaps.
440-447)
The sultan, the Grand Turk, and twenty other Moorish lords surrendered
to Tirant. He took them into the imperial city, where he was received
with rapturous rejoicing and was acclaimed liberator of the empire. The
great host of the infidels was taken back to Turkey by the imperial
fleet, and then an elaborate reception was given in honor of the
King of Sicily, the King of Fez and Bugia, Tirant, and others. The
merrymaking continued for a week. During this period Tirant frequently
saw the princess and he longed for the day when their vows might be
realized. (Chaps. 447-452)
In order to bring about the complete restoration of the empire as
quickly as possible, Tirant asked the emperor for permission to take
formal possession of all the places that were to be given back by the
Moors. At the same time he assured him that, if fortune should not be
against him, His Majesty should rule over all the lands that had been
under the dominion of his predecessor, Justinian. The emperor, moved by
the devotion of his faithful Captain, and mindful of his past services,
offered to abdicate in his favor, but Tirant would not consent to that.
However, he expressed his willingness to succeed him after his death.
Then His Imperial Majesty offered him the hand of Carmesina and led him
into her chamber. When he saw that both of them seemed pleased at his
suggestion, he sent for the archbishop, and Tirant and Carmesina were
betrothed. This betrothal was celebrated with great pomp and splendor.
And the emperor ordered his heralds to proclaim throughout the city
that all should regard and hold Tirant as his first-born son and Caesar
of the Empire, and that he should be their lord and emperor after
his death. The people in exultation gave answer to the proclamation
with the loud and enthusiastic cheers: “Visca la celestial e angelica
bondat del Emperador! e Visca lo novell Cesar del Imperi grech, honor,
manteniment, y gloria.” (Chaps. 452-453)
Tirant, accompanied by two representatives of the sultan and the Grand
Turk, and provided with letters of credence from these two Moorish
chiefs, set out with a large army to begin the work of restoring the
empire. It was not a difficult task. City after city was delivered
to him without a struggle. At Trebizond, Diaphebus and many other
prisoners of rank were liberated. Then Tirant resumed his triumphant
march until he had received in behalf of the emperor all the territory
that had been taken by the Moors. He did more than this; he conquered
additional territory. He ordered the fleet to aid in the work, and it
took possession of all the islands that had formerly belonged to the
empire. And now the task that he had purposed to accomplish was done.
(Chaps. 444-466)
With his heart filled with joyful anticipations, he started on his way
back to Constantinople, where the princess was eagerly awaiting him.
When he arrived at Adrianople he received word from the emperor to wait
there until sent for, because the monarch wished to prepare a wonderful
celebration on the occasion of the triumphal entry of the Caesar of the
Greek empire. (Chap. 467)
While walking along the bank of a river near Adrianople he was suddenly
attacked by a severe pain in the side. He was carried to the city,
where physicians immediately attended him, but they were unable to
give him any relief. Feeling that the hour of his death was near, he
called for a priest and made a careful and contrite confession. When
the sacred Host was presented to him, tears came to his eyes, and
with great devotion he said several prayers. After he had received
Holy Communion, he asked for his secretary and made his last will
and testament. Then he asked to be carried to Constantinople, for he
believed that to see and to be near Carmesina might save him. They
placed him on a litter and carried him as gently as possible towards
the imperial city. When they had covered about half the distance, they
were met by Diaphebus and Hypolite. Tirant requested them to kiss him,
for it would be their last farewell. And they, in tears, kissed him,
and while they were addressing him with words of hope and cheer, he
suddenly cried out: “Jesus, Son of David, have mercy on me!” A moment
later, he added: “Jesus, into Thy hands I commend my spirit.” And these
were the last words of Tirant lo Blanch, Caesar of the Greek empire.
(Chaps. 467-471)
It was pitiful to bear the weeping and lamenting and sobbing of those
about him. When finally they were able to master their grief, they
carried his body into Constantinople and had it embalmed. Then it was
clothed in imperial vestments and placed on a beautiful catafalque in
the Church of Saint Sophia. (Chap. 471)
When the emperor was informed of the death of Tirant he staggered as
from a blow, and spent that night in lamenting and sobbing as if his
heart would break. When daylight came, he went to the church to do
honor to the fallen hero. (Chaps. 471-472)
When the princess saw all those about her weeping, she wondered what
had happened. One of her attendants informed her that Tirant had passed
from this life into the other. Carmesina was stunned; she could neither
speak nor weep. After she had partially recovered from the shock, she
asked for the robe that she was to have worn on her wedding-day; she
put it on, and then, with her attendants, hastened to the church.
Having mounted the catafalque, she threw herself upon the corpse of
her hero and lover. Tears were streaming from her eyes, and they
fell upon the cold face of Tirant, so that it seemed that he too was
weeping, although dead. That pallid face again and again she kissed,
and all the while she was lamenting, uttering words of love, of grief,
and of despair. All those who witnessed the anguish and suffering of
the princess wept with her. Finally she was taken back to the palace.
She asked her attendants to weep with her, for she would not be with
them much longer. Her grief was so poignant that blood flowed from her
mouth. The physicians saw in her condition the signs of one doomed to
die. The aged emperor, who could not bear to witness the sufferings of
his daughter, had retired to his chamber. And now she sent for him, for
her soul wished to go where the soul of her hero was. She made a public
confession and received Holy Communion, after which she sent for the
emperor’s secretary, who drew up her last will and testament. Then she
kissed the emperor and the empress many times and bade them farewell.
The venerable monarch was overcome with grief and anguish, and fell to
the floor unconscious. He was carried into another room and laid on a
bed, and there he died. Then, as successor to the imperial throne, she
ordered that the corpse of Tirant be brought to her. She had it placed
at her left side, and the corpse of the emperor was placed on the right
side. She kissed her father often, but Tirant she kissed even more
frequently. Then she invited Death to come and take her so that she
might be with her lover. Finally she asked for the cross. When it was
presented to her, she fixed her eyes upon it, and after saying a long
prayer with intense devotion, she rendered her soul to God. And when
she died there was seen a great splendor of angels, who bore away her
soul with that of Tirant, for the soul of her beloved had waited for
hers. (Chaps. 472-478)
The obsequies of the emperor were celebrated with great splendor.
Many kings, dukes, earls, marquises, noble knights, and the people of
the city were present. The clergy sang the divine offices with such
sorrow, that there was not one person present who did not weep. The
following day the funeral rites were performed with an equal splendor
and solemnity in honor of the princess, and on the third day, Tirant,
the late Caesar of the Greek empire, was honored by ceremonies no less
magnificent than the preceding. The body of the emperor was laid in a
beautiful tomb, but the bodies of Tirant and the princess were enclosed
in a casket, and with an escort of forty galleys they were taken to
Brittany and placed in a magnificent tomb in the principal church of
the city of Nantes. (Chaps. 471, 485)
The empress married Hypolite, and thus he who had fought so well and
bravely as Capita Major while Tirant was conquering Barbary became
emperor. He was much loved and feared by his subjects and by those
outside of his realm. He conquered many provinces, amassed great
treasures, and his rule was long and prosperous. (Chaps. 483, 487)
PART II
AUTHORSHIP OF TIRANT LO BLANCH
CHAPTER I
IN WHAT LANGUAGE WAS TIRANT LO BLANCH FIRST WRITTEN?
The caption of the dedicatory letter in _Tirant lo Blanch_ is conceived
in the following words:
A honor, lahor e gloria de nostre senyor deu Jesu crist: e de la
gloriosa sacratissima verge Maria, mare sua, senyora nostra. Comença
la letra del present libre appellat tirant lo blanch, dirigida per
mossen Johanot martorell caualler al serenissimo princep don Ferrando
de portogal.[12]
[12] To the honor, praise and glory of our Lord God, Jesus
Christ, and of the glorious most blessed Virgin Mary, His Mother,
Our Lady. Here beginneth the dedicatory letter of this book
entitled _Tirant lo Blanch_, addressed by Sir Johanot Martorell,
Knight, to the most serene Prince Ferdinand of Portugal.
In this letter we are told that Prince Ferdinand found great delight
in the contemplation of heroic deeds. His most enthusiastic admiration
was called forth by the feats of that famous hero, Tirant lo Blanch,
who outshone all other knights as the sun outshines all other planets.
But, according to this letter, the story of that great knight was
written in the English language. Prince Ferdinand wished to have it
translated into Portuguese, and since he knew that Martorell had spent
some time in England, he considered him well qualified to do the work.
Accordingly he asked him to translate the book.
Martorell, however, expresses a feeling of incompetency, and on
account of his professional and family affairs and the adversities of
fortune which do not permit him to enjoy peace of mind, he feels that
he might be justified in declining the noble task. But notwithstanding
all these obstacles he will undertake it, for surely the Sovereign
Good, who comes to the aid of those who wish to do worthy things,
will not fail him in his endeavor. Then in an enterprising spirit he
announces:
... me atreuire expondre, no solament d’lengua Anglesa en Portoguesa,
mas encara de Portoguesa en vulgar valenciana: perço que la nacio
don yo so natural sen puxa alegrar e molt ajudar per los tants e tan
insignes actes com hi son.[13]
[13] I shall undertake to translate, not only from the English
language into Portuguese, but also from the Portuguese into
the Valencian vernacular: in order that the country of which I
am a native may enjoy and be highly benefited by the many very
remarkable acts that are described therein.
He asks the prince to accept the book as from a devoted servant,
and begs him to overlook with indulgence the errors that may be
found therein, for in some passages it was impossible to give a good
translation of the English words. The letter closes as follows:
E perque en la present obra altri no puxa esser increpat si
defalliment algu trobat hi sera; yo Johanot martorell caualler sols
vull portar lo carrech e no altri ab mi: com per mi sols sia stada
ventilada a servey del molt illustre Princep e senyor rey spectant don
ferrando de portogal: la present obra e començada a .ii. d’giner de
lany .Mcccclx.[14]
[14] And in order that no other person may be blamed for any
faults that may be contained in this work, I, Johanot Martorell,
Knight, wish to accomplish this task alone and with the aid of no
one else: in order that it may be performed by me alone in the
service of the most illustrious Prince and Lord, expectant of the
royal crown, Don Ferdinand of Portugal. This work is begun on the
second day of January, 1460.
The principal part of the note that is found at the conclusion of the
book reads as follows:
Aci feneix lo libre del valeros e strenu caualler Tirant lo blanch,
Princep e Cesar del Imperi grech de Contestinoble, lo qual fon traduit
de Angles en lengua portoguesa, e apres en vulgar lengua valenciana
per lo magnifich e virtuos caualler mossen johanot martorell, lo qual
per mort sua non pogue acabar de traduir sino les tres parts. La
quarta part que es la fi del libre, es stada traduida a pregaries de
la noble senyora dona Ysabel de loriç per lo magnifich caualler Mossen
Marti johan d’galba: e si defalt hi sera trobat vol sia atribuit a la
sua ignorancia.[15]
[15] Thus ends the book of the valorous and brave knight,
Tirant lo Blanch, Prince and Caesar of the Grecian Empire of
Constantinople, which was translated from English into the
Portuguese language, and afterwards into the Valencian vernacular
by the illustrious and excellent knight, Sir Johanot Martorell,
who by reason of his death was not able to translate more than
the three parts. The fourth part, which is the end of the book,
has been translated at the request of the noble lady, Dona Isabel
de Loriç by the illustrious knight, Sir Marti Johan d’Galba: and
if there are any defects in it, may they be attributed to his
ignorance.
Then is appended the colophon:
Fon acabada d’empremptar la present obra en la Ciutat de Valencia a
.xx. del mes de Nohembre del any de la natiuitat de nostre senyor deu
Jesu crist mil .cccc. lxxxx.[16]
[16] The printing of this work was completed in the city of
Valencia on the twentieth day of November of the year of the
nativity of our Lord God, Jesus Christ, 1490.
According to the above representations, _Tirant lo Blanch_ existed
originally as an English romance of chivalry which was translated into
Portuguese by Martorell; then the Portuguese version was translated
into the Valencian language, three parts of it by Martorell and the
fourth part by de Galba.
But the literary world knows no English _Tirant lo Blanch_, nor, so
far as can be discovered, has it ever seen a reference to a romance
of that description except the statements in the Catalan book.
Consequently no little doubt arises as to an English original. The same
is the case concerning a Portuguese _Tirant lo Blanch_, and the doubt
as to the accuracy of Martorell’s and de Galba’s assertions increases
considerably. And then, finally, the contents of the work, its spirit,
its sources, and the fact that there is a _Tirant lo Blanch_ in the
Catalan language, strongly impel the reader to conclude that the
Catalan book is the original.
Let us first consider the question as to an English original. After a
careful study of _Tirant lo Blanch_, we have come to the conclusion
that it is hardly possible that it ever existed as an English romance.
That conclusion is based on a study of its principal sources and on the
nature of its contents. A truly Catalan atmosphere pervades by far the
greater part of it. The court and military life of the Catalonians and
Aragonese, their political problems and aspirations, their hopes and
fears,—all these are vividly reflected in this romance of chivalry.
Their history and their literature are so closely interwoven with the
story of Tirant lo Blanch, that we can scarcely conceive it possible
that it is not a Catalan production. We believe that when Martorell
says that the work is translated from the English, he means that it has
been inspired by an English book. And his statement has the semblance
of truth, for his composition contains a reproduction of a considerable
part of the English romance, _Guy of Warwick_, somewhat modified
however, together with an account of the institution of the Order of
the Garter, of which the scenes of action are all laid in England. To
the story based on the above romance has been joined material derived
from other sources, and one of these is Raymond Lull’s _Libre del
Orde d’Cauayleria_. In the story, of which the material from these
two sources forms the foundation, Guy of Warwick is represented as
Guillem de Varoych, and for this reason we shall name this composite
reproduction, the William of Warwick episode.[17] _Tirant lo Blanch_
begins with this episode, which occupies a little more than one-eighth
part of the complete work. But this is not the only part in which the
influence of _Guy of Warwick_ is revealed. We know that Martorell,
when he planned his book of chivalry, was acquainted with the story of
Guy of Warwick, and in the course of the composition certain features
of the latter occurred to him and were incorporated in his work.
But these are not very numerous, and they are so sparsely scattered
that the pronounced Catalan atmosphere in which they appear absorbs
whatever distinguishing characteristics they may have had originally.
Our investigations, the details of which will follow, lead us to the
conclusion that if _Tirant lo Blanch_ had an English original, this
must have been written by a Catalan,—which, to say the least, is
improbable. Scholars who have given some attention to this question
entertain serious doubts concerning the representations that the work
is translated from the English. Menéndez y Pelayo regards the question
as very problematic.[18] Givanel Mas, in his excellent study on _Tirant
lo Blanch_,[19] intimates that it is doubtful that there has existed
an English original. Still he would consider it bold to deny that the
book has ever appeared in English or in Portuguese. But, on the other
hand, he sees no reason why we should consider it impossible that the
author has followed the custom of writers of chivalry, who, in perhaps
a majority of cases, pretend that their works were based on productions
found in foreign languages, not only in Greek, Latin, and Arabic, but
also in English and German. Bonsoms y Sicart says: “No cabe duda que
la celebrada novela es hija de la imaginación del magnífico y virtuoso
caballero valenciano.”[20] Rubió y Lluch makes this statement: “El
Tirant, en la parte fundamental, en el carácter general del cuadro
en que los personajes se mueven con más desembarazo, es indígena, es
catalán por sus cuatro costados.”[21]
[17] Why did Martorell change the name from Guy to William
(Guillem)? The Catalan form for Guy is Guiu, which may have been
easily confused in the MSS. with Guim, a contracted form of
Guillem. If this substitution did not result from a confusion in
names, the resemblance may have suggested Guillem, which was more
popular and therefore may have seemed preferable.
[18] D.M. Menéndez y Pelayo, _Orígenes de la Novela_, Madrid,
1905; tomo I, p. ccliii.
[19] Juan Givanel Mas, _Estudio crítico de Tirant lo Blanch_,
Madrid, 1912; p. 21.
[20] _Discursos leídos en la Real Academia de Buenas Letras de
Barcelona en la recepción publica de D. Isidro Bonsoms y Sicart_,
Barcelona, 1907; por Don Isidro Bonsoms y Sicart y Don Antonio
Rubió y Lluch, p. 40.
[21] _Ibid._, p. 164.
There is a passage in the William of Warwick episode which we feel
is a probable indication that the author was not English. When the
hermit-king, as leader of the English forces, recaptured the castle
of Alimburch from the Moors, in which the latter held many Christian
ladies as captives, Johan de Varoych, son of Guillem, called to them in
the following words: “Dones angleses, exiu defora e tornau en vostra
primera libertat, car vengut es lo dia de la vostra redempcio.”[22] Why
did the author say “Dones angleses”? Is it not probable that he for the
moment had forgotten that the work was supposed to be a translation
from the English, and addressed the ladies as a foreigner might have
done?
[22] English ladies, come out and enjoy your former liberty, for
the day of your redemption has come.
In spite of our efforts to take the author at his word, we feel moved
to conclude that the work was not translated from an English original.
We believe that a statement to that effect was made, because the
beginning of _Tirant lo Blanch_ was a kind of reproduction of a romance
in which an English knight was the hero, and because the events that
are recounted in that first part took place in England. The declaration
was perhaps suggested by examples of other authors of romances of
chivalry who attributed their works to foreign sources.
But if there was no English original, was there some other work to be
translated? In what language was it written? For lack of any other
information, we shall have to conclude that it was in Catalan, for the
contents of the final version clearly indicate that. This, then, was
translated into Portuguese, and then into Catalan. How absurd! for it
already existed in Catalan. It is evident that there was no translating
to be done.
If the book was not translated from an English, or a Catalan original,
it may be asked whether it was first written in Portuguese and then
translated into Catalan. In attempting to answer this question it is
necessary to remember the reason that is given for translating the work
from English into Portuguese, viz., that Prince Ferdinand of Portugal
asked Martorell to produce the work in the Portuguese language. And who
was this “serenissimo princep”?
Prince Ferdinand (1433-1470) was the second son of King Edward I of
Portugal. His mother was Doña Leonor de Aragón, a daughter of King
Ferdinand I. At the death of King Edward, in 1438, the latter’s eldest
son mounted the throne as Alfonso V. He was but six years old, and in
order that there might be no question as to the succession, “foi o
Infante D. Fernando jurado Principe pellos Infantes, e pello Conde de
Barcellos e por todos os que eraõ presentes, por si, e por todos os do
Reyno, de que se fizeraõ Autos solemnizados por Notarios publicos e
dahi em diante se chamou Principe de Portugal.”[23] This prince was,
according to de la Clède, “Duc de Viseo, Grand Maître de Christ et de
Saint Jacques en Portugal, et Connétable du Roiaume.”[24] He took an
active part in the fighting against the Moors in the northwestern part
of Africa.
[23] The Infante, D. Ferdinand was solemnly accepted as Prince
by the other Infantes, and by the Count of Barcellos and by all
those who were present, for themselves and for those of the
kingdom; duly attested acts of this action were drawn up by
notaries, and henceforth he was called Prince of Portugal. Duarte
Nunes de Leaõ, _Cronicas del rey Dom Joaõ de gloriosa memoria,
o I. deste nome, e dos reys de Portugal o X., e as dos reys D.
Duarte, e D. Affonso o V._, Lisbon, 1780; vol. 2, p. 86.
[24] M. de la Clède, _Histoire générale de Portugal_, Paris,
1735; vol. 3, p. 242.
Apparently, then, this dedication and all that concerns Prince
Ferdinand is written in good faith. And since he was a Portuguese, it
would be only natural to suppose that the book was composed in the
Portuguese language.
But this supposition loses much of its force when we consider that his
mother was a Catalan, and consequently it is probable that he knew, or,
at least, understood the Catalan language. Then, too, Martorell, who
was so fond of making elaborate descriptions of court life, fails to
reveal this tendency in telling about Tirant’s visit to the Portuguese
court at Lisbon, while this hero was on his way from Brittany to
Sicily. A few cold, matter-of-fact statements of that brief stay are
the only homage he renders to the kingdom of his patron. Surely that
was an excellent opportunity to sing the praises of Portugal, its
heroes, and its rulers, but to our great surprise no such attempt
is made. This fact is indeed astonishing, and causes us to doubt
that the book was written under the direction or at the request of a
Portuguese. Moreover, at the very time that Martorell was engaged in
the composition of _Tirant lo Blanch_, the Portuguese were doing what
they had been doing for years, performing heroic exploits in their
wars against the Moors on the African shores opposite the Spanish
peninsula. In the book under consideration the hero conquers that very
territory, but the Portuguese efforts find no place in the account of
that victorious campaign. And yet that conquest had a historical basis,
for it was founded on conditions and events described in Muntaner’s
_Chronica_.[25] We cannot help asking ourselves the question: Why did
Martorell wholly disregard the great deeds of valor of the Portuguese
heroes? He has given proof of being well versed in the history of his
times, and surely he had heard and read of their prowess. The answer
that suggests itself is, that the experiences of his native land with
Barbary as narrated in the _Chronica_ were uppermost in his mind, and
while he was writing the book the exploits of the Portuguese probably
did not occur to him. If such was the case, it is highly probable
that he did not reside at the Portuguese court, and perhaps Prince
Ferdinand was not much more than a name to him. In the kind of work
undertaken by the author, a work based principally on historical events
and the customs of the times, intermingled with literary productions
and problems that confronted Christianity and involved the destiny of
nations, the absence of traces of Portuguese influence from the fields
of history and of literature, or from any other field, causes us to
doubt seriously that the book was originally in Portuguese.[26]
[25] _Chronik des Edlen En Ramón Muntaner_, edited by Dr. Karl
Lang, _Bibliothek des literarischen Vereins in Stuttgart_,
Stuttgart, 1844.
[26] See page 152.
Moreover, Martorell, who was to write this book, was a Catalan. Was he
as excellent a master of Portuguese as he was of his native tongue? We
have no definite information in that regard upon which we may rely.
Surely he was courageous to write such a voluminous work in Portuguese,
if he did not control that language with ease. When he drew his
material from Lull’s and from Metge’s works (see pp. 79-89), did he
translate it into Portuguese and then turn it back into Catalan without
consulting the corresponding passages in the sources? If such was
the case, there would have been a greater difference in the parallel
passages. But a man who is a master of the two languages would never
take that trouble. And why should he try to make the passages exactly
alike? Now, what was Martorell to write about? About a great hero
whose name was Tirant lo Blanch and whose deeds were so much admired
by Prince Ferdinand. But this Tirant lo Blanch is not a historical
personage, he is an imaginary individual, a literary character. If
the Catalan Tirant had not yet been written, if there was not even
such a literary character, how, then, could the Prince have become so
enthusiastic about him?
The strongest argument in favor of a Portuguese original is the fact
that de Galba states that he translated the final fourth part from
the Portuguese. But we must remember that Martorell says that he will
translate the Portuguese into Catalan, and for that reason de Galba
was obliged to say the same. But the same style, vocabulary, method
of composing the work, the point of view and characteristics of the
author are in evidence throughout the book. For this reason it may seem
that Martorell wrote the whole work in Portuguese and then translated
three-fourths of it into Catalan. He died and de Galba completed it.
But if the latter had translated the fourth part, we feel that we
should have been able to discover some differences in style, spelling
and vocabulary, and an absence of some of the favorite expressions of
Martorell. If he had composed that part we should not have had much
difficulty in detecting it. Consequently we cannot believe that _Tirant
lo Blanch_ was first written in Portuguese, and then translated into
Catalan.
However, we accept in full faith the statement of the author that
he is a Valencian. The contents of his work corroborate it. He knew
that Ferdinand was Prince of Portugal; but did the latter ask him to
translate the English original? We cannot believe that there was such
a book in English, and consequently we doubt that _Tirant_ was written
at this request. We shall probably never be able to discover whether
Martorell was personally acquainted with Prince Ferdinand, or whether
he ever was in communication with him. The details of the dedicatory
letter point in that direction, but perhaps that was only an ingenious
way of the author to induce us to give credit to his statements.
However that may be, there was probably some good reason for dedicating
the work to the prince, but very likely we shall never know just what
that reason was.
If we cannot believe that there was an English original, and we doubt
that the book was first written in Portuguese, then it is probable that
we shall conclude that _Tirant lo Blanch_ was first written in Catalan.
Perhaps an attempt to prove that it is a Catalan production will help
us solve the problem.
In the composition of this book, material drawn from Catalan history
and Catalan literature has been utilized. The former we shall discuss
in other parts of this work, but we take up at this time two of the
literary sources. First let us give a series of parallel passages
from Raymond Lull’s _Libre del Orde d’Cauayleria_ and from _Tirant lo
Blanch_ in order to see what can be gained from a study of these.
_Libre del Orde d’Cauayleria_ _Tirant lo Blanch_
1^{a} En aquell temps en la entrada 1^{b} Lo virtuos rey de Anglaterra
del gran iuern sesdevench perque a total oci e languiment
que un gran Rey molt noble nos sotsmetessen: delibera, puix
e de bones costumes be habundos, hauie contractat matrimoni, de
hac manades corts: e per fer cridar cort general afi que
la gran fama qui fon per la terra si fes gran exercici darmes. La
de sa cort, hun assaut scuder fama fon divulgada per tots los
tot sol, en son palaffre caualcant, regnes de cristians, de la grandissima
anava a la cort per esser adobat festa que lo famos Rey
a noueyl cauayler: on per lo preparaua. Seguis que un gentilom
trebayl que hac sostengut d’son de linatge antich e natural
caualcar, dementre que anaua de Bretanya, anant en companyia
en son palaffre adormis. E en de molts altres gentils
aquella hora lo cauayler qui en homens qui a la gran festa
la forest fahia sa penitencia ffon anauen aturas mes darrer de
vengut a la ffont contemplar tots e adormis sobrel roci fatigat
Deu e menysprear la vanitat de del treball del gran cami que
aquest mon, seguns que cascun fet hauia. Son cauall lexa lo
jorn hauia acustumat. cami e pres per una senda qui
Dementre que lescuder caualcaua dreçava ala delitosa font hon
en axi, son palaffre exi d’l lermita staua qui en aquell cas
cami e mes se per lo boscatge, se delitaua legir un libre qui es
e ana tant la hon li plach per lo nomenat arbre de batalles. E
boscatge, tro esdevench en la feya continuament gracies, com
fontana hon lo cauayler estava aquell libre legia, a nostre
en oracio. Lo cauayler qui viu Senyor Deu de les singulars
venir lescuder lexa sa oracio e graties que en aquest mon hauia
assech se en lo bel prat a la aconseguides servint lorde de
ombra del arbre, e comença a caualleria. E stant axi veu
legir a .i. libre que tenia en la venir per pla un home a cauall;
fauda. e conegue que venia dormint;
lexas de legir e nol volgue despertar.
Lo palaffre con fo a la font Com lo roci fon dauant
bech de laygua, e lescuder qui la font e veu laygua, acostasi
senti en durment que son palaffre per voler beure: e per que tenia
nos mouia, despertas, e la falça regna en larço de la
viu denant si lo cauayler qui fo çella no podia: e tant bascha
molt veyl, e hac gran barba e que fon forçat al gentilom ques
lonchs cabels, e romputs vestiments: despertas: e obrint los hulls, se
per la velea e per la veu dauant un hermita ab molt
penitencia que fasia fo magre gran barba tota blancha: e quasi
e descolorit, e per les lagremes les vestidures rompudes: e mostrauas
que gitaua, sos hulls foren apoquits, flach e descolorit. E
e ac esguart d’molta santa aço causaua la molta penitencia
vida. que feya continuament, e per
les moltes lagremes quels seus
hulls destillauen li eren los hulls
molt apoquits. Lo conspectu
seu era de home admirable e de
gran sanctedat.
2^{a} Con lo cauayler ausi parlar 2^{b} Con lermita hoy parlar al
de cauayleria et remembra lorde gentilom que anaua per rebre
de cauayleria lorde de caualleria, recordant li
lorde quina cosa es, e tot ço que
e so quey pertany pertany a caualler, lansa un gran
a cauayler, adonchs gita .j. suspir sospir e entra en gran pensament,
et entra en consirer membrant essent en recort de la
en lo honrament en lo grandissima honor en que caualleria
qual cauayleria lo auia longament lauia longament mantengut.
mantengut.
3^{a} Com, fiyl, so dix lo cauayler, 3^{b} E com, dix lermita, no saps
e no saps tu qual es la regla e tu qual es la retgla e lorde de
lorde de cauayleria? e com pots caualleria? E com pots tu demanar
tu demanar cauayleria tro sapies caualleria fins que sapies
lorde de cauayleria? cor negun lorde, car negun cavaller no pot
cauayler no pot mantenir lorde mantenir lorde si nol sap e tot
que no sap, ni pot amar son lo que pertany a lorde:
orde ni so que pertany a son
orde, si no sap lorde de cauayleria,
ni sap conexer lo fayliment
que sia contra son orde.
Ni negun cauayler no deu fer e negun caualler sino sap
cauayler si no sap lorde de lorde de caualleria no es caualler,
cauayleria, cor desordenat cauayler car desordenat caualler es
es qui fa cauayler e no qui fa altre caualler e no li sap
li sap mostrar les custumes quis mostrar los costums que pertanyen
pertanyen a cauayler. a caualler.
4^{a} Bel amic, ço dix lo cauayler, 4^{b} Mon fill, dix lermita, tot lorde
la regla e lorde de cauayleria es es en aquest libre scrit, lo qual
en aquest libre en lo qual jo lig yo lig algunes veguades, perque
alcunes vegades per ço quem sia en recort de la gratia que
fassa remembrar la gracia et la nostre senyor
merce que Deus ma feta en
aquest mon, per ço cor honraua ma feta en aquest mon, per ço
e mantenia lorde de cauayleria a com honraua e mantenia lorde
tot mon poder. Cor en axi con de caualleria de tot mon poder.
cauayleria dona tot ço que pertany E axi com caualleria dona tot
a cauayler, en axi cauayler ço que pertany a caualler, axi
deu donar totes ses forses a caualler deu donar totes ses
honrar cauayleria. forces a honrar caualleria.
5^{a} E per ayso de tot lo poble 5^{b} E per aquesta causa de tot
foren fets milanaris, e de cascun lo poble foren fets millenars e de
.M. fo elet e triat .j. home pus cascun miller fonch elet un
amable, pus savi, pus leyal e home, mes amable e de mes
pus fortz, e ab pus noble coratge, afabilitat, mes savi, mes leal,
ab mes densenyaments e de mes fort e ab mes noble animo,
bons nodriments que tots los ab mes virtuts e bones costumes
altres. Encercat fo en totes les que tots los altres. E apres feren
besties qual es pus beyla bestia, cercar de totes les besties qual
e pus corrent e que pusca sostenir seria mes bella mes corrent, e
mes de trebayl, ni qual es pus que pogues sostenir maior treball,
covinent a servir home. E cor e qual fos mes covinent per
cauayl es la pus nobla bistia e a la servitut de lome,
la pus covinent a servir home,
per ayso de totes les besties hom e de totes
eleech cauayl e dona lo al home elegiren lo cauall e donaren lo a
qui fo elet de .M. homens: e lome qui fonch elet de mil homes
per ayso aquel home ha nom hu: e perço aquell home ague
cauayler. Com hom ac aiustada nom caualler com aguessen aiustada
la pus nobla bistia al pus noble la mes noble bestia ab lo
home... mes noble home.
1^{a} At that time, which was in 1^{b} The noble King of England,
the beginning of the severe winter, in order that his people
it happened that a great should not give themselves up to
king, who was most noble and absolute idleness and languor,
of many excellent habits, ordered determined, since he had contracted
an assembly of his court. marriage, to proclaim a
On account of the great fame meeting of the General Court
which his court enjoyed all over where great exercises of arms
the earth, a doughty squire, all should take place. The news of
alone and riding on his palfrey, the wonderful festival which the
went thither in order that he famous king was planning was
might be made a knight; when, spread throughout all the Christian
on account of the fatigue that he realms. It happened that
underwent from his riding, he a nobleman of ancient lineage
fell asleep while going along on and a native of Brittany, traveling
his steed. And at that moment in the company of many
the knight who was doing penance other noblemen who were going
in the forest had come to to the great festival, fell behind
the spring to contemplate and all the rest, and, overcome by
to despise the vanity of this the fatigue of the long journey
world just as he was accustomed that he had made, dropped
to do every day. asleep. His steed left the road
While the squire was riding and followed a path which led
along in this manner, his steed to the delightful spring where
left the road and entered the the hermit was, who at that
woods. It went wherever it very moment was reading with
pleased in the forest until it came great delight a book entitled
to the spring where the knight _Arbre de Batalles_. And he was
was praying. The knight, who continuously rendering thanks,
saw the squire coming, ceased while reading that book, to our
praying and seated himself on Lord God for the singular favors
the beautiful meadow in the that he had obtained in this
shade of the tree, and began to world in the service of the Order
read in a book which he had in of Chivalry. Being occupied in
his lap. When the steed was at this manner, he saw a man on
the spring, it drank, and the horseback coming across the
squire who in his sleep felt that plain, and noticed that he was
the palfrey was no longer moving, asleep. He ceased reading and
awoke, and saw before him did not wish to awaken him.
the knight who was very old, When the steed was in front of
and had a big beard and long the spring and saw the water,
hair, and clothes that were torn. it approached, for it wished to
From his vigils and from the drink, but because the rein was
penance that he was doing he fastened to the pommel of the
was thin and pale; and from the saddle it was not able to do so:
tears that he was shedding, his it stooped so low that the rider
eyes were swollen, and he had was obliged to wake up, and
the appearance of a man leading opening his eyes, he found himself
a very holy life. Ramon Lull, before a hermit with a very
_Libre del Orde d’Cauayleria_, big snow-white beard: his clothes
Barcelona, 1879; p. v. were almost in shreds and he
was weak and pale. This was
caused by the great penance
that he was continuously doing,
and on account of the many
tears that his eyes distilled,
these were very much swollen.
His appearance was that of a
venerable and very holy man.
_Tirant lo Blanch_, chap. xxviii.
2^{a} When the knight heard the 2^{b} When the hermit heard the
subject of chivalry mentioned, nobleman say that he was going
and remembered the Order of so that he might be received into
Chivalry and what pertains to the Order of Chivalry, he, remembering
a knight, he gave a sigh and what the order is,
began to reflect deeply, remembering and all that pertains to a knight,
the honor in which gave a heavy sigh and began to
chivalry had so long maintained reflect deeply, recalling the very
him. _Ibid._, p. v. great honor in which chivalry
had so long maintained him.
_Ibid._, chap. xxix.
3^{a} “How now, my son,” this 3^{a} “And how now,” said the
said the knight, “and do you hermit, “do you not know what
not know what the rules and the rules and the Order of
the Order of Chivalry are? How Chivalry are? And how can you
can you ask for knighthood before ask for knighthood before you
you know the Order of know the order, for no knight
Chivalry? For no knight can can maintain the order if he
maintain the order that he does does not know it and all that
not know, nor can he love his pertains to the order: and no
order nor what pertains to his knight, if he does not know the
order if he does not know the Order of Chivalry, is a knight,
Order of Chivalry nor can distinguish for a poor knight is he who makes
the faults that are another a knight and cannot
against his order. Neither ought show him the practices which
any knight if he does not know pertain to a knight.” _Ibid._,
the Order of Chivalry make a chap. xxx.
knight, for a poor knight is he
who makes a knight and cannot
show him the practices which
pertain to a knight.” _Ibid._,
p. vi.
4^{a} “My fair friend,” this said 4^{b} “My son,” said the hermit,
the knight, “the rules and the “the whole order is described in
Order of Chivalry are contained this book, which I read sometimes,
in this book in which I read in order that I may be
sometimes in order that I may reminded of the grace that our
be reminded of the grace and Lord granted me in this world,
the favors that God has granted for I honored and maintained
me in this world, for I honored the Order of Chivalry with all
and maintained the Order of my might. And just as chivalry
Chivalry with all my might. gives all that pertains to a
For just as chivalry gives all knight, so also a knight ought to
that pertains to a knight, so give all his strength to honor
also a knight ought to give all chivalry.” _Ibid._, chap. xxxi.
his strength to honor chivalry.”
_Ibid._, p. vi.
5^{a} And on account of this all 5^{b} And for this reason all the
the people were divided into people were divided into groups
groups of thousands, and from of thousands and from each
each thousand was selected and thousand was selected one man
chosen one man who was more who was more amiable and of
amiable, wiser, more loyal and greater affability, wiser, more
more powerful, and with more loyal, more powerful and with
noble courage, with more instruction nobler courage, with more excellent
and good training than qualities and good practices
all the others. A diligent search than all the others. And
was made among all the animals afterwards they caused a search
to determine which one of them to be made among all the animals
is the most beautiful and most to determine which was the most
fleet and which is able to endure beautiful, most fleet, and which
most fatigue, and which is most could endure greatest fatigue,
suitable to serve man. And and which was most suitable for
since the horse is the most noble the service of man, and from
animal and the most suitable to all, they selected the horse and
serve man, for this reason, from gave it to the man, the one who
all the animals one selected the was chosen from one thousand
horse and gave it to the man men: and therefore that man
who was chosen from one thousand was called caualler, since they
men: and therefore that had adapted the most noble
man is called cauayler. Since animal to the most noble man.
one has adapted the most noble _Ibid._, chap. xxxii.
animal to the most noble
man... _Ibid._, p. vii.
The five parallel passages given above indicate that Martorell had
Lull’s work before his eyes at the time that he was writing the part
that treats of the meeting of young Tirant and the hermit and their
conversation concerning the order of Chivalry. The first passage from
the _Libre del Orde d’Cauayleria_ is an excellent example of the
author’s method in selecting a foundation on which to base the various
and numerous activities of his hero. The passage is important, for it
has furnished an interesting manner of introducing Tirant lo Blanch
to the reader, and, moreover, it may have been the author’s starting
point. The corresponding passage from Martorell’s work reveals that
the source was followed very closely. It is an easy matter to pick out
the part of it that he needed to change in order to make it suit his
purpose. The details of the latter part give evidence that he consulted
the source probably more than once, and that the modifications which we
find there are not necessarily due to the processes of translation. The
same may be said of the second parallel passages. But the other three
are so very nearly alike that the translation theory must be given up.
Let us remember what we are asked to believe. We are told that _Tirant
lo Blanch_ was translated from the English. Then these passages were
translated from Lull’s work (written in Catalan), first into English,
then into Portuguese, and finally back into Catalan. And in all these
various processes the passages in their final form are practically the
same as the original. Is not this a marvelous achievement? We cannot
believe the author’s ingenious representations. We are convinced that
_Tirant lo Blanch_ was not translated from the English. And since that
is the case, is it not probable that it was not written in Portuguese?
We admit that by translating from the Catalan into Portuguese, and
then back again into Catalan, the resulting passages might not be so
very different. But we cannot believe that they could be so similar to
the original after two translations. Then, how do we account for the
changes? A comparative study of Lull’s style and language and that of
Martorell shows that there was considerable difference between them.
Of course, it was not the latter’s intention to copy the material
word for word. He recast it, adapting it to his style and vocabulary;
in other words, he took in general merely the ideas and expressed
them in his own way. If Lull’s manner of expression in certain cases
agreed with his own, he did not make any changes. He added or omitted
incidents at his own pleasure. Sometimes he made a reproduction, and
at other times a copy with only such alterations as were necessary
to make the passages conform to his own style, which presumably he
considered an improvement over the original. Some few changes may have
been caused by misreading or in the process of copying. Now and then we
get the impression that he made certain alterations in order to avoid
a literal transcription. A glance over the above passages shows that
Martorell changed certain words. For “palaffre” he substituted “roci”;
for “vestiments,” “vestidures”; for “magre,” “flach”; for “ausi”
(heard), “hoy”; for “remembrar,” “recordar” or “esser en recort de”;
for “consirer,” “entrar en gran pensament”; for “honrament,” “honor”;
for “tro,” “fins”; for “en axi,” “axi”; for “pus” in comparisons,
“mes.” A study of Martorell’s vocabulary reveals that the words for
which he made substitutions are lacking in it. Other similar cases
may be found, but, to prove our point, we do not feel it necessary
to make an exhaustive study of the vocabularies of these authors. We
shall, however, call attention to the ending of the first parallel
passages. Lull says: “... e per les lagremes que gitaua, sos hulls
foren apoquits.” The corresponding passage of Martorell reads: “e per
les moltes lagremes quels seus hulls destillauen li eren los hulls
molt apoquits.” There is much weeping in _Tirant lo Blanch_, and the
author’s favorite way of describing it is something like this: “los
seus hulls destillaren vives lagremes.” Without making an exhaustive
search for this expression, we find twenty-one instances in _Tirant
lo Blanch_ where the words “hulls,” some form of “destillar,” and
“lagremes” are used to describe this emotional manifestation. He
expresses it in other ways, but he never uses the verb “gitar,” which
is employed by Lull in this connection. Martorell never uses this
word, but, on the other hand, he frequently employs “lançar” with the
very same meaning.
After a careful comparison of the above passages, we are satisfied
that the book under consideration is not a translation from an English
original, nor was it first written in Portuguese. However, if the
reader is still doubtful in regard to these questions, let us examine
other parallel passages, of which the originals are found in another
Catalan production, which bears the title Lo _Somni d’En Bernat Metge_.
_Lo Somni d’En Bernat Metge_[27] _Tirant lo Blanch_[28]
1^{a} Tamaris reyna de Scithia, 1^{b} ... Tamarits Reyna de Sicilia
no fo de menor coratge; la qual la qual no fo de menor
en venjança de la mort de son fill animo. Car en veniança de la
y consolacio sua mata batallant mort de son fill per consolacio
aquell famos y molt temut Cirus, sua mata en batalla aquell famos
rey d’Assia, ab dos cents milia e molt temut Cirius Rey d’dasia
Persians. ab. CC. milia persians.
2^{a} ... y apres que la hague 2^{b} ... Lo dit Cornelio obtengue
dompdada, se’n glorieja tant della victoria. E sen
com si hagues vençut lo major glorieja tant com si hagues
y pus victorios princep del vençut lo major princep del
mon. mon.
3^{a} ... E aquella [amor] que 3^{b} ... E aquella Porcia filla
Porcia filla de Catho, hague a d’l Rey Tracio sabent que lo
Brut, marit seu, la qual encontinent marit seu mort era.
que sabe la mort
d’aquell, per tal com no habia E com no pogues
prest ferre ab que’s matas, desitjant hauer ferro prest ab ques matas
seguir l’espirit del dit cobejant seguir lesperit de
Brut begue carbons foguejants aquell begue carbons foguejants
y mort. e mort.
4^{a} Be fo cordial e memorable 4^{b} Mes fon cordial e memorable
amor que Artemisia, reyna, lamor que Artemisa reyna
hague a Mauseolo, marit seu; hague a Menaculo, marit seu, la
la qual apres que ell fo mort y qual apres que ell fon mort e li
li hague celebrades solempnes hague celebrades solemnes exequies
exequies, lo feu polvoritzar, y’l lo feu poluorizar e begues
begue, mostrant que ella volia la polvora mostrant que ella
esser sepulcre d’ell. volia esser sepultura dell.
1^{a} Tomyris, Queen of Scythia, 1^{b} ... Tomyris, Queen of
was not of less courage: who Sicily, who was not of less
in avenging the death of her courage. For in avenging the
son and her consolation killed death of her son, for her consolation
battling that famous and much she killed in battle that
feared Cyrus, King of Asia, with famous and much feared Cyrus,
two hundred thousand Persians. King of Asia, with two hundred
thousand Persians.
2^{a} ... and after he had defeated 2^{b} The aforesaid Cornelius
her, he boasted about it won a victory over her. And
as if he had vanquished the he boasted about it as if he had
greatest and most victorious vanquished the greatest prince
prince in the world. in the world.
3^{a} ... and that [love] which 3^{b} ... and that Portia,
Portia daughter of Cato had for daughter of the King Tracio,
Brutus her husband, she, who, knowing that her husband was
as soon as she knew of his death, dead. And since she could not
for the reason that she had no get an iron instrument immediately,
iron instrument immediately at being eager to follow his
hand with which to slay herself, spirit, ate burning coals and
desiring to follow his spirit, ate died.
burning coals and died.
4^{a} Very cordial and memorable 4^{b} More cordial and memorable
was the love which Queen was the love which Queen
Artemisia had for Mausolus her Artemisa had for Menaculo
husband; she, who, after he was her husband, she, who, after
dead and she had solemn exequies he was dead and she had solemn
celebrated for him, caused exequies celebrated for him,
his body to be converted into caused his body to be converted
dust, and she swallowed it, into dust, and she swallowed the
showing that she wished to be dust, showing that she wished to
his sepulcher. be his sepulture.
[27] _Lo Somni d’En Bernat Metge_, edited by R. Miquel y Planas,
Barcelona, 1907; Libre quart, pp. 93-95.
[28] Chap. cccix, cols. 3 and 4.
All that we have said in support of our contention that the excerpts
from _Tirant lo Blanch_ in the first series of parallel passages have
been taken directly from Lull’s work, and not from a translation, is
borne out by a comparison of the passages just given. We feel that
the evidence is conclusive and that comment would be superfluous. And
with all this array of evidence we feel justified in concluding that
_Tirant lo Blanch_ was written originally in Catalan. Martorell was a
learned Catalan; he was well versed in the history of his country and
its literature; he was a master of his native language; and he composed
his voluminous work in the tongue that he knew so well. If _Tirant lo
Blanch_ was translated into Portuguese, it was not from an English but
from a Catalan original that the translation was made.
CHAPTER II
IN WHAT WAY WAS DE GALBA CONNECTED WITH THE
PRODUCTION OF TIRANT LO BLANCH?
We are told in the note at the end of the book that Martorell, because
of his death, was unable to translate more than three parts of it, and
that “la quarta part que es la fi del libre es stada traduida ... per
lo magnifich caualler Mossen Marti Johan de Galba.” Now the question
arises: What did de Galba have to do with the production of _Tirant lo
Blanch_? It is difficult to answer the question definitely.
In the first place, we do not know what the four parts of the book are.
Martorell, at the beginning of the work, probably intended to divide
it into a number of parts, for, after the dedication and the prologue,
we read: “Comença la primera part del libre de Tirant la qual tracta
de certs virtuosos actes que feu lo Comte Guillem de Ueroych en los
seus benaventurats darrers dies.” Then, in the chapter immediately
following this caption, we find these words: “E per tant com la
divina providencia ha ordenat, e li plau que los .vii. planets donen
influencia en lo mon e tenen domini sobre la humana natura.... per ço
ab lo diuinal adiutori sera departit lo present libre de caualleria
en .vii. parts principals.... La primera part sera del principi de
caualleria. La segona sera del stament e offici de caualleria, etc.”
After informing us of what these seven parts shall treat, he makes this
puzzling statement: “Les quals .vii. parts de caualleria seran deduydes
en serta part del libre.”[29] Here, then, we have the conflicting
statements that the book is to be divided into seven parts, and then
follows the announcement that these seven parts shall be produced in a
certain part of the work. But nowhere in it do we find any indications
that the author attempted to make such a division. It is true, as we
have already stated, that the beginning of the first part is announced,
but after that no mention of the beginning or end of any other part is
made. A logical division into four almost equal parts is absolutely
impossible. But we do find that in Chapters XXXI-XXXVI some of the
subjects mentioned in the proposed divisions of the work are treated
and discussed.
[29] Here commences the first part of the book of Tirant, which
treats of certain great deeds done by the Earl, William of
Warwick, in his last blessed days.... And inasmuch as Divine
Providence has ordained and is pleased that the seven planets
exert an influence over the world and hold dominion over human
nature. ... on account of this, with divine aid, this book of
chivalry will be divided into seven principal parts.... The first
part shall treat of the beginning of chivalry. The second shall
treat of the state and profession of chivalry, etc.... These
seven parts shall be presented in a certain part of the book.
An examination of Lull’s _Libre del Orde d’Cauayleria_ will explain the
inconsistency. In this book we find, in the “Incipit Prologus,” the
following words:
“Per Significança de les .vii. planetes ... que gouernen e ordonen
los corsos terrenals, departim aquest libre d’cauayleria en .vii.
parts.... La primera part es d’l començament d’cauayleria. La segona
es del offici de cauayleria, etc.”[30]
[30] With the significance of the seven planets ... which
govern and control the terrestrial bodies, we divide this book
of chivalry into seven parts.... The first part treats of the
commencement of chivalry. The second treats of the profession of
chivalry, etc.
Martorell had evidently copied from Lull’s book, and the inconsistency
was overlooked and found its way into his work.
We have made endeavors to locate the fourth part, which we are told
was translated by de Galba, but all our efforts have been in vain.
We have carefully examined the spelling, vocabulary, and style of
the whole book, but have been unable to find any part that differed
sufficiently from the rest of the work to justify the assertion of even
a possibility that it represents the part translated by de Galba. The
statement can hardly be accepted, for we cannot find anything at all
that would tend to support or corroborate it in any way.
But we have concluded that _Tirant lo Blanch_ was originally written
in Catalan. Consequently it is not the question: What part did de
Galba translate? but, What part did he write? It is not a difficult
matter to see why de Galba states that he _translated_ the fourth
part. Martorell had called his book a translation and consequently de
Galba was obliged to do the same. But the assumption that the latter
wrote a part of considerable importance can hardly be maintained.
We have already remarked that there is no appreciable difference in
vocabulary and style in any part. Moreover, we find throughout the work
a marked similarity in the manner of observation and description. The
author has certain favorite expressions which he uses again and again,
and these are not confined to any special parts. The same method of
composing the book is followed from beginning to end. The same mind
and the same heart are always in evidence. The different characters,
when laboring under intense emotion, speak and act in practically the
same way. Martorell has stamped his work with a strong individuality,
and his characteristics are revealed throughout. All these facts tend
to indicate that _Tirant lo Blanch_ is the work of one author and
one only. If it were not for the statement to the contrary, we feel
certain that no one would ever doubt that the whole book was written by
Martorell.
But if we conclude that de Galba neither translated nor wrote a
considerable part of the work, what did he do that would give him any
right to claim part of the honor in the production? Perhaps Givanel
Mas is right when he hints that de Galba’s rôle was limited to the
preparation of the manuscript for publication. We are rather inclined
to accept that suggestion. We are, however, disposed to add that
probably de Galba did contribute something to the story. Perhaps he
wrote the very last chapter, which consists of about three hundred
words. We suggest this probability, because the reading of that chapter
leaves the impression that the ending of the story is overdone. It may
be that he wrote it for no other reason than to be able to say that he
“translated” the fourth part, “la fi del libre.” In this chapter we
are told that under the rule of Hypolite the empire was prosperous and
extended its limits. After the death of the empress, according to the
same chapter, he married a daughter of the King of England, who bore
him three sons and two daughters. The eldest of these sons was named
after his father and performed great deeds of prowess. The emperor and
the empress reached a very advanced age, and they died on the same day.
Their rule was so excellent, and their lives were so good and virtuous,
that we may feel assured that they are now enjoying the glory of heaven.
We have not been able to find anything in the style and language of
this last chapter that would indicate that it was written by any other
than Martorell, and we confess that our suggestion is based almost
exclusively upon the fact that it might very well have been omitted.
In the chapters immediately preceding this one, Tirant and Carmesina
are placed in their tomb, Hypolite marries the empress, rewards his
friends, and marries them to ladies of the imperial court. The closing
words of the next to the last chapter are:
“Apres dona a tots aquells qui se eren casats ab les criades de la
Emperadriu e de la Princessa bones heretats, quen podien molt be viure
a lur honor, e cascu segons son grau, que tots nestauen molt contents.
E apres per temps casa totes les altres axi com de bon senyor se
pertanyia.”[31]
[31] Afterwards, to all those who had married the maids of the
empress and of the princess, he gave generous gifts, so that they
could live well and in honor, and each one according to his rank.
As a result all were very happy. And in time, as a worthy lord
ought, he gave all the others maids in marriage.
The passage just quoted seems to have been intended for the conclusion
of _Tirant lo Blanch_. This indication, together with the fact that the
last chapter seems unnecessary and superfluous, surely justifies the
suggestion that probably de Galba wrote “la fi del libre,” but not the
fourth part, unless he called these last few lines “la quarta part.”
The best explanation that we can suggest in regard to de Galba’s
statement is, that on account of preparing the manuscript for the
printer, he considered himself entitled to some credit in the
production of this book. Why he claims to have translated the fourth
part can only be a matter of conjecture. Perhaps that part was in
special need of revision. He may have made some changes or additions,
but we cannot admit that he wrote or translated the whole or a
considerable portion of it.
PART III
COMPARATIVE STUDY OF _TIRANT LO BLANCH_ AND
THE SOURCES: _GUY OF WARWICK_, LIFE OF
ROGER DE FLOR IN MUNTANER’S _CHRONICA_,
AND LULL’S _LIBRE DEL ORDE D’CAUAYLERIA_.
CHAPTER I
WILLIAM OF WARWICK STANDS FOR THE MATURE
GUY OF WARWICK
Towards the end of his book, the author of _Tirant lo Blanch_ annexed
to the life of his hero, with extensive modifications however, the
latter part of the career of the famous Catalan hero, Roger de Flor,
whose life from childhood to death is related in Muntaner’s _Chronica_.
It is not so strange, then, that those who have read _Tirant lo Blanch_
and are acquainted with the life of Roger de Flor should designate
Martorell’s work as a kind of historical novel.
In his excellent _Estudio crítico de Tirant lo Blanch_, Givanel Mas
exclaims:
Cuán acertado estuvo Amador de los Ríos al indicar que la principal
fuente del libro de caballerías catalán, fueron las proezas de aquel
caudillo [Roger de Flor] cuyas hazañas llenan bastantes páginas de la
Crónica de Muntaner.[32]
[32] _Op. cit._, p. 117.
In Denk’s _Geschichte der altcatalanischen Litteratur_ we read the
following statement:
Jeder Kenner der catalanischen Geschichte sieht in Tirant nichts als
die novellistisch behandelte Gestalt des kühnen Abenteurers Roger de
Flor, dessen Thaten Muntaner und Moncada erzählen und schildern.[33]
[33] Dr. V.M. Otto Denk, _Einführung in die Geschichte der
altcatalanischen Litteratur_, Munich, 1893; pp. 144 and 145.
In Menéndez y Pelayo’s _Orígenes de la Novela_ we find the following
passage:
El tema principal de la novela, las empresas de Tirante en Grecia
y Asia ... dan al Tirante cierto sello de novela histórica, donde
se reconoce no muy disfigurada (dentro de los límites que separan
siempre la verdad de la ficción), la heróica expedición de catalanes y
aragoneses á Levante y el trágico destino de Roger de Flor.[34]
[34] D.M. Menéndez y Pelayo, _Orígenes de la Novela_, Madrid,
1905; tomo I, p. ccliv.
But when we compare this book of chivalry with Muntaner’s _Chronica_
and with _Guy of Warwick_, we see that these quotations, while true in
general, are at the same time more or less misleading, for the English
romance has provided more material than is generally believed, not
only that which furnished the basis of the William of Warwick episode,
but also elements that were utilized in different parts of the work.
Therefore we shall point out all the constituents or features that seem
to owe their origin to the English romance, _Guy of Warwick_, or to
that part of Muntaner’s _Chronica_ which contains the life of Roger de
Flor.
In the William of Warwick episode, with which we have begun our
analysis, Martorell has given us a kind of free reproduction of an
important part of _Guy of Warwick_. But the Catalan author is not a
servile imitator; the incidents that he has taken from the English
romance he has treated in such a way as to render them more interesting
than the original.
The episode is based upon the following events which we find in the
fourteenth-century versions of the Guy of Warwick romance[35]: After
many knightly combats and adventures on the continent, and after
slaying the dragon in Northumberland, Guy married Felice, the daughter
of Earl Rohold. The newly married couple lived in great happiness
for two weeks. One evening, after a hunt, Guy mounted a high tower,
where he admired the stars of heaven. He thought of the many honors
that had been bestowed upon him by Christ, our Saviour, and then it
occurred to him that he had never done anything for the Lord in return.
On the contrary, he had engaged in wars, wrought much woe, and slain
many of his fellow-men. He became deeply repentant and resolved to
spend the rest of his life as a pilgrim, and thus make amends for his
transgressions. He informed Felice of his resolution. She, in tears,
begged him to remain with her, but he was firm. Before his departure,
she gave him a ring as a remembrance of her. He crossed the sea and
proceeded on his way to Jerusalem.
[35] These fourteenth-century versions were edited from the
Auchinleck MS. in the Advocates’ Library, Edinburgh, and from MS.
107 in Caius College, Cambridge, by Julius Zupitza, and published
for the Early English Text Society, London, 1883, 1887, and 1891.
For the beginning of the episode, cf. p. 396.
After many adventures abroad Guy finally returned to England. During
his absence the Danes had invaded the country and wrought great
destruction. When he arrived at Winchester none that saw him recognized
him. Just at the time of his arrival, the English king, Aethelstan,
was holding a council with the leading men of the realm. They were
considering the demand of the Danish king that the English surrender
the kingdom and pay tribute to Denmark or bring some one forth to
engage in combat with the giant, Colbrond, the champion of the Danes.
If this giant should be vanquished, the invaders would leave the soil
of England; but if, on the other hand, he should be victorious, the
English would be obliged to pay tribute to the Danes. King Aethelstan
asked his assembled men if they knew any knight who would dare to fight
against Colbrond, but they all stood silent with downcast eyes. The
king could not sleep that night, and was praying incessantly that God
might send some one to champion the cause of England, when an angel
appeared before him and bade him arise early the following morning
and go to church, where he would find a pilgrim who would undertake
the fight against the giant. Early the next morning the king met the
pilgrim. The latter at first declined the king’s behest, pleading
feebleness and old age, but finally consented. On the day appointed
the pilgrim went to the spot where the combat was to take place, knelt
down and prayed for victory. Then came Colbrond on foot, for he was too
heavy for any horse. All his armor was black, and his appearance such
as to make one shudder. Guy rode towards him and the combat began. The
giant cut Guy’s steed in two without much delay. Guy was then obliged
to fight on foot, and he was scarcely able to reach his adversary’s
shoulder with his sword. Nevertheless he succeeded in inflicting an
ugly wound on Colbrond, who returned the blow, cutting Guy’s shield
in twain. A moment later Guy struck a vigorous blow with his sword
and broke it. Thereupon he seized one of the axes of the giant, who
immediately drove his sword at him with all his might, but missed him,
the sword going three feet into the earth. While he was stooping to
pull it out, Guy cut off his right arm. The giant made a desperate
effort to extricate his weapon with his left, but before he could do
so, Guy severed his head from the body. Thus was Colbrond, champion of
the Danes, vanquished, and the invaders, true to their word, boarded
their ships and returned to their country.
Guy was led back into the town of Winchester in a great triumphal
procession. King Aethelstan wished to reward him, but the pilgrim
would accept nothing. The king asked him to reveal his name. The
stranger replied that if he would accompany him out of the city, his
wish should be granted. Aethelstan went with him and was amazed when he
found out that the pilgrim was none other than Guy of Warwick. He asked
him to remain with him, but the request was denied. Both weeping, they
kissed each other and parted. Guy, in his pilgrim garb, went to the
city of Warwick, where he presented himself before his wife, Felice,
who gave him food without recognizing him. She asked him to come every
day, and he should always receive food and drink from her; but he
never returned. Going instead to visit a certain hermit, he found that
the latter had died during his absence. Guy then decided to pass the
remainder of his days in the deserted hermitage. One night an angel
appeared to him and announced that on the morning of the eighteenth day
he should exchange this world for heaven. When the period had almost
expired he sent a messenger to Felice with the ring that she had given
him when he set out on his pilgrimage. Recognizing the ring, she fell
unconscious. After recovering, she immediately went to him. Guy kissed
her tenderly and then passed away. A few days later Felice was buried
at his side.
This part of the English romance was utilized by Martorell to form
the foundation of the William of Warwick episode. He made changes
and additions to suit his purpose, following the general plan, but
inventing the details. The simple ring he describes as a complicated
double ring; the Danish invasion as an incursion of the Moors; and the
angel that appeared to the king as the Virgin and the Child. When the
Danish champion is defeated, the Danes withdraw from England; but when
the Moorish king is vanquished, the Moors do not leave the kingdom as
they had agreed to do. Consequently a campaign to exterminate the
Moors results, and William of Warwick becomes the commander of the
English forces.
But all of the episode is not based on _Guy of Warwick_. We have
seen in the beginning of the analysis that, after the Moors had been
annihilated, William again returned to a hermitage. Up to this point
Martorell followed his model rather faithfully, but thereafter he
abandoned it. However, he continued the episode, drawing his material
from a different source. In order to point out to the reader what parts
of the episode are not based on the English romance, and at the same
time to give a concrete example of the method followed by Martorell in
the composition of his work, we shall note the procedure of the author
in the continuation of this episode.
In the prologue of Lull’s _Libre del Orde d’Cauayleria_ Martorell had
read of a great knight who likewise had retired to a hermitage, and
doubtless this striking coincidence, which apparently had attracted
his attention even before he began writing his romance, caused him to
incorporate in the episode the incident related by Lull. The prologue
recites how, in a certain country, a knight, who for a long time had
been an honor to knighthood, finally realized that the end of his days
was approaching, whereupon he decided to spend the rest of his life as
a hermit. Accordingly he went to live in a dense forest. It was his
custom to come every day to a clear spring under a large tree, where
he was wont to contemplate and pray. Now it happened that a great king
had announced an assembly of his court, and a certain mounted squire
was proceeding on his way to attend that court in order that knighthood
might be conferred upon him. Overcome by the fatigue of the journey,
the squire fell asleep. His steed left the road, entered the wood,
and came to a spring at a time when the hermit was there. The latter
discontinued his prayers when he saw the squire approaching and began
to read in a book. When the steed stopped at the spring to drink,
the rider awoke and was surprised to see the aged hermit before him.
After exchanging greetings, the hermit spoke to the youth of things
pertaining to knighthood, and when they parted, asked him to come back
after he had been made a knight.
The author of _Tirant lo Blanch_ incorporated in his work the incident
just mentioned by paraphrasing it and by reproducing certain parts
almost literally, as we have already observed, making such changes as
he saw fit. In the reproduction of this incident the unknown hermit
is William of Warwick; the unnamed king is the King of England; and
the squire is Tirant lo Blanch. In Lull’s work the hermit invites the
squire to return, but he never comes back. Martorell makes his hero
accept the hermit’s invitation, and Tirant with his companions returns
to William of Warwick, when the principal events that took place at the
English court, including the marvelous feats of Tirant, are related to
him. The deeds that Martorell ascribes to Tirant while at the court
of the English king are not similar to those of Guy of Warwick as
described in the English romance. They are probably inventions of the
author, based on what he witnessed, heard, or read in connection with
tournaments or knightly affairs. Tirant remained with the hermit for a
few days and then returned to his native land, Brittany. Here ends the
William of Warwick episode.
To sum up: All that part of the episode up to and including the
retirement of William of Warwick to a hermitage after the extermination
of the Moors, is based on the English romance, but only on that portion
of it that treats of the latter part of the career of the English hero.
The subsequent part of the episode at first seems to reveal no other
traces of the romance, but suddenly a resemblance emerges.
CHAPTER II
TIRANT LO BLANCH RESEMBLES YOUNG GUY OF WARWICK
Perhaps William of Warwick stands for the mature Guy of Warwick, and
Tirant lo Blanch for the youthful Guy of Warwick. If such is the case,
we have met with a very interesting phenomenon: in the meeting of the
hermit and Tirant we have the venerable and experienced Guy of Warwick
giving instructions in regard to knighthood to his younger self. Our
attention is first called to this resemblance when we read of the
honors that Tirant gained at London.
Tirant lo Blanch crossed the English Channel, took part in the
exercises of arms that were conducted under the auspices of the King of
England, and won for himself the honor of being the best knight; for in
reading the document given by the King to Tirant we meet these words:
“... volem que [Tirant lo Blanch] sia per tots los quatre cantons de
les liçes publicat per lo millor dels cauallers.”[36]
[36] It is our desire that [Tirant lo Blanch] be proclaimed from
all four corners of the lists the best of the knights. _Tirant lo
Blanch_, chap. lviii, col. 2.
Guy of Warwick crossed the English Channel, engaged in a tournament
that had been proclaimed by the daughter of the emperor of Germany, and
as a result a sergeant came to him after the tournament and addressed
him in these words:
Sir Guy, he seide, god the kepe:
Thou art holde the best in this borough
And in all this londe thurgh and thorough.[37]
[37] Caius MS., p. 59.
But Tirant lo Blanch is supposed to represent Roger de Flor. Does the
youthful career of Tirant resemble that of the Catalan hero? Let us
consult Muntaner’s _Chronica_. There we find that Roger de Flor, when
eight years old, began his training for a sea-life and at the age of
twenty was pronounced a perfect mariner and placed in command of a ship
of the Templars. His early laurels were won as a seaman. No mention is
made of his prowess in the exercise of arms.
From the above comparisons it is evident that Martorell did not have
Roger de Flor in mind when he described the knightly combats of Tirant.
But we do find a strong similarity between the youthful Tirant and
young Guy of Warwick as he is pictured to us in the English romance. We
know that Martorell had great respect for Guy of Warwick, for he calls
him “lo egregi e strenu caualler, pare de caualleria.” Perhaps the
youthful career of Guy or other incidents in the English romance have
made such impression on the author as to have left other visible marks
on his book of chivalry? Perhaps _Guy of Warwick_ has yielded more than
is generally believed? Let us follow the hint and see what result the
investigation will produce.
Guy of Warwick in his youth served Earl Rohold as cup-bearer, and fell
in love with Felice, the daughter of his lord. Such woe came over
him that he wept. His suffering became greater and greater. Finally
he concluded to tell her of his love, for he could not eat nor drink
nor rest, and his woe was driving him to despair. He went to her, and
throwing himself at her feet, he made confession of his love. She
rebuffed him and warned him not to come to her again. He returned to
his room, where he tore his hair and rent his clothes until he swooned.
The earl sent doctors, and Guy pretended to be suffering from chills
and fever. Love again drove him to her feet. A maid remarked that
if she were the daughter of the richest king on earth, she could
not refuse Guy her love. Felice chided the maid for her speech, but
nevertheless took compassion on the unhappy lover and promised him her
love if he should become a great knight. And finally Guy, by his valor,
love, and true worth, won her, although he was beneath her in station.
Tirant, as we have observed in the analysis, was afflicted in much
the same manner, when first he beheld Carmesina. He, too, was below
his lady in station, and his confession of love was received as an
insult. The emperor sent his physicians to him, and he claimed that his
sickness was due to change of climate. Just as the maid interceded for
Guy, so Stephania pleaded in behalf of Tirant. And in the end his love,
prowess, and great service to the empire removed the obstacle which the
difference in station had placed between them.
The _Chronica_ of Muntaner does not give us any information concerning
a love affair between Roger de Flor and the niece of the Emperor of
Constantinople. Nor are there any love scenes at all in that part of
the _Chronica_ that deals with the career of the Catalan hero.
While Guy of Warwick was at Spires with the Emperor of Germany, they
went hunting along the river. When Guy was returning from the hunt,
he noticed a dromond coming to the shore. He greeted the men in the
boat, and learned that they were merchants who had left Constantinople
because the sultan, after having devastated nearly all of the Grecian
empire, laid siege to the imperial city. Guy, with his faithful
companion from England, Heraud, and one hundred of the most stalwart
knights that he could find in Germany, went to Constantinople to succor
the unfortunate emperor. When he arrived His Imperial Majesty greeted
him with these words:
Of thine help gret nede haue we.
Michel ich haue herd speke of the.
..................................
Forti thousand thai slowe on a day
Of mine men as ich you telle may.
Mine men thai slowe, mi sone also,
Wharfore, leue frende, y bede the to,
If thou might me of hem wreke,
And the felouns out of mi lond do reke,
Mine feyre douhter thou shalt habbe,
And half mi lond, with-outen gabbe.[38]
[38] Auchinleck MS., pp. 166 and 168.
In speaking of the formidable Saracen, Emir Costdram, a citizen said to
Guy:
That other day he dede ous sorwe anough
Of themperour sone that he slough,
That was so gode and stalworth knight,
That opon hem had geuen mani fight.
In this site so gode knight was non,
That with wretthe durst loke him on.[39]
[39] Auchinleck MS., p. 170.
Guy and his companions, immediately after their arrival, went out
against the enemy, and soon gave proof of their wonderful fighting
qualities. They routed the Saracens, and in pursuing them Guy overtook
Esclandar, who exclaimed:
Artow Gij?
Bi Mahoun that ich leue upon,
Neuer schal ich oway gon,
No neuer schal y blithe be,
Til ich that heued binim the:
Behote ich it haue a maiden of pris,
The soudans douhter that wel fair is.[40]
[40] _Ibid._, p. 176.
But Esclandar, after a lance had been driven through him, was obliged
to resume his flight. When the victors returned to the city, the
emperor said to Guy:
Mi feir douhter, that is of pris,
Ichil the giue to spouse y-wis
Thou schalt ben emperour after me,
Thou art a knight of gret bounte.[41]
[41] _Ibid._, p. 178.
Guy had learned through a spy that the sultan was planning a desperate
assault upon Constantinople. He informed the emperor, who placed the
defense of the city in his hands. Guy, assisted by the Constable, made
preparations to attack the Saracens before they should reach the city.
Before the sortie Guy addressed his men, urging them to attack boldly
and vigorously and rid the country of the foe. Guy, Heraud, and their
companions performed many prodigies of valor, and the Greeks, too,
fought well. The infidels were slaughtered by the thousands, and as a
result of this victory,
Guy, the good knyght,
Most was worshipped and that was right.[42]
[42] Caius MS., p. 215.
Morgadour, the imperial steward, who aspired to the hand of the
emperor’s daughter, became envious of the honors won by Guy, and his
jealousy and hatred increased in proportion as the realization of his
hopes grew less and less probable. He plotted to remove his rival by
suggesting to the emperor that Guy and Heraud be sent as ambassadors
to the sultan to make a proposal of peace. The steward well knew that
if they should go, they would never return. The emperor was willing to
make a proposal of peace to the enemy, but unwilling that Guy should go
on this dangerous mission. However, Guy insisted upon going. He entered
the tent of the sultan defiantly, and proposed to him that he select
a champion to represent the Saracens. Guy himself would defend the
cause of the emperor. If the sultan’s champion should win, the Greeks
were to pay tribute to the sultan and acknowledge him as their lord.
If, however, he should be vanquished, the infidels should leave the
country. The sultan’s answer to the proposal was an order to his men to
take and slay the insolent ambassador. Thereupon the latter drew his
sword and cut off the sultan’s head, seized it, and hurried away on
his steed. He was pursued and attacked by a multitude of Saracens, but
they were unable to take or to slay him. When Guy reached the city, he
gave the head to the emperor, and
Whan thei of the Citee wiste of his comynge
For ioye they ganne all the belles rynge.[43]
[43] Caius MS., p. 235.
The following day, the emperor said to Guy:
Gij, make the redi;
Tomorwe thou schalt mi doughter weddi.[44]
[44] _Ibid._, p. 240.
And so the next day Guy and his companions went to the church, where
they met the imperial family. The archbishop was there to perform the
marriage ceremony. The emperor addressed Guy with these words:
Mi douhter ich giue the here,
And thritti castels with hir also,
With the worthschip that lith ther-to
And half my lond ich giue the,
Befor mi barons that here be.
Thou schalt ben emperour after me:
Biforn them all y graunt it the.[45]
[45] Auchinleck MS., p. 238.
But when the wedding-ring was brought forth a feeling of distress
came over Guy, and this was caused by his love for Felice. He fell
in a swoon, and when he had recovered consciousness, he asked that
the ceremony be postponed. He was in torment for two weeks. Finally
he resolved to remain true to Felice. Now it happened that Morgadour
slew a certain lion that Guy had rescued from a dragon, and which
thereafter followed him as a faithful and grateful companion. This act
so enraged Guy that in a quarrel he killed the treacherous steward. He
then decided to leave Constantinople. When the emperor saw that it was
not in his power to retain him, he wept and all the court wept with
him. Then he brought forth his treasures and bade Guy to take whatever
might please him, but he would accept nothing. Guy’s companions,
however, were in a receptive mood, and the emperor gave them whatever
they desired. And Guy departed for England, leaving the hearts of the
emperor, the princess, and the people of Constantinople filled with woe.
For an account of Tirant’s activities while in the service of the Greek
emperor, we beg to refer the reader to the analysis. We shall, however,
call his attention to the following striking similarities between
_Tirant lo Blanch_ and _Guy of Warwick_. In both these works the empire
is described as being in desperate straits. Guy went to Constantinople
with one hundred knights; Tirant, with one hundred and forty. In both
books the only son of the emperor was slain. In the English romance,
Esclandar promised to his lady-love, the sultan’s daughter, the head
of Guy; in the Catalan work, the King of Egypt expressed his intention
of sending to his lady-love, the Grand Turk’s daughter, the head of
Tirant. Tirant addressed his soldiers on various occasions, as did Guy
before the Greeks attacked the enemy. Guy, although never formally
appointed leader of the imperial army, was intrusted with the defense
of Constantinople; Tirant was in full command of the forces of the
emperor. Morgadour cherished hopes of marrying the daughter of His
Imperial Majesty, harbored envy and ill will against Guy, and tried to
bring about his death; the Duke of Macedonia was one of Carmesina’s
suitors, hated Tirant, and treacherously attacked him from behind in
the midst of battle. In both works the bells were rung when there was
cause for rejoicing. Both Guy and Tirant were always successful in
their encounters with the enemy. In _Guy of Warwick_ and in _Tirant
lo Blanch_ the emperor gave the hand of his daughter to the hero and
publicly announced him successor to the imperial throne. But in neither
case was the marriage consummated. Guy’s perilous mission as ambassador
to the sultan is reëchoed in _Tirant lo Blanch_, but the scene takes
place in Barbary. Tirant went to King Scariano as ambassador of the
King of Tremicen, refused to salute him, for they were enemies, and
harshly rebuked him for making war against the King of Tremicen. So he
issued a challenge that if any of Scariano’s knights should dare to
say that the war was just, he, the ambassador of the King of Tremicen,
would be pleased to maintain the contrary and engage in mortal combat
with that knight.
From the resemblances just pointed out, are we not justified in
challenging the statement that Tirant lo Blanch represents Roger
de Flor? Tirant’s activities at Constantinople constitute the most
important part of his career, and this part is said to be based on the
Catalan-Aragonese expedition to Constantinople under the leadership of
that famous Catalan hero. Let us examine closely the part of Muntaner’s
_Chronica_ which treats of Roger de Flor and his expedition, in order
that we may see how closely Martorell followed the facts connected with
that glorious page in Catalan history.
CHAPTER III
ROGER DE FLOR’S CAREER AT CONSTANTINOPLE
Roger de Flor, with many soldiers and adventurers from Catalonia
and Aragon, had fought on the side of Frederick I of Aragon, while
the latter was engaged in a war against Charles of Anjou, King of
Naples, for the possession of the kingdom of Sicily. When the war
was over, Roger and his companions in arms were without employment.
He then conceived the plan of entering the service of the Emperor of
Constantinople, who was hard pressed by the Turks. Accordingly he sent
two trustworthy knights to the emperor, with instructions and full
powers to act for him. He offered his services under the following
conditions: that the emperor give him his niece in marriage; that he
appoint him Magaduch of the empire; and that he pay to the soldiers who
came with Roger a stipulated wage. He felt certain that the mission of
his agents would be successful, and, even before these returned, was
busy making preparations for the expedition. Finally they came back
with the espousals duly signed and Roger’s appointment and commission
as Magaduch. This title and position was equal to that of prince, and
carried with it command of the soldiers of the empire and authority
over the Admiral. Roger, with the assistance of King Frederick,
gathered a fleet of thirty-six vessels, and in these, without counting
the crews, women, and children, 1500 cavalry and 5000 infantry set
sail. On arriving at Constantinople they were received with great joy.
The marriage of Roger and the emperor’s niece was celebrated without
delay. The Genoese who were fighting under the imperial banners were
in an ugly mood when they saw with what cordial welcome their rivals
were received. Roger’s men resented their insolence, and a bloody
battle ensued in which 3000 Genoese were slain. The emperor watched the
fight with pleasure, for the overbearing ways of the Genoese had long
been a source of extreme vexation to him. Roger’s _almogávares_ wished
to sack Pera, where the Genoese lived, and it was with difficulty that
the new Magaduch restrained them.
The Turks had conquered all the territory of Anatolia and were so near
the city of Constantinople that only an arm of the sea separated them.
Some time before the arrival of Roger, Xor Miqueli,[46] the eldest son
of the emperor, had crossed this body of water with 12,000 cavalry and
100,000 infantry, but he was afraid to join battle with the Turks.
The emperor now sent Roger with his 1500 cavalry and 5000 infantry
to attack the enemy. But before the Magaduch set out he succeeded in
having his intimate friend, En Ferran de Ahones, married to a relative
of the emperor and at the same time appointed Admiral. Then he took
his forces across the arm of the sea and landed near the camp of the
Turks, without having been seen by them. The next day at dawn his
forces made an unexpected attack on the enemy, and a hard-fought battle
ensued. The Turks were unable to resist the terrific onslaught of the
_almogávares_, and finally were forced to yield, after having lost 3000
cavalry and 10,000 infantry. The news of the victory brought great
joy to the heart of the emperor, but to the Genoese it was a bitter
draught. Xor Miqueli, too, was disappointed. From that time he frowned
on Roger and his men.
[46] Xor is a Greek title of honor, accorded to illustrious
personages. It corresponds to the Spanish Don as used formerly.
After this victory the Magaduch planned to reconquer all the cities,
towns, and castles that the Turks had captured. But a severe winter
set in, and he was obliged to go into winter quarters at Artaqui, where
the above battle had been fought. When the cold season was nearly over
he ordered all his men to be ready to follow the banner on the first
day of April, on which date the army marched towards Filadelfia. Just
before reaching that city they came upon a Turkish army drawn up in
battle array. The battle that followed was stubbornly fought on both
sides, but finally the Magaduch’s forces were victorious. They entered
the city, where they were warmly welcomed. From this place they went
to Nif, thence to Magnesia, and next to Tira. The morning after they
entered this city hostile troops appeared, and the Magaduch sent out
the Seneschal, En Corberan de Alet, with a body of men, to attack them.
The Turks were soon routed and in pursuing them the Seneschal was
struck by an arrow and killed.
The Magaduch sent word to the Admiral to bring the whole fleet to Ania.
In the meantime En Berenguer de Rocafort arrived at Constantinople
with 200 cavalry and 1000 infantry, and these were immediately sent to
the Magaduch. These reinforcements, the fleet, and the forces in the
field all came together at Ania. Rocafort was made Seneschal. At this
place another clash with the enemy took place, and the latter was soon
put to flight. The victorious army then continued its march through
Anatolia, and when they arrived at a mountain pass called “La Porta
del Ferre,” they were attacked by a large army of the enemy. The Turks
fought furiously, but in vain; they were forced to flee and the victors
pursued them until darkness intervened.
Finally the power of the Turks in Anatolia was completely broken. Roger
now asked the emperor to make a payment to his troops, and the latter
ordered special money to be coined. This money was not worth its face
value. The emperor did this in order that friction and hatred might
arise between the people of the empire and the strangers, for “if he
had not had need of these foreigners, he would have wished all of them
dead and out of the empire.”
En Berenguer Dentença arrived with additional reinforcements. A few
days later Roger suggested to the emperor that the newly-arrived
commander should be given a position of honor, and offered to resign
his position in order that Dentença might be appointed Magaduch. His
Imperial Majesty approved this suggestion. The following day Roger
placed his cap on the head of Dentença and gave him the insignia of
the high office of Magaduch. Thereupon the emperor asked Roger to be
seated and proclaimed him Caesar of the Empire. Caesar’s throne was a
half-hand lower than the emperor’s, and his cap and robes were blue
instead of red. That constituted the only difference between emperor
and Caesar. There had been no Caesar of the Empire for four hundred
years. Roger’s elevation to this dignity was celebrated with great
solemnity.
Another winter came on, and the Caesar spent it with his troops
at Gallipoli. After the Christmas festivities he returned to
Constantinople to confer with the emperor in regard to affairs of
the empire. As a result of this consultation the whole territory of
Anatolia and the islands of Romania were placed in his hands. He was to
distribute the cities, towns, and castles among vassals, who were to
furnish armed men and horses in return.
But before going to Anatolia he felt it his duty to take leave of Xor
Miqueli, who was at Adrianople, five _jornadas_ from the imperial city.
His wife and her mother, knowing the hatred that the emperor’s son
bore him, warned him not to go there, but he went in spite of their
pleadings. Xor Miqueli came out to meet him and showed him much honor.
Apparently the fears of his wife and her mother were unfounded. But on
the seventh day of his visit Gircon, the chief of the Alanos, entered
the palace, and at the behest, or at least with the consent, of Xor
Miqueli, put a tragic end to the heroic career of Roger de Flor, Caesar
of the Empire.
* * * * *
Now let us see what striking resemblances we can discover in comparing
the careers of Tirant lo Blanch and Roger de Flor. The points of
similarity that stand out prominently in the comparison of these heroes
are the following: Tirant, like Roger de Flor, came from Sicily to the
aid of the ill-faring empire; both were immediately placed in command
of the imperial forces, Tirant with the title of Capita Major and Roger
de Flor with that of Magaduch; both were always victorious on the field
of battle, and recovered the territory that had been conquered by the
Turks; both were made Caesar of the Empire for their distinguished
services; Roger was assassinated at Adrianople, and in that same city
Tirant’s fatal malady seized him.
The historical basis of Tirant’s career at Constantinople is evidently
furnished by the _Chronica_, but Martorell’s hero differs very much
from the Catalan hero. The author evidently had the latter in mind
to some extent, but apparently he did not wish to portray him in
such manner that one would recognize him. While we still have Guy of
Warwick’s career at Constantinople fresh in mind, do not the details of
Tirant’s career seem to be more in accord with the English hero’s than
with those of Roger de Flor? Did we not expect more of a resemblance,
when we were told that Tirant represents the latter? In short, is
that judgment not misleading? If it had been Martorell’s intention to
make this part a kind of historical novel in which Roger de Flor was
to be the central figure, would he not have adhered to the facts more
closely, and elaborated them at his own free will and pleasure?
CHAPTER IV
OTHER MATERIAL FROM THE _CHRONICA_ UTILIZED BY MARTORELL
But there are other features in this part of _Tirant lo Blanch_ that
reveal the influence of that portion of the _Chronica_ which treats
of Roger de Flor and his expedition. In recounting the career of
the latter we have noted that the first fight in which his forces
were engaged was against the Genoese, who were in the service of the
emperor. This incident is reflected in the following words spoken by
the emperor and addressed to Tirant:[47] “... perqueus prech, Capita
virtuos, queus vullau dispondre en anar contra los enemichs nostres los
genouesos, generacio mala....”
[47] Therefore I pray you, excellent Captain, to make ready to
march against our enemies, the Genoese, an evil race.... _Tirant
lo Blanch_, chap. cxxii, col. 2.
The incompetent, envious and treacherous commander, Xor Miqueli, is
probably the prototype of the sullen and malicious Duke of Macedonia.
En Berenguer de Rocafort and En Berenguer Dentença came with
reinforcements to Constantinople and joined Roger’s army; the Prior of
Saint John, the Viscount of Branches, and the Duke of Messina came with
many men to join Tirant’s forces.
At a session of the Imperial Council which had convened to consider
certain military matters, one of the members proposed:
[48] ... antes que partixquen de açi la gent darmes deuen anar en
romiatge, e fer grans presentalles als deus en la ylla don Paris sen
porta la Reyna Elena: e perço hagueren en temps antich los Grechs
victoria dels Troyans.
[48] ... before they leave here, the men at arms ought to make a
pilgrimage and make great offerings to the gods on the island
whence Paris carried away Queen Helen: it was in this way that,
in ancient times, the Greeks won a victory over the Trojans.
_Tirant lo Blanch_, chap. cxxiii, col. 4.
This proposal is surprising. Why should such a suggestion be made in a
Christian court? We find the answer in the following passage taken from
the _Chronica_:
[49] E en aquella illa del Tenedo en aquell temps hauia una ydola,
e venien hi un mes del any tots los honrrats homens de Romania, e
les honrrades dones a romeria. E axi fo, que en aquell temps Arena,
muller del duch de Tenes, hi vench en romeria ab C cauallers qui
lacompanyaren, e Paris, fill del rey Priam de Troya, axi mateix era
vengut a romeria, e hauia ab si entro cinquanta cauallers. E vae la
dona Arena, e altas tant della, que dix a sos homens, que mester era,
que lagues e la sen menas. E axi com so mes en cor, axi fo: que garnis
ab tota sa companya, e pres la dona, e volch sen menar. E aquells
cauallers qui eren ab ella volgren la li defendre, e finalment tots
cent muriren, e Paris menassan la dona.
[49] And on that island of Tenedos, there was at that time an
idol, and one month in every year all the noble men and noble
ladies of Romania came thither on a pilgrimage. And thus it
was that at that time Arena [Helen] wife of the Duke of Tenes
[Athens?] came thither on a pilgrimage with a hundred knights
who accompanied her. And Paris, the son of King Priam of Troy,
likewise had come on a pilgrimage and he had with him about
fifty knights. He saw the Lady Arena, and fell so deeply in love
with her that he said to his men that he must have her and carry
her away with him. And what he had set his heart upon doing was
done: he made ready to carry out his purpose with his company,
and he seized the lady and was about to take her away. And those
knights who were with her tried to defend her, and finally every
one of the hundred was killed and Paris carried away the lady.
Muntaner’s _Chronica_, chap. ccxiv.
Roger’s companion, En Fernan de Ahones, married a relative of the
emperor and was appointed Admiral; Tirant’s intimate companion,
Diaphebus, became Constable and married the niece of the emperor,
Stephania.
The above are the principal features that seem to owe their origin to
that part of the _Chronica_ that treats of Roger de Flor in connection
with the Catalan-Aragonese expedition to the Orient. Another feature
which is apparently due to the same source is the description of the
manner in which Tirant ran the blockade at Rhodes. The description is
as follows:
[50] E en la primera guayta la nau feu vela: e ixqueren del port ab
molt bon temps: e agueren lo vent molt prosper: que en .iiii. dies
passaren lo golf de Venecia e foren en vista de Rodes, e anaren al
castell de sanct Pere, e aqui surgiren per sperar vent que fos un poch
fortunal. E Tirant a consell de dos mariners que de sa terra hauia
portats, qui amauen molt la honor sua, com veren lo vent larguer e bo,
en la nit donaren vela e de mati apuntant la alba, ells foren en vista
de Rodes molt prop. Com les naus de Genouesos veren aquella nau venir
pensaren que era una de dues que hauien trameses per portar vitualles
per al camp, e vehien que venien de levant, no podien pensar que neguna
altra nau tingues atreviment de venir en mig de tantes naues com en lo
port stauen. La nau se acosta e con fon prop delles carregua de tantes
veles com podia portar: en aço conegueren los Genouesos, e en lo galip
de la nau que no era de les sues, posarense en orde del que pogueren:
empero la nau los fon tan prop que neguna nau no pogue alçar vela, e
aquesta a veles plenes passa per mig de totes les naus al lur despit.
[50] And in the first watch the ship set sail: they left the port
in very good weather and they had very favorable winds so that in
four days they crossed the Gulf of Venice and were in sight of
Rhodes. They went to the castle of Saint Peter, where they cast
anchor in order to await a rather stormy wind. Tirant followed
the advice of two mariners whom he had brought along with him
from his native land. Both of these held his honor in high
esteem. When they saw that the wind was strong and propitious
they set sail during the night and in the morning at break of day
they were very near Rhodes. When the ships of the Genoese saw
that vessel coming they thought that it was one of two that they
had sent to get provisions for the camp, and seeing that they
were coming from the west, they could not imagine that any other
ship would have the boldness to come into the midst of so many
ships as were in the port. The vessel approached and when it was
very close to them, all the sails that it was able to carry were
set. By this and by the lines of the ship the Genoese saw that it
was none of theirs and they put themselves in order the best they
could: but the vessel was so near them that no ship was able to
set a sail, and that one with sails full spread passed through
the midst of all the ships in spite of them. _Tirant lo Blanch_,
chap. ciiii, cols. 3 and 4.
When Robert, Duke of Catania, besieged the city of Messina in Sicily,
Roger de Flor brought provisions to the starving soldiers and
inhabitants, and the duke was obliged to raise the siege. Below follows
the account of this event as narrated by Muntaner.
[51] E frare Roger ... axi hach deu galees, e carrega les a Xacca de
forment, e venchses a Caragoça, e espera ques metes fortuna de xaloch
o de mig jorn. E com la fortuna fo, que era tant gran, que tota la
mar nanaua en sanch, que nul hom no so gosara pensar, qui no fos axi
bon mariner, com ell, ana a fer vela de Caragoça, com hach donada
part a la nuyt, e a lalba ell fo en bocha de Far; e en bocha de Far
es la major marauella del mon, com res hi ha durada, com fortuna de
xaloch o de mig jorn hi ha, que les corrents hi son tant grans, e la
mar hi caua tant fort, que res no hi ha durada: e ell ab la sua galea
primera pensa dentrar ab los artimons borts en que hauia forats. E
com les galees del duch les vaeren, totes comensaren a chiular, que
volgren llevar los ferres, e no pogren. E axi les deu galees ab frare
Roger entraren a Macina saluament e segura; mas no hi hach nul hom qui
hagues sobre si fil exut ... e axi Macina fo restaurada, e lendema lo
duch llevas del setge, e tornasen a Cathania.
[51] And Brother Roger ... thus had ten galleys, and he loaded
them with grain at Sciacca and came to Syracuse and waited for a
strong wind to come up from the southeast or south. And when the
wind came it was so strong that the whole sea began to rage, so
that no man who was not so good a mariner as he, dared think of
setting sail. He set sail from Syracuse when night had come, and
at dawn he entered the Strait of Faro; and it is the greatest
wonder in the world that anything can survive in the Strait
of Faro when there is a strong wind from the southeast or the
south, for the currents there are so powerful and the sea rages
so violently that nothing can stand it. And he decided to enter
first with his own galley provided with large sails in which
there were holes. And when the galleys of the duke saw them, all
began to shout and they wished to raise the anchors but they were
unable to do so. And thus the ten galleys with Brother Roger
entered the harbor of Messina safely and securely, but there was
not a man who had on him a dry thread ... and thus Messina was
relieved and the next day the duke raised the siege and returned
to Catania. _Chronica_, chap. cxcvi.
The above comparative study of _Tirant lo Blanch_ and that part
of Muntaner’s _Chronica_ that deals with Roger de Flor and the
Catalan-Aragonese expedition presents strong evidence that Martorell
was acquainted with Muntaner’s work. But yet what a difference! Were
it not for the fact that Tirant reconquered practically all the lost
territory of the Greek empire and was made Caesar of the empire, we
should hardly associate his name with that of Roger de Flor. Such being
the case, are not the statements that Roger de Flor’s career forms the
principal source of this book rather misleading? However that may be,
we are willing to admit that the martial and adventurous spirit of
Roger de Flor and the members of his expedition finds expression in
_Tirant lo Blanch_, and this constitutes the strongest resemblance.
CHAPTER V
OTHER MATERIAL FROM GUY OF WARWICK
But let us now return to the English romance, for it contains
other features that have been reproduced or at least utilized in
the composition of the Catalan book of chivalry. The Auchinleck
MS. contains a kind of sequel to _Guy of Warwick_, which bears the
title, _Reinbrun, Gij sone of Warwicke_. In this sequel we are told
that Reinbrun was stolen by foreign merchants. Heraud, the faithful
companion of Guy before the latter’s pilgrimage, went in search of the
lad, and while he was on his way to Constantinople a tempest drove
to the shores of Africa the ship on which he was making the voyage.
There the Saracens seized him and brought him before Emir Persan, who
ordered him to be thrown into prison. In a doleful lament Heraud spoke
of himself as a doughty knight, and this was overheard by a keeper, who
reported it to the emir. Now it happened that at that very time King
Argus was making war upon Persan, and had captured all his possessions
except the very city in which Heraud was held a prisoner. The emir sent
for Heraud and asked him to assist in the defense of the city. His
request was granted, and in the first battle with the enemy he fought
so skillfully and so valiantly that Persan rewarded him by making him
his steward.
The reader will readily see the striking resemblance between this
incident and that part of the analysis which deals with the shipwreck
of Tirant on the shores of Barbary. Tirant, like Heraud, was driven by
a tempest to the hostile shores of Africa, cast into prison, released
therefrom because of his fighting abilities, and practically became the
leader of an army which was on the defensive. This incident Martorell
then developed, and Tirant finally became the conqueror of Barbary.
In the analysis we have told how Tirant went to Jerusalem and from
there to Alexandria, where he ransomed Christian captives. It seems
probable that this incident is based upon the following narrative of
the English romance. Guy of Warwick made a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, and
from there he went to Antioch. Here he met a pilgrim who was in great
distress. It was Earl Jonas of Darras, who related to Guy how he, his
fifteen sons, and others had fought a body of Saracens and had defeated
them. They pursued them as far as Alexandria, when suddenly a strong
band of the enemy attacked him and his men, and after a heroic but
useless fight he was compelled to surrender.
To the king we yolden ous al and some
That we might to ransoum come,
To save our lives ichon.[52]
[52] Auchinleck MS., p. 422.
And thus they fell into the hands of Triamour, King of Alexandria. Earl
Jonas then told how the sultan held a great festival which was attended
by this king and his son, Fabour. The latter killed the son of the
sultan over a game of chess. The sultan promised the king that if he
should engage in combat with the black giant, Amoraunt, and slay him,
both he and his son should go unpunished. Triamour asked for a respite
in order that he might find a substitute, and it was granted. He asked
his prisoner, Earl Jonas, if he knew any one who might be able to slay
the giant. The names of Guy and Heraud were mentioned. The king then
sent him in quest of these knights, promising him that if he should
be able to bring either one of them, he and his fifteen sons should
regain their liberty, but if, on the other hand, he returned without
Guy or Heraud, they should all be hanged. Jonas had made a diligent
search for the English knights, not only on the continent, but even in
England. Alas! it was all in vain. The period of the respite was one
year and forty days, and the end of the term was near. Guy, without
revealing his identity, offered to undertake the fight with the giant.
They went to Alexandria and Guy was presented to the king as a pilgrim
who was willing to meet the black giant in mortal combat. In response
to the king’s invocation, “Mahoun me helpe and turmegaunte,” Guy
replied:
“Nay, but Mary is sonne,
That for us on the rode was done:
He be myn helpe for his mercye;
................................