News of Peace.—Letter of Washington in Behalf of the Army.—Cessation
of Hostilities proclaimed.—Order of the Cincinnati formed.—Letter of
Washington to the State Governors.—Mutiny in the Pennsylvania
Line.—Letter of Washington on the Subject.—Tour to the Northern
Posts.
At length arrived the wished-for news of peace. A general treaty had
been signed at Paris on the 20th of January. An armed vessel, the
_Triumph_, belonging to the Count d’Estaing’s squadron, arrived at
Philadelphia from Cadiz, on the 23d of March, bringing a letter from the
Marquis de Lafayette, to the President of Congress, communicating the
intelligence. In a few days Sir Guy Carleton informed Washington by
letter, that he was ordered to proclaim a cessation of hostilities by
sea and land.
A similar proclamation issued by Congress, was received by Washington on
the 17th of April. Being unaccompanied by any instructions respecting
the discharge of the part of the army with him, should the measure be
deemed necessary, he found himself in a perplexing situation.
The accounts of peace received at different times, had raised an
expectation in the minds of those of his troops that had engaged “for
the war,” that a speedy discharge must be the consequence of the
proclamation. Most of them could not distinguish between a proclamation
of a cessation of hostilities and a definitive declaration of peace, and
might consider any further claim on their military services an act of
injustice. It was becoming difficult to enforce the discipline necessary
to the coherence of an army. Washington represented these circumstances
in a letter to the President, and earnestly entreated a prompt
determination on the part of Congress, as to what was to be the period
of the services of these men, and how he was to act respecting their
discharge.
One suggestion of his letter is expressive of his strong sympathy with
the patriot soldier, and his knowledge of what formed a matter of pride
with the poor fellows who had served and suffered under him. He urged
that, in discharging those who had been engaged “for the war,” the
non-commissioned officers and soldiers should be allowed to take with
them, as their own property and as a gratuity, their arms and
accoutrements. “This act,” observes he, “would raise pleasing sensations
in the minds of these worthy and faithful men, who, from their early
engaging in the war at moderate bounties, and from their patient
continuance under innumerable distresses, have not only deserved nobly
of their country, but have obtained an honorable distinction over those
who, with shorter terms, have gained large pecuniary rewards. This, at a
comparatively small expense, would be deemed an honorable testimonial
from Congress of the regard they bear to these distinguished worthies,
and the sense they have of their suffering virtues and services....
“These constant companions of their toils, preserved with sacred
attention, would be handed down from the present possessors to their
children, as honorary badges of bravery and military merit; and would
probably be brought forth on some future occasion, with pride and
exultation, to be improved with the same military ardor and emulation in
the hands of posterity, as they have been used by their forefathers in
the present establishment and foundation of our national independence
and glory.”
This letter dispatched, he notified in general orders that the cessation
of hostilities should be proclaimed at noon on the following day, and
read in the evening at the head of every regiment and corps of the army,
“after which,” adds he, “the chaplains with the several brigades will
render thanks to Almighty God for all his mercies, particularly for his
overruling the wrath of man to his own glory, and causing the rage of
war to cease among the nations.”
Having noticed that this auspicious day, the 19th of April, completed
the eighth year of the war, and was the anniversary of the eventful
conflict at Lexington, he went on in general orders, to impress upon the
army a proper idea of the dignified part they were called upon to act.
“The generous task for which we first flew to arms being accomplished;
the liberties of our country being fully acknowledged, and firmly
secured, and the characters of those who have persevered through every
extremity of hardship, suffering, and danger, being immortalized by the
appellation of _the patriot army_, nothing now remains, but for the
actors of this mighty scene to preserve a perfect, unvarying consistency
of character, through the very last act, to close the drama with
applause, and to retire from the military theatre with the same
approbation of angels and men which has crowned all their former
virtuous actions.”
The letter which he had written to the President produced a resolution
in Congress, that the service of the men engaged in the war did not
expire until the ratification of the definitive articles of peace; but
that the commander-in-chief might grant furloughs to such as he thought
proper, and that they should be allowed to take their arms with them.
Washington availed himself freely of this permission: furloughs were
granted without stint; the men set out singly or in small parties for
their rustic homes, and the danger and inconvenience were avoided of
disbanding large masses, at a time, of unpaid soldiery. Now and then
were to be seen three or four in a group, bound probably to the same
neighborhood, beguiling the way with camp jokes and camp stories. The
war-worn soldier was always kindly received at the farm-houses along the
road, where he might shoulder his gun and fight over his battles. The
men thus dismissed on furlough were never called upon to rejoin the
army. Once at home, they sank into domestic life their weapons were hung
up over their fire-places, military trophies of the Revolution to be
prized by future generations.
In the mean time Sir Guy Carleton was making preparations for the
evacuation of the city of New York. The moment he had received the royal
order for the cessation of hostilities, he had written for all the
shipping that could be procured from Europe and the West Indies. As
early as the 27th of April a fleet had sailed for different parts of
Nova Scotia, carrying off about seven thousand persons, with all their
effects. A great part of these were troops, but many were royalists and
refugees, exiled by the laws of the United States. They looked forward
with a dreary eye to their voyage, “bound,” as one of them said, “to a
country where there were nine months of winter and three months of cold
weather every year.”
On the 6th of May a personal conference took place between Washington
and Sir Guy at Orangetown, about the transfer of posts in the United
States, held by the British troops, and the delivery of all property
stipulated by the treaty to be given up to the Americans. On the 8th of
May, Egbert Benson, William S. Smith, and Daniel Parker, were
commissioned by Congress to inspect and superintend at New York the
embarkation of persons and property, in fulfillment of the seventh
article of the provisional treaty.
While sadness and despair prevailed among the tories and refugees in New
York, the officers in the patriot camp on the Hudson were not without
gloomy feelings at the thought of their approaching separation from each
other. Eight years of dangers and hardships, shared in common and nobly
sustained, had welded their hearts together, and made it hard to rend
them asunder. Prompted by such feelings, General Knox, ever noted for
generous impulses, suggested, as a mode of perpetuating the friendships
thus formed, and keeping alive the brotherhood of the camp, the
formation of a society composed of the officers of the army. The
suggestion met with universal concurrence, and the hearty approbation of
Washington.
Meetings were held, at which the Baron Steuben, as senior officer,
presided. A plan was drafted by a committee composed of generals Knox,
Hand, and Huntingdon, and Captain Shaw; and the society was organized at
a meeting held on the 13th of May, at the baron’s quarters in the old
Verplanck House, near Fishkill.
By its formula, the officers of the American army in the most solemn
manner combined themselves into one society of friends: to endure as
long as they should endure, or any of their eldest male posterity, and
in failure thereof, their collateral branches who might be judged worthy
of being its supporters and members. In memory of the illustrious Roman,
Lucius Quintius Cincinnatus, who retired from war to the peaceful duties
of the citizen, it was to be called “The Society of the Cincinnati.” The
objects proposed by it were to preserve inviolate the rights and
liberties for which they had contended; to promote and cherish national
honor and union between the States; to maintain brotherly kindness
toward each other, and extend relief to such officers and their families
as might stand in need of it.
In order to obtain funds for the purpose, each officer was to contribute
one month’s pay, the interest only to be appropriated to the relief of
the unfortunate. The general society, for the sake of frequent
communications, was to be divided into State societies, and these again
into districts. The general society was to meet annually on the first
Monday in May, the State societies on each 4th of July, the districts as
often as should be agreed on by the State society.
The society was to have an insignia called “The Order of the
Cincinnati.” It was to be a golden American eagle, bearing on its breast
emblematical devices; this was to be suspended by a deep-blue ribbon two
inches wide, edged with white; significative of the union of America
with France.
Individuals of the respective States, distinguished for patriotism and
talents, might be admitted as honorary members for life; their numbers
never to exceed a ratio of one to four. The French ministers who had
officiated at Philadelphia, and the French admirals, generals, and
colonels, who had served in the United States, were to be presented with
the insignia of the order, and invited to become members.
Washington was chosen unanimously to officiate as president of it, until
the first general meeting, to be held in May, 1784.
On the 8th of June, Washington addressed a letter to the governors of
the several States on the subject of the dissolution of the army. The
opening of it breathes that aspiration after the serene quiet of private
life, which had been his dream of happiness throughout the storms and
trials of his anxious career, but the full fruition of which he was
never to realize.
“The great object,” said he, “for which I had the honor to hold an
appointment in the service of my country being accomplished, I am now
preparing to return to that domestic retirement which, it is well known,
I left with the greatest reluctance; a retirement for which I never
ceased to sigh, through a long and painful absence, and in which (remote
from the noise and trouble of the world) I meditate to pass the
remainder of life in a state of undisturbed repose.”
His letter then described the enviable condition of the citizens of
America. “Sole lords and proprietors of a vast tract of continent,
comprehending all the various soils and climates of the world, and
abounding with all the necessaries and conveniences of life; and
acknowledged possessors of ‘absolute freedom and independency.’ This is
the time,” said he, “of their political probation; this is the moment
when the eyes of the whole world are turned upon them; this is the
moment to establish or ruin their national character forever. This is
the favorable moment to give such a tone to the federal government, as
will enable it to answer the ends of its institution; or this may be the
moment for relaxing the powers of the Union, annihilating the cement of
the confederation, and exposing us to become the sport of European
politics which may play one State against another, to prevent their
growing importance, and to serve their own interested purposes.
“With this conviction of the importance of the present crisis, silence
in me would be a crime. I will therefore speak the language of freedom
and sincerity without disguise.
“I am aware, however,” continues he, modestly, “that those who differ
from me in political sentiment may perhaps remark, that I am stepping
out of the proper line of my duty, and may possibly ascribe to arrogance
or ostentation, what I know is the result of the purest intention. But
the rectitude of my own heart, which disdains such unworthy motives; the
part I have hitherto acted in life; the determination I have formed of
not taking any share in public business hereafter; the ardent desire I
feel, and shall continue to manifest, of quietly enjoying, in private
life, after all the toils of war, the benefits of a wise and liberal
government; will, I flatter myself, sooner or later convince my
countrymen that I could have no sinister views in delivering, with so
little reserve, the opinions contained in this address.”
He then proceeded ably and eloquently to discuss what he considered the
four things essential to the well-being, and even the existence of the
United States as an independent power.
First. An indissoluble union of the States under one federal head, and a
perfect acquiescence of the several States, in the full exercise of the
prerogative vested in such a head by the constitution.
Second. A sacred regard to public justice in discharging debts and
fulfilling contracts made by Congress, for the purpose of carrying on
the war.
Third. The adoption of a proper peace establishment; in which care
should be taken to place the militia throughout the Union on a regular,
uniform, and efficient footing. “The militia of this country,” said he,
“must be considered as the palladium of our security, and the first
effectual resort in case of hostility. It is essential, therefore, that
the same system should pervade the whole: that the formation and
discipline of the militia of the continent should be absolutely uniform,
and that the same species of arms, accoutrements, and military apparatus
should be introduced in every part of the United States.”
And Fourth. A disposition among the people of the United States to
forget local prejudices and policies; to make mutual concessions, and to
sacrifice individual advantages to the interests of the community.
These four things Washington pronounced the pillars on which the
glorious character must be supported. “Liberty is the basis; and
whosoever would dare to sap the foundation, or overturn the structure,
under whatever specious pretext he may attempt it, will merit the
bitterest execration and the severest punishment which can be inflicted
by his injured country.”
We forbear to go into the ample and admirable reasoning with which he
expatiates on these heads, and above all, enforces the sacred
inviolability of the Union; they have become familiar with every
American mind, and ought to govern every American heart. Nor will we
dwell upon his touching appeal on the subject of the half pay and
commutation promised to the army, and which began to be considered in
the odious light of a pension. “That provision,” said he, “should be
viewed as it really was—a reasonable compensation offered by Congress,
at a time when they had nothing else to give the officers of the army
for services then to be performed. It was the only means to prevent a
total dereliction of the service. It was a part of their hire. I may be
allowed to say it was the price of their blood and of your independency;
it is therefore more than a common debt, it is a debt of honor.”
Although we have touched upon but a part of this admirable letter, we
cannot omit its affecting close, addressed as it was to each individual
governor.
“I have thus freely declared what I wished to make known, before I
surrendered up my public trust to those who committed it to me. The task
is now accomplished. I now bid adieu to your Excellency, as the chief
magistrate of your State, at the same time I bid a last farewell to the
cares of office and all the employments of public life.
“It remains, then, to be my final and only request, that your Excellency
will communicate these sentiments to your legislature at their next
meeting, and that they may be considered the legacy of one who has
ardently wished, on all occasions, to be useful to his country, and who,
even in the shade of retirement, will not fail to implore the divine
benediction on it.
“I now make it my earnest prayer, that God would have you, and the State
over which you preside, in his holy protection; that he would incline
the hearts of the citizens to cultivate a spirit of subordination and
obedience to government, to entertain a brotherly affection and love for
one another, for their fellow-citizens of the United States at large,
and particularly for brethren who have served in the field; and finally,
that he would most graciously be pleased to dispose us all to do
justice, to love mercy, and to demean ourselves with that charity,
humility, and pacific temper of mind, which are the characteristics of
the Divine Author of our blessed religion, and without whose example in
those things we can never hope to be a happy nation.”
While the patriot army, encamped under the eye of Washington, bore their
hardships and privations without flinching, or returned quietly to their
homes with, as yet, no actual reward but the weapons with which they had
vindicated their country’s cause, about eighty newly recruited soldiers
of the Pennsylvania line, stationed at Lancaster, suddenly mutinied and
set off in a body for Philadelphia, to demand redress of fancied
grievances from the legislature of the State. Arriving at that city,
they were joined by about twelve hundred comrades from the barracks, and
proceeded on the 2d of June with beat of drum and fixed bayonets to the
State House, where Congress and the supreme executive council of
Pennsylvania were in session.
Placing sentinels at every door to prevent egress, they sent in a
written message to the President and council, threatening military
violence if their demands were not complied with in the course of twenty
minutes.
Though these menaces were directed against the State government,
Congress felt itself outraged by being thus surrounded and blockaded for
several hours by an armed soldiery. Fearing lest the State of
Pennsylvania might not be able to furnish adequate protection, it
adjourned to meet within a few days at Princeton; sending information,
in the mean time, to Washington of this mutinous outbreak.
The latter immediately detached General Howe with fifteen hundred men to
quell the mutiny and punish the offenders; at the same time, in a letter
to the President of Congress, he expressed his indignation and distress
at seeing a handful of men, “contemptible in numbers and equally so in
point of service, and not worthy to be called soldiers,” insulting the
sovereign authority of the Union, and that of their own State. He
vindicated the army at large, however, from the stain the behavior of
these men might cast upon it. These were mere recruits, soldiers of a
day, who had not borne the heat and burden of the war, and had in
reality few hardships to complain of. He contrasted their conduct with
that of the soldiers recently furloughed veterans, who had patiently
endured hunger, nakedness, and cold; who had suffered and bled without a
murmur, and who had retired in perfect good order to their homes,
without a settlement of their accounts or a farthing of money in their
pockets. While he gave vent to his indignation and scorn, roused by the
“arrogance and folly and wickedness of the mutineers,” he declared that
he could not sufficiently admire the fidelity, bravery, and patriotism
of the rest of the army.
Fortunately, before the troops under General Howe reached Philadelphia,
the mutiny had been suppressed without bloodshed. Several of the
mutineers were tried by a court-martial, two were condemned to death,
but ultimately pardoned, and four received corporal punishment.
Washington now found his situation at head-quarters irksome; there was
little to do, and he was liable to be incessantly teased with
applications and demands, which he had neither the means nor power to
satisfy. He resolved, therefore, to while away part of the time that
must intervene before the arrival of the definitive treaty, by making a
tour to the northern and western parts of the State, and visiting the
places which had been the theatre of important military transactions. He
had another object in view; he desired to facilitate as far as in his
power the operations which would be necessary for occupying, as soon as
evacuated by British troops, the posts ceded by the treaty of peace.
Governor Clinton accompanied him on the expedition. They set out by
water from Newburg, ascended the Hudson to Albany, visited Saratoga and
the scene of Burgoyne’s surrender, embarked on Lake George, where light
boats had been provided for them, traversed that beautiful lake so full
of historic interest; proceeded to Ticonderoga and Crown Point; and
after reconnoitering those eventful posts, returned to Schenectady,
whence they proceeded up the valley of the Mohawk River, “to have a
view,” writes Washington, “of that tract of country which is so much
celebrated for the fertility of its soil and the beauty of its
situation.” Having reached Fort Schuyler, formerly Fort Stanwix, they
crossed over to Wood Creek, which empties into Oneida Lake, and affords
the water communication with Ontario. They then traversed the country to
the head of the eastern branch of the Susquehanna, and viewed Lake
Otsego and the portage between that lake and the Mohawk River.
Washington returned to head-quarters at Newburg on the 5th of August,
after a tour of at least seven hundred and fifty miles, performed in
nineteen days, and for the most part on horseback. In a letter to the
Chevalier de Chastellux, written two or three months afterwards, and
giving a sketch of his tour through what was, as yet, an unstudied
wilderness, he writes: “Prompted by these actual observations, I could
not help taking a more extensive view of the vast inland navigation of
these United States from maps and the information of others; and could
not but be struck with the immense extent and importance of it, and with
the goodness of that Providence which has dealt its favors to us with so
profuse a hand; would to God, we may have wisdom enough to improve them.
I shall not rest contented till I have explored the western country, and
traversed those lines, or a great part of them, which have given bounds
to a new empire.” The vast advantages of internal communication between
the Hudson and the great lakes, which dawned upon Washington’s mind in
the course of this tour, have since been realized in that grand artery
of national wealth, the Erie Canal.
[Illustration]
[Illustration]