CHAPTER XXIII.

Movements and Counter-movements of Cornwallis and Lafayette in

Virginia.—Tarleton and his Troopers scour the Country.—A Dash at the

State Legislature.—Attempt to Surprise the Governor at

Monticello.—Retreat of Jefferson to Carter’s Mountain.—Steuben

outwitted by Simcoe.—Lafayette joined by Wayne and Steuben.—Acts on

the Aggressive.—Desperate Melée of Macpherson and Simcoe.—Cornwallis

pursued to Jamestown Island.—Mad Anthony in a Morass.—His Impetuous

Valor.—Alertness of Lafayette.—Washington’s Opinion of the Virginia

Campaign.

The first object of Lord Cornwallis on the junction of his forces at

Petersburg in May, was to strike a blow at Lafayette. The marquis was

encamped on the north side of James River, between Wilton and Richmond,

with about one thousand regulars, two thousand militia, and fifty

dragoons. He was waiting for reinforcements of militia, and for the

arrival of General Wayne, with the Pennsylvania line. The latter had

been ordered to the South by Washington, nearly three months previously,

but unavoidably delayed. Joined by these, Lafayette would venture to

receive a blow, “that being beaten, he might at least be beaten with

decency, and Cornwallis pay something for his victory.”[78]

His lordship hoped to draw him into an action before thus reinforced,

and with that view, marched, on the 24th of May, from Petersburg to

James River, which he crossed at Westover, about thirty miles below

Richmond. Here he was joined on the 26th by a reinforcement just arrived

from New York, part of which he sent under General Leslie to strengthen

the garrison at Portsmouth. He was relieved also from military

companionship with the infamous Arnold, who obtained leave of absence to

return to New York, where business of importance was said to demand his

attention. While he was in command of the British army in Virginia,

Lafayette had refused to hold any correspondence, or reciprocate any of

the civilities of war with him; for which he was highly applauded by

Washington.

Being now strongly reinforced, Cornwallis moved to dislodge Lafayette

from Richmond. The latter, conscious of the inferiority of his forces,

decamped as soon as he heard his lordship had crossed James River. “I am

resolved,” said he, “on a war of skirmishes, without engaging too far,

and above all, to be on my guard against that numerous and excellent

cavalry, which the militia dread, as if they were so many savage

beasts.” He now directed his march toward the upper country, inclining

to the north, to favor a junction with Wayne. Cornwallis followed him as

far as the upper part of Hanover County, destroying public stores

wherever found. He appears to have undervalued Lafayette, on account of

his youth. “The boy cannot escape me,” said he, in a letter which was

intercepted. The youth of the marquis, however, aided the celerity of

his movements; and now that he had the responsibility of an independent

command, he restrained his youthful fire, and love of enterprise.

Independence had rendered him cautious. “I am afraid of myself,” said

he, “as much as of the enemy.”[79]

Cornwallis soon found it impossible either to overtake Lafayette, or

prevent his junction with Wayne; he turned his attention, therefore, to

other objects.

Greene, in his passage through Virginia, had urged the importance of

removing horses out of the way of the enemy; his caution had been

neglected; the consequences were now felt. The great number of fine

horses in the stables of Virginia gentlemen, who are noted for their

love of the noble animal, had enabled Cornwallis to mount many of his

troops in first-rate style. These he employed in scouring the country,

and destroying public stores. Tarleton and his legion, it is said, were

mounted on race-horses. “Under this cloud of light troops,” said

Lafayette, “it is difficult to counteract any rapid movements they may

choose to take!”

The State legislature had been removed for safety to Charlottesville,

where it was assembled for the purpose of levying taxes, and drafting

militia. Tarleton, with one hundred and eighty cavalry and seventy

mounted infantry, was ordered by Cornwallis to make a dash there, break

up the legislature, and carry off members. On his way thither, on the

4th of June, he captured and destroyed a convoy of arms and clothing

destined for Greene’s army in North Carolina. At another place he

surprised several persons of note at the house of a Dr. Walker, but

lingered so long breakfasting, that a person mounted on a fleet horse

had time to reach Charlottesville before him, and spread the alarm.

Tarleton crossed the Rivanna, which washes the hill on which

Charlottesville is situated; dispersed a small force collected on the

bank, and galloped into the town thinking to capture the whole assembly.

Seven alone fell into his hands; the rest had made their escape. No

better success attended a party of horse under Captain McLeod, detached

to surprise the Governor (Thomas Jefferson), at his residence in

Monticello, about three miles from Charlottesville, where several

members of the legislature were his guests. The dragoons were espied

winding up the mountain; the guests dispersed; the family was hurried

off to the residence of Colonel Carter, six miles distant, while the

governor himself made a rapid retreat on horseback to Carter’s Mountain.

Having set fire to all the public stores at Charlottesville, Tarleton

pushed for the point of Fork at the confluence of the Rivanna and

Fluvanna; to aid if necessary, a detachment of yagers, infantry, and

hussars, sent under Colonel Simcoe to destroy a great quantity of

military stores collected at that post. The Baron Steuben, who was

stationed there with five hundred Virginia regulars and a few militia,

and had heard of the march of Tarleton, had succeeded in transporting

the greater part of the stores, as well as his troops, across the river,

and as the water was deep and the boats were all on his side, he might

have felt himself secure. The unexpected appearance of Simcoe’s

infantry, however, designedly spread out on the opposite heights,

deceived him into the idea that it was the van of the British army. In

his alarm he made a night retreat of thirty miles, leaving the greater

part of the stores scattered along the river bank, which were destroyed

the next morning by a small detachment of the enemy sent across in

canoes.

On the 10th of June, Lafayette was at length gladdened by the arrival of

Wayne with about nine hundred of the Pennsylvania line. Thus reinforced,

he changed his whole plan, and ventured on the aggressive. Cornwallis

had gotten between him and a large deposit of military stores at

Albemarle Old Court-house.

The marquis, by a rapid march at night, through a road long disused,

threw himself between the British army and the stores, and, being joined

by a numerous body of mountain militia, took a strong position to

dispute the advance of the enemy.

Cornwallis did not think it advisable to pursue this enterprise,

especially as he heard Lafayette would soon be joined by forces under

Baron Steuben. Yielding easy credence, therefore, to a report that the

stores had been removed from Albemarle Court-house, he turned his face

toward the lower part of Virginia, and made a retrograde march, first to

Richmond, and afterwards to Williamsburg.

Lafayette, being joined by Steuben and his forces, had about four

thousand men under him, one half of whom were regulars. He now followed

the British army at the distance of eighteen or twenty miles, throwing

forward his light troops to harass their rear, which was covered by

Tarleton and Simcoe with their cavalry and infantry.

Cornwallis arrived at Williamsburg on the 25th, and sent out Simcoe with

his rangers and a company of yagers to destroy some boats and stores on

the Chickahominy River, and to sweep off the cattle of the neighborhood.

Lafayette heard of the ravage, and detached Lieutenant-colonel Butler,

of the Pennsylvania line, with a corps of light troops and a body of

horse under Major McPherson, to intercept the marauders. As the infantry

could not push on fast enough for the emergency, McPherson took up fifty

of them behind fifty of his dragoons, and dashed on. He overtook a

company of Simcoe’s rangers under Captain Shank, about six miles from

Williamsburg, foraging at a farm; a sharp encounter took place;

McPherson at the outset was unhorsed and severely hurt. The action

continued. Simcoe with his infantry, who had been in the advance

convoying a drove of cattle, now engaged in the fight. Butler’s riflemen

began to arrive, and supported the dragoons. It was a desperate mêlée;

much execution was done on both sides. Neither knew the strength of the

force they were contending with; but supposed it the advance guard of

the opposite army. An alarm gun was fired by the British on a

neighboring hill. It was answered by alarm guns at Williamsburg. The

Americans supposed the whole British force coming out to assail them,

and began to retire. Simcoe, imagining Lafayette to be at hand, likewise

drew off, and pursued his march to Williamsburg. Both parties fought

well; both had been severely handled; both claimed a victory, though

neither gained one. The loss in killed and wounded on both sides was

severe for the number engaged; but the statements vary, and were never

reconciled. It is certain the result gave great satisfaction to the

Americans, and inspired them with redoubled ardor.

An express was received by Cornwallis at Williamsburg which obliged him

to change his plans. The movements of Washington in the neighborhood of

New York, menacing an attack, had produced the desired effect. Sir Henry

Clinton, alarmed for the safety of the place, had written to Cornwallis,

requiring a part of his troops for its protection. His lordship prepared

to comply with this requisition, but as it would leave him too weak to

continue at Williamsburg, he set out on the 4th of July for Portsmouth.

Lafayette followed him on the ensuing day, and took post within nine

miles of his camp; intending, when the main body of the enemy should

have crossed the ford to the island of Jamestown, to fall upon the

rear-guard. Cornwallis suspected his design, and prepared to take

advantage of it. The wheel carriages, bat horses, and baggage, were

passed over to the island under the escort of the Queen’s Rangers;

making a great display, as if the main body had crossed; his lordship,

however, with the greater part of his forces, remained on the mainland,

his right covered by ponds, the centre and left by morasses over which a

few narrow causeways of logs connected his position with the country,

and James Island lay in the rear. His camp was concealed by a skirt of

woods, and covered by an outpost.

In the morning of the 6th, as the Americans were advancing, a negro and

a dragoon, employed by Tarleton, threw themselves in their way,

pretending to be deserters, and informed them that the body of the

king’s troops had passed James River in the night, leaving nothing

behind but the rear-guard, composed of the British legion and a

detachment of infantry. Persuaded of the fact, Lafayette with his troops

crossed the morass on the left of the enemy by a narrow causeway of

logs, and halted beyond about sunset. Wayne was detached with a body of

riflemen, dragoons and continental infantry, to make the attack, while

the marquis with nine hundred Continentals and some militia stood ready

to support him.

Wayne easily routed a patrol of cavalry and drove in the pickets, who

had been ordered to give way readily. The outpost which covered the camp

defended itself more obstinately, though exceedingly galled by the

riflemen. Wayne pushed forward with the Pennsylvania line, eight hundred

strong, and three field-pieces to attack it; at the first discharge of a

cannon more than two thousand of the enemy emerged from their

concealment, and he found too late that the whole British line was in

battle array before him. To retreat was more dangerous than to go on. So

thinking, with that impetuous valor which had gained him the name of Mad

Anthony, he ordered a charge to be sounded, and threw himself horse and

foot with shouts upon the enemy. It was a sanguinary conflict and a

desperate one, for the enemy were outflanking him right and left.

Fortunately, the heaviness of the fire had awakened the suspicions of

Lafayette,—it was too strong for the outpost of a rear-guard. Spurring

to a point of land which commanded a view of the British camp, he

discovered the actual force of the enemy, and the peril of Wayne.

Galloping back, he sent word to Wayne to fall back to General

Muhlenburg’s brigade, which had just arrived, and was forming within

half a mile of the scene of conflict. Wayne did so in good order,

leaving behind his three cannon, the horses which drew them having been

killed.

The whole army then retired across the morass. The enemy’s cavalry would

have pursued them, but Cornwallis forbade it. The night was falling. The

hardihood of Wayne’s attack, and his sudden retreat, it is said,

deceived and perplexed his lordship. He thought the Americans more

strong than they really were, and the retreat a mere feint to draw him

into an ambuscade. That retreat, if followed close, might have been

converted into a disastrous flight.

The loss of the Americans in this brief but severe conflict is stated by

Lafayette to have been one hundred and eighteen killed, wounded and

prisoners, including ten officers. The British loss was said to be five

officers wounded, and seventy-five privates killed and wounded. “Our

field officers,” said Wayne, “were generally dismounted by having their

horses either killed or wounded under them. I will not condole with the

marquis for the loss of two of his, as he was frequently requested to

keep at a greater distance. His natural bravery rendered him deaf to

admonition.”

Lafayette retreated to Green Springs, where he rallied and reposed his

troops. Cornwallis crossed over to Jamestown Island after dark, and

three days afterwards, passing James River with his main force,

proceeded to Portsmouth. His object was, in conformity to his

instructions from the ministry, to establish there or elsewhere on the

Chesapeake, a permanent post, to serve as a central point for naval and

military operations.

In his letters to Washington giving an account of these events,

Lafayette says: “I am anxious to know your opinion of the Virginia

campaign. The subjugation of this State was incontestably the principal

object of the ministry. I think your diversion has been of more use than

any of my maneuvers; but the latter have been above all directed by

political views. As long as his lordship desired an action, not a musket

has been fired; the moment he would avoid a combat, we began a war of

skirmishes; but I had always care not to compromise the army. The naval

superiority of the enemy, his superiority in cavalry, in regular troops,

and his thousand other advantages, make me consider myself lucky to have

come off safe and sound. I had my eye fixed on negotiations in Europe,

and I made it my aim to give his lordship the disgrace of a

retreat.”[80]

We will now turn to resume the course of General Greene’s campaigning in

the Carolinas.

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Life of George Washington, volume 4 of 5 · 第 23 / 37 章