CHAPTER XIV.

Rigorous Measures of Cornwallis in South Carolina.—Ferguson sent to

Scour the Mountain Country between the Catawba and the

Yadkin.—Cornwallis in a Hornet’s Nest.—Movements of

Ferguson.—Mountain Men and Fierce Men from Kentucky.—Battle of

King’s Mountain.—Retrograde March of Cornwallis.

Cornwallis having, as he supposed, entirely crushed the “rebel cause” in

South Carolina, by the defeats of Gates and Sumter, remained for some

time at Camden, detained by the excessive heat of the weather and the

sickness of part of his troops, broken down by the hardships of

campaigning under a southern sun. He awaited also supplies and

reinforcements.

Immediately after the victory at Camden, he had ordered the friends to

royalty in North Carolina “to arm and intercept the beaten army of

General Gates,” promising that he would march directly to the borders of

that province in their support; he now detached Major Patrick Ferguson

to its western confines, to keep the war alive in that quarter. This

resolute partisan had with him his own corps of light infantry, and a

body of royalist militia of his own training. His whole force was

between eleven and twelve hundred men, noted for activity and alertness,

and unincumbered with baggage or artillery.

His orders were to skirr the mountain country between the Catawba and

the Yadkin, harass the whigs, inspirit the tories, and embody the

militia under the royal banner. This done, he was to repair to

Charlotte, the capital of Mecklenburg County, where he would find Lord

Cornwallis, who intended to make it his rendezvous. Should he, however,

in the course of his tour, be threatened by a superior force, he was

immediately to return to the main army. No great opposition, however,

was apprehended, the Americans being considered totally broken up and

dispirited.

During the suspense of his active operations in the field, Cornwallis

instituted rigorous measures against Americans who continued under arms,

or, by any other acts, manifested what he termed “a desperate

perseverance in opposing His Majesty’s Government.” Among these were

included many who had taken refuge in North Carolina. A commissioner was

appointed to take possession of their estates and property; of the

annual product of which a part was to be allowed for the support of

their families, the residue to be applied to the maintenance of the war.

Letters from several of the principal inhabitants of Charleston having

been found in the baggage of the captured American generals, the former

were accused of breaking their parole, and holding a treasonable

correspondence with the armed enemies of England; they were in

consequence confined on board of prison ships, and afterwards

transported to St. Augustine in Florida.

Among the prisoners taken in the late combats, many, it was discovered,

had British protections in their pockets; these were deemed arrant

runagates, amenable to the penalties of the proclamation issued by Sir

Henry Clinton on the 3d of June; they were therefore led forth from the

provost and hanged, almost without the form of an inquiry.

These measures certainly were not in keeping with the character for

moderation and benevolence usually given to Lord Cornwallis; but they

accorded with the rancorous spirit manifested toward each other both by

whigs and tories in Southern warfare. If they were intended by his

lordship as measures of policy, their effect was far different from what

he anticipated; opposition was exasperated into deadly hate, and a cry

of vengeance was raised throughout the land. Cornwallis decamped from

Camden, and set out for North Carolina. In the subjugation of that

province, he counted on the coöperation of the troops which Sir Henry

Clinton was to send to the lower part of Virginia, which, after reducing

the Virginians to obedience, were to join his lordship’s standard on the

confines of North Carolina.

Advancing into the latter province, Cornwallis took post at Charlotte,

where he had given rendezvous to Ferguson. Mecklenburg, of which this

was the capital, was, as the reader may recollect, the “heady,

high-minded” county where the first declaration of independence had been

made, and his lordship from uncomfortable experience soon pronounced

Charlotte “the Hornet’s Nest of North Carolina.”

The surrounding country was wild and rugged, covered with close and

thick woods, and crossed in every direction by narrow roads. All

attempts at foraging were worse than useless. The plantations were small

and afforded scanty supplies.

The inhabitants were stanch whigs, with the pugnacious spirit of the old

Covenanters. Instead of remaining at home and receiving the king’s money

in exchange for their produce, they turned out with their rifles,

stationed themselves in covert places, and fired upon the foraging

parties; convoys of provisions from Camden had to fight their way, and

expresses were shot down and their dispatches seized.

The capture of his expresses was a sore annoyance to Cornwallis,

depriving him of all intelligence concerning the movements of Colonel

Ferguson, whose arrival he was anxiously awaiting. The expedition of

that doughty partisan officer here calls for especial notice. He had

been chosen for this military tour as being calculated to gain friends

by his conciliating disposition and manners, and his address to the

people of the country was in that spirit: “We come not to make war upon

women and children, but to give them money and relieve their

distresses.” Ferguson, however, had a loyal hatred of whigs, and to his

standard flocked many rancorous tories, besides outlaws and desperadoes,

so that with all his conciliating intentions, his progress through the

country was attended by many exasperating excesses.

He was on his way to join Cornwallis when a chance for a signal exploit

presented itself. An American force under Colonel Elijah Clarke of

Georgia, was retreating to the mountain districts of North Carolina,

after an unsuccessful attack upon the British post at Augusta. Ferguson

resolved to cut off their retreat. Turning towards the mountains, he

made his way through a rugged wilderness and took post at Gilbert-town,

a small frontier village of log-houses. He was encouraged to this step,

say the British chroniclers, by the persuasion that there was no force

in that part of the country able to look him in the face. He had no idea

that the marauds of his followers had arrayed the very wilderness

against him. “All of a sudden,” say the chroniclers just cited, “a

numerous, fierce, and unexpected enemy sprung up in the depths of the

desert. The scattered inhabitants of the mountains assembled without

noise or warning, under the conduct of six or seven of their militia

colonels, to the number of six hundred strong, daring, well mounted, and

excellent horsemen.”[49]

These, in fact, were the people of the mountains which form the

frontiers of the Carolinas and Georgia, “mountain men,” as they were

commonly called, a hardy race, half huntsmen, half herdsmen, inhabiting

deep narrow valleys, and fertile slopes, adapted to grazing, watered by

the coldest of springs and brightest of streams, and embosomed in mighty

forest trees. Being subject to inroads and surprisals from the

Chickasaws, Cherokees, and Creeks, a tacit league existed among them for

mutual defense, and it only needed, as in the present instance, an alarm

to be circulated through their settlements by swift messengers, to bring

them at once to the point of danger. Beside these, there were other

elements of war suddenly gathering in Ferguson’s vicinity. A band of

what were termed “the wild and fierce” inhabitants of Kentucky, with men

from other settlements west of the Alleghanies, had crossed the

mountains, led by colonels Campbell and Boone, to pounce upon a quantity

of Indian goods at Augusta; but had pulled up on hearing of the repulse

of Clarke. The stout yeomen, also, of the district of Ninety Six, roused

by the marauds of Ferguson, had taken the field, under the conduct of

Colonel James Williams, of Granville County. Here, too, were hard riders

and sharp-shooters, from Holston River, Powel’s Valley, Botetourt,

Fincastle, and other parts of Virginia, commanded by colonels Campbell,

Cleveland, Shelby, and Sevier. Such were the different bodies of

mountaineers and backwoodsmen, suddenly drawing together from various

parts to the number of three thousand.

Threatened by a force so superior in numbers and fierce in hostility,

Ferguson issued an address to rouse the tories. “The Backwater men have

crossed the mountain,” said he, “McDowell, Hampton, Shelby, and

Cleveland are at their head. If you choose to be trodden upon forever

and ever by a set of mongrels, say so at once, and let women look out

for real men to protect them. If you desire to live and bear the name of

men, grasp your arms in a moment and run to camp.”

The taunting appeal produced but little effect. In this exigency,

Ferguson remembered the instructions of Cornwallis, that he should

rejoin him should he find himself threatened by a superior force;

breaking up his quarters, therefore, he pushed for the British army,

sending messengers ahead to apprise his lordship of his danger.

Unfortunately for him, his missives were intercepted.

Gilbert-town had not long been vacated by Ferguson and his troops, when

the motley host we have described thronged in. Some were on foot, but

the greater part on horseback. Some were in homespun garb; but the most

part in hunting-shirts, occasionally decorated with colored fringe and

tassels. Each man had his long rifle and hunting-knife, his wallet, or

knapsack and blanket, and either a buck’s tail or sprig of evergreen in

his hat. Here and there an officer appeared in the Continental uniform

of blue and buff, but most preferred the half-Indian hunting-dress.

There was neither tent nor tent equipage, neither baggage nor baggage

wagon to encumber the movements of that extemporaneous host. Prompt

warriors of the wilderness, with them it was “seize the weapon—spring

into the saddle—and away!” In going into action, it was their practice

to dismount, tie their horses to the branches of trees, or secure them

in some other way, so as to be at hand for use when the battle was over,

either to pursue a flying enemy, or make their own escape by dint of

hoof.

There was a clamor of tongues for a time at Gilbert-town; groups on

horseback and foot in every part, holding hasty council. Being told that

Ferguson had retreated by the Cherokee road toward North Carolina, about

nine hundred of the hardiest and best mounted set out in urgent pursuit;

leaving those who were on foot, or weakly mounted, to follow on as fast

as possible. Colonel William Campbell, of Virginia, having come from the

greatest distance, was allowed to have command of the whole party; but

there was not much order nor subordination. Each colonel led his own men

in his own way.

In the evening they arrived at the Cowpens, a grazing neighborhood. Here

two beeves were killed and given to be cut up, cooked and eaten as quick

as possible. Before those who were slow or negligent had half prepared

their repast, marching orders were given, and all were again in the

saddle. A rapid and irregular march was kept up all night in murky

darkness and through a heavy rain. About daybreak they crossed Broad

River, where an attack was apprehended. Not finding the enemy, they

halted, lit their fires, made their morning’s meal and took a brief

repose. By nine o’clock they were again on the march. The rainy night

had been succeeded by a bright October morning, and all were in high

spirits. Ferguson, they learnt, had taken the road toward King’s

Mountain, about twelve miles distant. When within three miles of it

their scouts brought in word that he had taken post on its summit. The

officers now held a short consultation on horseback, and then proceeded.

The position taken by Ferguson was a strong one. King’s Mountain rises

out of a broken country, and is detached, on the north, from inferior

heights by a deep valley, so as to resemble an insulated promontory

about half a mile in length, with sloping sides, excepting on the north.

The mountain was covered for the most part with lofty forest trees, free

from underwood, interspersed with boulders and masses of gray rock. The

forest was sufficiently open to give free passage to horsemen.

As the Americans drew nearer, they could occasionally, through openings

of the woodland, descry the glittering of arms along a level ridge,

forming the crest of King’s Mountain. This, Ferguson had made his

stronghold; boasting that “if all the rebels out of hell should attack

him, they would not drive him from it.”

Dismounting at a small stream which runs through a ravine, the Americans

picketed their horses or tied them to the branches of the trees, and

gave them in charge of a small guard. They then formed themselves into

three divisions of nearly equal size, and prepared to storm the heights

on three sides. Campbell, seconded by Shelby, was to lead the centre

division; Sevier with McDowell the right, and Cleveland and Williams the

left. The divisions were to scale the mountain as nearly as possible at

the same time. The fighting directions were in frontier style. When once

in action, every one must act for himself. The men were not to wait for

the word of command, but to take good aim and fire as fast as possible.

When they could no longer hold their ground, they were to get behind

trees, or retreat a little, and return to the fight, but never to go

quite off.

Campbell allowed time for the flanking divisions to move to the right

and left along the base of the mountain, and take their proper

distances; he then pushed up in front with the centre division, he and

Shelby, each at the head of his men. The first firing was about four

o’clock, when a picket was driven in by Cleveland and Williams on the

left, and pursued up the mountain. Campbell soon arrived within rifle

distance of the crest of the mountain, whence a sheeted fire of musketry

was opened upon him. He instantly deployed his men, posted them behind

trees, and returned the fire with deadly effect.

Ferguson, exasperated at being thus hunted into this mountain fastness,

had been chafing in his rocky lair and meditating a furious sally. He

now rushed out with his regulars, made an impetuous charge with the

bayonet, and dislodging his assailants from their coverts, began to

drive them down the mountain, they not having a bayonet among them. He

had not proceeded far, when a flanking fire was opened by one of the

other divisions; facing about and attacking this he was again

successful, when a third fire was opened from another quarter. Thus, as

fast as one division gave way before the bayonet, another came to its

relief; while those who had given way rallied and returned to the

charge. The nature of the fighting ground was more favorable to the

rifle than the bayonet, and this was a kind of warfare in which the

frontier men were at home. The elevated position of the enemy also was

in favor of the Americans, securing them from the danger of their own

cross-fire. Ferguson found that he was completely in the hunter’s toils,

beset on every side; but he stood bravely at bay, until the ground

around him was strewed with the killed and wounded, picked off by the

fatal rifle. His men were at length broken, and retreated in confusion

along the ridge. He galloped from place to place endeavoring to rally

them, when a rifle ball brought him to the ground, and his white horse

was seen careering down the mountain without a rider.

This closed the bloody fight; for Ferguson’s second in command, seeing

all further resistance hopeless, hoisted a white flag, beat a parley,

and sued for quarters. One hundred and fifty of the enemy had fallen,

and as many been wounded; while of the Americans, but twenty were

killed, though a considerable number were wounded. Among those slain was

Colonel James Williams, who had commanded the troops of Ninety Six, and

proved himself one of the most daring of the partisan leaders.

Eight hundred and ten men were taken prisoners, one hundred of whom were

regulars, the rest royalists. The rancor awakened by civil war was shown

in the treatment of some of the prisoners. A court-martial was held the

day after the battle, and a number of tory prisoners who had been bitter

in their hostility to the American cause, and flagitious in their

persecution of their countrymen, were hanged. This was to revenge the

death of American prisoners hanged at Camden and elsewhere.

The army of mountaineers and frontier men, thus fortuitously

congregated, did not attempt to follow up their signal blow. They had no

general scheme, no plan of campaign; it was the spontaneous rising of

the sons of the soil, to revenge it on its invaders, and, having

effected their purpose, they returned in triumph to their homes. They

were little aware of the importance of their achievement. The battle of

King’s Mountain, inconsiderable as it was in the numbers engaged, turned

the tide of Southern warfare. The destruction of Ferguson and his corps

gave a complete check to the expedition of Cornwallis. He began to fear

for the safety of South Carolina, liable to such sudden irruptions from

the mountains; lest, while he was facing to the north, these hordes of

stark-riding warriors might throw themselves behind him, and produce a

popular combustion in the province he had left. He resolved, therefore,

to return with all speed to that province and provide for its security.

On the 14th of October he commenced his retrograde and mortifying march,

conducting it in the night, and with such hurry and confusion, that

nearly twenty wagons, laden with baggage and supplies, were lost. As he

proceeded, the rainy season set in; the brooks and rivers became

swollen, and almost impassable; the roads deep and miry; provisions and

forage scanty; the troops generally sickly, having no tents. Lord

Cornwallis himself was seized with a bilious fever, which obliged him to

halt two days in the Catawba settlement, and afterwards to be conveyed

in a wagon, giving up the command to Lord Rawdon.

In the course of this desolate march, the British suffered as usual from

the vengeance of an outraged country, being fired upon from behind trees

and other coverts by the yeomanry; their sentries shot down at their

encampments; their foraging parties cut off. “The enemy,” writes Lord

Rawdon, “are mostly mounted militia, not to be overtaken by our

infantry, nor to be safely pursued in this strong country by our

cavalry.”

For two weeks were they toiling on this retrograde march through deep

roads, and a country cut up by water-courses, with the very elements

arrayed against them. At length, after fording the Catawba where it was

six hundred yards wide, and three and a half deep, and where a handful

of riflemen might have held them in check, the army arrived at

Winnsborough, in South Carolina. Hence, by order of Cornwallis, Lord

Rawdon wrote on the 24th of October to Brigadier-general Leslie, who was

at that time in the Chesapeake, with the force detached by Sir Henry

Clinton for a descent upon Virginia, suggesting the expediency of his

advancing to North Carolina, for the purpose of coöperation with

Cornwallis, who feared to proceed far from South Carolina, lest it

should be again in insurrection.

In the mean time his lordship took post at Winnsborough. It was a

central position, where he might cover the country from partisan

incursions, obtain forage and supplies, and await the coöperation of

General Leslie.

[Illustration]

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