CHAPTER II.

Arnold in Command of Philadelphia.—Unpopular Measures.—Arnold’s Style

of Living.—His Schemes and Speculations.—His Collisions with the

Executive Council.—His Land Project.—Charges sent against him to

Congress.—His Address to the Public.—Charges referred to a

Court-martial.—His Marriage.—Verdict of the Court-martial.—Arnold

reprimanded.—Obtains Leave of Absence from the Army.

The most irksome duty that Washington had to perform during this

winter’s encampment at Morristown, regarded General Arnold and his

military government of Philadelphia in 1778. To explain it requires a

glance back to that period.

At the time of entering upon this command, Arnold’s accounts with

government were yet unsettled, the committee appointed by Congress, at

his own request, to examine them, having considered some of his charges

dubious, and others exorbitant. Washington, however, still looked upon

him with favor, and, but a month previously, had presented him with a

pair of epaulettes and a sword-knot, “as a testimony of his sincere

regard and approbation.”

The command of Philadelphia, at this time, was a delicate and difficult

one, and required to be exercised with extreme circumspection. The

boundaries between the powers vested in the military commander, and

those inherent in the State government, were ill defined. Disaffection

to the American cause prevailed both among the permanent and casual

residents, and required to be held in check with firmness but

toleration. By a resolve of Congress, no goods, wares, or merchandise

were to be removed, transferred, or sold, until the ownership of them

could be ascertained by a joint committee of Congress and of the Council

of Pennsylvania; any public stores belonging to the enemy were to be

seized and converted to the use of the army.

Washington, in his letter of instructions, left it to Arnold’s

discretion to adopt such measures as should appear to him most effectual

and least offensive in executing this resolve of Congress; in which he

was to be aided by an assistant quartermaster-general, subject to his

directions. “You will take every prudent step in your power,” writes

Washington, “to preserve tranquillity and order in the city, and give

security to individuals of every class and description, restraining, as

far as possible, till the restoration of civil government, every species

of persecution, insult, or abuse, either from the soldiery to the

inhabitants, or among each other.”

One of Arnold’s first measures was to issue a proclamation enforcing the

resolve of Congress. In so doing, he was countenanced by leading

personages of Philadelphia, and the proclamation was drafted by General

Joseph Reed. The measure excited great dissatisfaction, and

circumstances attending the enforcement of it gave rise to scandal.

Former instances of a mercenary spirit made Arnold liable to suspicions,

and it was alleged that, while by the proclamation he shut up the stores

and shops so that even the officers of the army could not procure

necessary articles of merchandise, he was privately making large

purchases for his own enrichment.

His style of living gave point to this scandal. He occupied one of the

finest houses in the city; set up a splendid establishment; had his

carriage and four horses and a train of domestics; gave expensive

entertainments, and indulged in a luxury and parade which were condemned

as little befitting a republican general; especially one whose accounts

with government were yet unsettled, and who had imputations of mercenary

rapacity still hanging over him.

Ostentatious prodigality, in fact, was Arnold’s besetting sin. To cope

with his overwhelming expenses, he engaged in various speculations, more

befitting the trafficking habits of his early life than his present

elevated position. Nay, he availed himself of that position to aid his

speculations, and sometimes made temporary use of the public moneys

passing through his hands. In his impatience to be rich, he at one time

thought of taking command of a privateer, and making lucrative captures

at sea.

In the exercise of his military functions, he had become involved in

disputes with the president (Wharton) and executive council of

Pennsylvania and by his conduct, which was deemed arbitrary and

arrogant, had drawn upon himself the hostility of that body, which

became stern and unsparing censors of his conduct.

He had not been many weeks in Philadelphia before he became attached to

one of its reigning belles, Miss Margaret Shippen, daughter of Mr.

Edward Shippen, in after years chief justice of Pennsylvania. Her family

were not considered well affected to the American cause; the young lady

herself, during the occupation of the city by the enemy, had been a

“toast” among the British officers, and selected as one of the beauties

of the Mischianza.

Arnold paid her addresses in an open and honorable style, first

obtaining by letter the sanction of the father. Party feeling at that

time ran high in Philadelphia on local subjects connected with the

change of the State government. Arnold’s connection with the Shippen

family increased his disfavor with the president and executive council,

who were whigs to a man; and it was sneeringly observed, that “he had

courted the loyalists from the start.”

General Joseph Reed, at that time one of the executive committee,

observes in a letter to General Greene, “Will you not think it

extraordinary that General Arnold made a public entertainment the night

before last, of which, not only common tory ladies, but the wives and

daughters of persons proscribed by the State, and now with the enemy at

New York, formed a very considerable number? The fact is literally

true.”

Regarded from a different point of view, this conduct might have been

attributed to the courtesy of a gallant soldier; who scorned to carry

the animosity of the field into the drawing-room, or to proscribe and

persecute the wives and daughters of political exiles.

In the beginning of December, General Reed became president of the

executive council of Pennsylvania, and under his administration the

ripening hostility to Arnold was brought to a crisis. Among the various

schemes of the latter for bettering his fortunes, and securing the means

of living when the war should come to an end, was one for forming a

settlement in the western part of the State of New York, to be composed,

principally, of the officers and soldiers who had served under him. His

scheme was approved by Mr. John Jay, the pure-minded patriot of New

York, at that time President of Congress, and was sanctioned by the New

York delegation. Provided with letters from them, Arnold left

Philadelphia about the 1st of January (1779), and set out for Albany to

obtain a grant of land for the purpose, from the New York Legislature.

Within a day or two after his departure, his public conduct was

discussed in the executive council of Pennsylvania, and it was resolved

unanimously, that the course of his military command in the city had

been in many respects oppressive, unworthy of his rank and station, and

highly discouraging to the liberties and interests of America, and

disrespectful to the supreme executive authority of the State.

As he was an officer of the United States, the complaints and grievances

of Pennsylvania were set forth by the executive council in eight

charges, and forwarded to Congress, accompanied by documents, and a

letter from President Reed.

Information of these facts, with a printed copy of the charges, reached

Arnold at Washington’s camp on the Raritan, which he had visited while

on the way to Albany. His first solicitude was about the effect they

might have upon Miss Shippen, to whom he was now engaged. In a letter

dated February 8th, he entreated her not to suffer these rude attacks on

him to give her a moment’s uneasiness—they could do him no injury.

On the following day he issued an address to the public, recalling his

faithful services of nearly four years, and inveighing against the

proceedings of the president and council; who, not content with injuring

him in a cruel and unprecedented manner with Congress, had ordered

copies of their charges to be printed and dispersed throughout the

several States, for the purpose of prejudicing the public mind against

him, while the matter was yet in suspense. “Their conduct,” writes he,

“appears the more cruel and malicious, in making the charges after I had

left the city; as my intention of leaving the city was known for five

weeks before.” This complaint, we must observe, was rebutted, on their

part, by the assertion that, at the time of his departure, he knew of

the accusation that was impending.

In conclusion, Arnold informed the public that he had requested Congress

to direct a court-martial to inquire into his conduct, and trusted his

countrymen would suspend their judgment in the matter, until he should

have an opportunity of being heard.

Public opinion was divided. His brilliant services spoke eloquently in

his favor. His admirers repined that a fame won by such daring exploits

on the field should be stifled down by cold calumnies in Philadelphia;

and many thought, dispassionately, that the State authorities had acted

with excessive harshness towards a meritorious officer, in widely

spreading their charges against him, and thus, in an unprecedented way,

putting a public brand upon him.

On the 16th of February, Arnold’s appeal to Congress was referred to the

committee which had under consideration the letter of President Reed and

its accompanying documents, and it was charged to make a report with all

convenient dispatch. A motion was made to suspend Arnold from all

command during the inquiry. To the credit of Congress it was negatived.

Much contrariety of feeling prevailed on the subject in the committee of

Congress and the executive council of Pennsylvania, and the

correspondence between those legislative bodies was occasionally

tinctured with needless acrimony.

Arnold, in the course of January, had obtained permission from

Washington to resign the command of Philadelphia, but deferred to act

upon it, until the charges against him should be examined, lest, as he

said, his enemies should misinterpret his motives, and ascribe his

resignation to fear of a disgraceful suspension in consequence of those

charges.

About the middle of March, the committee brought in a report exculpating

him from all criminality in the matters charged against him. As soon as

the report was brought in, he considered his name vindicated, and

resigned.

Whatever exultation he may have felt was short-lived. Congress did not

call up and act upon the report, as, in justice to him, they should have

done, whether to sanction it or not; but referred the subject anew to a

joint committee of their body and the assembly and council of

Pennsylvania. Arnold was at this time on the eve of marriage with Miss

Shippen, and, thus circumstanced, it must have been peculiarly galling

to his pride to be kept under the odium of imputed delinquencies.

The report of the joint committee brought up animated discussions in

Congress. Several resolutions recommended by the committee were merely

of a formal nature, and intended to soothe the wounded sensibilities

of Pennsylvania; these were passed without dissent; but it was

contended that certain charges advanced by the executive council of

that State were only cognizable by a court-martial, and, after a warm

debate, it was resolved (April 3d), by a large majority, that the

commander-in-chief should appoint such a court for the consideration

of them.

Arnold inveighed bitterly against the injustice of subjecting him to a

trial before a military tribunal for alleged offenses of which he had

been acquitted by the committee of Congress. He was sacrificed, he said,

to avoid a breach with Pennsylvania. In a letter to Washington, he

charged it all to the hostility of President Reed, who, he affirmed, had

by his address kept the affair in suspense for two months, and at last

obtained the resolution of Congress directing the court-martial. He

urged Washington to appoint a speedy day for the trial, that he might

not linger under the odium of an unjust public accusation. “I have no

doubt of obtaining justice from a court-martial,” writes he, “as every

officer in the army must feel himself injured by the cruel and

unprecedented treatment I have met with.... When your Excellency

considers my sufferings, and the cruel situation I am in, your own

humanity and feeling as a soldier will render everything I can say

further on the subject unnecessary.”

It was doubtless soothing to his irritated pride, that the woman on whom

he had placed his affections remained true to him; for his marriage with

Miss Shippen took place just five days after the mortifying vote of

Congress.

Washington sympathized with Arnold’s impatience, and appointed the 1st

of May for the trial, but it was repeatedly postponed; first, at the

request of the Pennsylvania council, to allow time for the arrival of

witnesses from the South; afterwards, in consequence of threatening

movements of the enemy, which obliged every officer to be at his post;

Arnold, in the mean time, continued to reside at Philadelphia, holding

his commission in the army, but filling no public office, getting deeper

and deeper in debt, and becoming more and more unpopular.

Having once been attacked in the street in the course of some popular

tumult, he affected to consider his life in danger, and applied to

Congress for a guard of Continental soldiers, “as no protection was to

be expected from the authority of the State for an honest man.”

He was told in reply that his application ought to have been made to the

executive authority of Pennsylvania; “in whose disposition to protect

every honest citizen, Congress had full confidence, _and highly

disapproved the insinuation of every individual to the contrary_.”

For months, Arnold remained in this anxious and irritated state. His

situation, he said, was cruel. His character would continue to suffer

until he should be acquitted by a court-martial, and he would be

effectually prevented from joining the army, which he wished to do as

soon as his wounds would permit, that he might render the country every

service in his power in this critical time. “For though I have been

ungratefully treated,” adds he, “I do not consider it as from my

countrymen in general, but from a set of men, who, void of principle,

are governed entirely by private interest.”

At length, when the campaign was over, and the army had gone into

winter-quarters, the longdelayed court-martial was assembled at

Morristown. Of the eight charges originally advanced against Arnold by

the Pennsylvania council, four only came under cognizance of the court.

Of two of these he was entirely acquitted. The remaining two were—

_First._ That while in the camp at Valley Forge, he, without the

knowledge of the commander-in-chief, or the sanction of the State

government, had granted a written permission for a vessel belonging to

disaffected persons, to proceed from the port of Philadelphia, then in

possession of the enemy, to any port of the United States.

_Second._ That, availing himself of his official authority, he had

appropriated the public wagons of Pennsylvania, when called forth on a

special emergency, to the transportation of private property, and that

of persons who voluntarily remained with the enemy, and were deemed

disaffected to the interests and independence of America.

In regard to the first of these charges, Arnold alleged that the person

who applied for the protection of the vessel, had taken the oath of

allegiance to the State of Pennsylvania required by the laws; that he

was not residing in Philadelphia at the time, but had applied on behalf

of himself and a company, and that the intentions of that person and his

associates with regard to the vessel and cargo appeared to be upright.

As to his having granted the permission without the knowledge of the

commander-in-chief, though present in the camp, Arnold alleged that it

was customary in the army for general officers to grant passes and

protections to inhabitants of the United States, friendly to the same,

and that the protection was given in the present instance, to prevent

the soldiery from plundering the vessel and cargo, coming from a place

in possession of the enemy, until the proper authority could take

cognizance of the matter.

In regard to the second charge, while it was proved that under his

authority wagons had been so used, it was allowed in extenuation, that

they had been employed at private expense, and without any design to

defraud the public or impede the military service.

In regard to both charges, nothing fraudulent on the part of Arnold was

proved, but the transactions involved in the first were pronounced

irregular, and contrary to one of the articles of war; and in the

second, imprudent and reprehensible, considering the high station

occupied by the general at the time; and the court sentenced him to be

reprimanded by the commander-in-chief. The sentence was confirmed by

Congress on the 12th of February (1780).

We have forborne to go into all the particulars of this trial, but we

have considered them attentively, discharging from our minds, as much as

possible, all impressions produced by Arnold’s subsequent history, and

we are surprised to find, after the hostility manifested against him by

the council of Pennsylvania, and their extraordinary measure to possess

the public mind against him, how venial are the trespasses of which he

stood convicted.

He may have given personal offense by his assuming vanity; by the

arrogant exercise of his military authority; he may have displeased by

his ostentation, and awakened distrust by his speculating propensities;

but as yet his patriotism was unquestioned. No turpitude had been proved

against him; his brilliant exploits shed a splendor round his name, and

he appeared before the public, a soldier crippled in their service. All

these should have pleaded in his favor, should have produced indulgence

of his errors, and mitigated that animosity which he always contended

had been the cause of his ruin.

The reprimand adjudged by the court-martial was administered by

Washington with consummate delicacy. The following were his words, as

repeated by M. de Marbois, the French secretary of legation:—

“Our profession is the chastest of all: even the shadow of a fault

tarnishes the lustre of our finest achievements. The least inadvertence

may rob us of the public favor, so hard to be acquired. I reprehend you

for having forgotten, that, in proportion as you had rendered yourself

formidable to our enemies, you should have been guarded and temperate in

your deportment towards your fellow-citizens.

“Exhibit anew those noble qualities which have placed you on the list of

our most valued commanders. I will myself furnish you, as far as it may

be in my power, with opportunities of regaining the esteem of your

country.”

A reprimand so mild and considerate, accompanied by such high eulogiums

and generous promises, might have had a favorable effect upon Arnold,

had he been in a different frame of mind but he had persuaded himself

that the court would incline in his favor and acquit him altogether and

he resented deeply a sentence, which he protested against as unmerited.

His resentment was aggravated by delays in the settlement of his

accounts, as he depended upon the sums he claimed as due to him, for the

payment of debts by which he was harassed. In following the matter up,

he became a weary, and probably irritable, applicant at the halls of

Congress, and, we are told, gave great offense to members by his

importunity, while he wore out the patience of his friends; but public

bodies are prone to be offended by the importunity of baffled claimants,

and the patience of friends is seldom proof against the reiterated story

of a man’s prolonged difficulties.

In the month of March, we find him intent on a new and adventurous

project. He had proposed to the Board of Admiralty an expedition,

requiring several ships of war and three or four hundred land troops,

offering to take command of it should it be carried into effect, as his

wounds still disabled him from duty on land. Washington, who knew his

abilities in either service, was disposed to favor his proposition, but

the scheme fell through from the impossibility of sparing the requisite

number of men from the army. What Arnold’s ultimate designs might have

been in seeking such a command, are rendered problematical by his

subsequent conduct. On the failure of the project, he requested and

obtained from Washington leave of absence from the army for the summer,

there being, he said, little prospect of an active campaign, and his

wounds unfitting him for the field.

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