PROCEEDINGS OF BOLINBROKE FROM HIS INTERVIEW WITH ARCHBISHOP ARUNDEL,
IN PARIS, TO HIS MAKING KING RICHARD HIS PRISONER. -- CONDUCT OF
RICHARD FROM THE NEWS OF BOLINBROKE'S LANDING. -- TREACHERY OF
NORTHUMBERLAND. -- RICHARD TAKEN BY BOLINBROKE TO LONDON.
1398-1399.
Whether Henry of Monmouth met his father and the cavalcade at Chester,
or joined them on their road to London, or followed them thither;
whether he witnessed on the way the humiliation and melancholy of his
friend, and the triumphant exaltation of his father, or not; every
step taken by either of those two chieftains through the eventful
weeks which intervened between King Richard making the youth a knight
in the wilds of Ireland, and King Henry creating him Prince of Wales
in the face of the nation at Westminster, bears immediately upon his
destinies. And the whole complicated tissue of circumstances then in
progress is so inseparably connected with him both individually and as
the future monarch of England, that a brief review of the proceedings
as well of the falling as of the rising antagonist seems (p. 053)
indispensable in this place.
* * * * *
Henry Bolinbroke (having now, by the death of John of Gaunt,[57]
succeeded to the dukedom of Lancaster,) found himself, during his
exile, far from being the only victim of Richard's rash despotism; nor
the only one determined to try, if necessary, and when occasion should
offer, by strength of hand to recover their lost country, together
with their property and their homes. Indeed, others proved to have (p. 054)
been far more forward in that bold measure than himself. Whilst he was
in Paris[58], he received by the hands of Arundel, Archbishop of
Canterbury, an invitation to return, and set up his standard in their
native land. Arundel,[59] himself one of Richard's victims, had been
banished two years before the Duke, by a sentence which confiscated[60]
all his property. He made his way, we are told, to Valenciennes in the
disguise of a pilgrim, and, proceeding to Paris, obtained an interview
with Henry; whom he found at first less sanguine perhaps, and less (p. 055)
ready for so desperate an undertaking, than he expected. The Duke for
some time remained, apparently, absorbed in deep thought, as he leaned
on a window overlooking a garden; and at length replied that he would
consult his friends. Their advice, seconding the appeal of the Archbishop,
prevailed upon Henry to prepare for the hazardous enterprise; in which
success might indeed be rewarded with the crown of England, over and
above the recovery of his own vast possessions, but in which defeat
must lead inevitably to ruin. He left Paris for Brittany; and sailing
from one of its ports with three ships, having in his company only
fifteen lances or knights, he made for the English coast.[61] About
the 4th of July he came to shore at the spot where of old time had (p. 056)
stood the decayed town of Ravenspur. Landing boldly though with such a
handful of men, he was soon joined by the Percies, and other powerful
leaders; and so eagerly did the people flock to him as their deliverer
from a headstrong reckless despot, that in a short time he numbered as
his followers sixty thousand men, who had staked their property, their
liberty, and their lives, on the same die. The most probable account
of his proceedings up to his return to Chester, immediately before the
unfortunate Richard fell into his hands, is the following, for which
we are chiefly indebted to the translator of the "Metrical
History."[62]
[Footnote 57: Froissart relates, in a very lively
manner, how the English nobility amused themselves
in devising the probable schemes by which
Bolinbroke might dispose of himself during his
exile. "He is young, said they, and he has already
travelled enough, in Prussia, and to the Holy
Sepulchre, and St. Katharine: he will now take
other journeys to cheat the time. Go where he will,
he will be at home; he has friends in every
country."
The same author tells us that forty thousand
persons accompanied him on his exile, not with
music and song, but with sighs and tears and
lamentations; and that on Gaunt's death the people
of England "spoke much and loudly of Derby's
return,--especially the Londoners, who loved him a
hundred times more than they did the King. The
Earl, he says, heard of the death of his father,
even before the King of France, though Richard had
posted off the event to that monarch as joyful
tidings. He put himself and his household in deep
mourning, and caused the funeral obsequies to be
solemnized with much grandeur. The King, the Duke
of Orleans, and very many nobles and prelates were
present at the solemnity, for the Earl was much
beloved by them all, and they deeply sympathized
with his grief, for he was an agreeable knight,
well-bred, courteous, and gentle to every one."]
[Footnote 58: Froissart gives also a very animated
description of the manner in which Bolinbroke was
received by the King of France on his first
arrival, and by the Dukes of Orleans, Brittany,
Burgundy, and Bourbon. The meeting, he says, was
joyous on both sides, and they entered Paris in
brilliant array: but Henry was nevertheless very
melancholy, being separated from his family,--four
sons and two daughters.
The author translated by Laboureur, states that
Richard no sooner heard of the welcome which
Bolinbroke met with in France than he sent over a
messenger, praying that court not to countenance
his traitors. He adds, that as soon as Lancaster
was dead, Richard regarded his written engagements
with no greater scruple than he had before observed
his promises by word of mouth.]
[Footnote 59: Leland says that the Archbishop
sojourned, during his exile, at Utrecht (Trajecti).
Froissart is certainly mistaken in relating that
the Londoners sent the Archbishop in a boat down
the Thames with a message to Bolinbroke. It is very
probable that they sent a messenger to the
Archbishop, and through him communicated with their
favourite.]
[Footnote 60: Officers were appointed, 16th October
1397, to seize all lands of Thomas Archbishop of
Canterbury, Thomas Duke of Gloucester, and other
lords.--Pell Rolls. Pat. 1 Hen. IV. m. 8, the
Archbishop's property is restored.]
[Footnote 61: Froissart, who seems to have obtained
very correct information of Bolinbroke's
proceedings up to the time of his embarking on the
French coast for England, but from that hour to
have been altogether misled as to his plans and
circumstances, relates that he left Paris under
colour of paying a visit to the Duke of Brittany;
that he went by the way of D'Estamps (one Guy de
Baigneux acting as his guide); that he stayed at
Blois eight days, where he received a most kind
answer in reply to his message to the Duke, who
gave him a cordial meeting at Nantes. The Duke
promised him a supply of vessels and men to protect
him in crossing the seas, and forwarded him with
all kind sympathy from one of his ports: "and,"
continues Froissart, "I have heard that it was
Vennes." It might have been, perhaps, during this
visit that Henry formed, or renewed, an
acquaintance with the Duchess, to whom, after the
Duke's death, in 1402, he made an offer of his
hand, and was accepted.]
[Footnote 62: See Archæologia, vol. xx. p. 61, note
'h.']
The Duke of Lancaster's first measures, upon his landing, are not very
accurately recorded by historians, nor do the accounts impress us with
an opinion that they had arisen out of any digested plan of operation.
But a comparison of the desultory information which is furnished
relative to them, with what may fairly be supposed to be most
advisable on his part, will, perhaps, show that they were the result
of good calculation. The following is offered as the outline of the
scheme. To secure to Henry a chance of success, it was in the first
instance necessary, not only that the most powerful nobles remaining
at home should join him, but that means should be devised for
detaining the King in Ireland. It would be expedient to try the
disposition of the people on the eastern coast, and that he should (p. 057)
select a spot for his descent, from which he could immediately put
himself in communication with his friends: Yorkshire afforded the
greatest facility. The wind which took Albemarle over into Ireland
must have been advantageous to Lancaster; and the tempestuous weather
which succeeded must have been equally in his favour. He landed at
Ravenspur, and marched to Doncaster, where the Percies and others came
down to him. Knaresborough and Pontefract were his own by inheritance.
Having thus gained a footing, he marched toward the south; and his
opponents withdrew from before him.[63] The council, consisting of the
Regent, Scroop, Bussy, Green, and Bagot, could interpose no obstacle,
and were driven by fear to Bristol. The Duke of York made some show of
resistance. Perhaps the others intended to make for Milford, and
thence to Ireland, or to await the King's arrival. Henry advanced to
Leicester and Kenilworth, both his own castles; and went through
Evesham to Gloucester and Berkeley. At Berkeley he came to an agreement
with the Duke of York, secured many of Richard's adherents, passed on
to Bristol, took the castle, slew three out of four of the unfortunate
ministers, and gained possession of a place entirely disaffected (p. 058)
to the King. From Bristol he directed his course back to Gloucester,
thence bearing westward to Ross and Hereford. Here he was joined by
the Bishop and Lord Mortimer;[64] and, passing through Leominster and
Ludlow, he moved onward,[65] increasing his forces as he advanced
towards Shrewsbury and Chester. In the mean time the plans of Albemarle
(if we acknowledge the reality of his alleged treason) were equally
successful. At all events Richard's course was most favourable for
Henry. Had he gone from Dublin to Chester, he might have anticipated
his enemy, and infused a spirit into his loyal subjects. But he came
southward whilst Henry was going northward; and, about the time that
Richard came on shore at Milford, Henry must have been at Chester,
surrounded by his friends, at the head of an immense force, master of
London, Bristol, and Chester, and of all the fortresses that had been
his own, or had belonged to Richard, within a triangle, the apex of
which is to be found in Bristol, the base extending from the mouth of
the Humber to that of the Dee.
[Footnote 63: Sir James Mackintosh seems to have
been mistaken in supposing that Bolinbroke visited
London on his first march southward. "His march
from London against the few advisers of Richard,
who had forfeited the hope of mercy, was a
triumphant procession."]
[Footnote 64: Monk of Evesham.]
[Footnote 65: He had many castles of his own in
that part of the country, as Monmouth, Grosmont,
Skenfrith, White Castle, &c.]
* * * * *
If in like manner we trace the steps of the misguided and infatuated
Richard, treacherous at once and betrayed, from the hour when the news
of Bolinbroke's hostile and successful measures reached him in (p. 059)
Dublin to the day when he fell powerless into the hands of his enemy,
we shall find much to reprehend; much to pity; little, perhaps
nothing, which can excite the faintest shadow of respect. When the
Earl of Salisbury left Ireland, Richard solemnly promised him that he
would himself put to sea in six days; and the Earl, whose conduct is
marked by devoted zeal and fidelity in the cause of his unfortunate
master, acted upon that pledge. But whether misled by the treacherous
suggestions of Albemarle, or following his own self-will or imbecility
of judgment, Richard allowed eighteen days to pass away before he
embarked, every hour of which was pregnant with most momentous
consequences to himself and his throne. He landed at length at Milford
Haven, and then had with him thirty-two thousand men; but in one night
desertions reduced this body to six thousand. It is said that, on the
morrow after his return, looking from his window on the field where
his forces were encamped overnight, he was panic-struck by the
smallness of the number that remained. After deliberation, he resolved
on starting in the night for Conway, disguised in the garb of a poor
priest of the Friars-Minor, and taking with him only thirteen or
fourteen friends. He so planned his journey as to reach Conway at
break of day, where he found the Earl of Salisbury no less dejected
than himself. That faithful adherent had taken effectual means, (p. 060)
on his first arrival in Wales, to collect an army of Cambrians and
Cheshiremen in sufficient strength, had the King joined them with his
forces, to offer a formidable resistance to Bolinbroke. But, at the
end of fourteen days, despairing of the King's arrival, they had
disbanded themselves, and were scattered over the country, or returned
to their own homes. On his clandestine departure also from Milford,
the wreck of his army, who till then had remained true, were entirely
dispersed: and his great treasure was plundered by the Welshmen, who
are said to have been indignant at the treachery of those who were
left in charge of it. Among many others, Sir Thomas Percy himself
escaped naked and wounded to the Duke of Lancaster.
* * * * *
The page of history which records the proceedings of the two hostile
parties, from the day of Richard's reaching Conway to the hour of his
falling into the hands of Henry, presents in every line transactions
stained with so much of falsehood and baseness, such revolting treachery
and deceit, such wilful deliberate perjury, that we would gladly pass
it over unread, or throw upon it the most cursory glance compatible
with a bare knowledge of the facts. But whilst the desperate wickedness
of the human heart is made to stand out through these transactions in
most frightful colours, and whilst we shudder at the wanton prostitution
of the most solemn ordinances of the Gospel, there so painfully (p. 061)
exemplified, the same page suggests to us topics of gratitude and of
admonition,--gratitude that we live in an age when these shameless
violations of moral and religious bonds would not be tolerated; and
admonition that the principles of integrity and righteousness can
alone exalt a people, or be consistent with sound policy. The truth of
history here stamps the king, the nobleman, the prelate, and the more
humble instruments of the deeds then done, with the indelible stain of
dishonour and falsehood, and a reckless violation of law human and
divine.
The King, believing his case to be desperate, implored his friends to
advise him what course to adopt. At their suggestion he sent off the
Dukes of Exeter and Surrey to remonstrate with Bolinbroke, and to
ascertain his real designs. Meanwhile he retired with his little party
of adherents, not more than sixteen in all, first to Beaumaris; then
to Caernarvon, where he stayed four or five days, living on the most
scanty supply of the coarsest food, and having nothing better to lie
upon than a bed of straw. Though this was a very secure place for him
to await the issue of the present course of events, yet, unable to
endure such privations any longer, he returned to Conway. Henry,
meanwhile, having reduced Holt Castle,[66] and possessed himself (p. 062)
of an immense treasure deposited there by Richard, was bent on
securing the person of that unhappy King. He consequently detained the
two Dukes in Chester Castle; and then, at the suggestion, it is said,
of Arundel, sent off the Earl of Northumberland with an injunction not
to return till either by truce or force he should bring back the King
with him. The Duke, attended by one thousand archers and four hundred
lances, advanced to Flint Castle, which forthwith surrendered to him.
From Flint he proceeded along a toilsome road over mountains and rocks
to Ruddlan, the gates of which were thrown open to him; when he
promised the aged castellan the enjoyment of his post there for life.
Richard knew nothing of these proceedings, and wondered at the absence
of his two noble messengers, who had started for Chester eight days
before. Northumberland, meanwhile, having left his men concealed in
ambush "under the rough and lofty cliffs of a rock," proceeded with
five or six only towards Conway. When he reached the arm[67] of the
sea which washes the walls of that fortress, he sent over a herald,
who immediately obtained permission for his approach. Northumberland,
having reached the royal presence, proposed that the King should
proceed with Bolinbroke amicably to London, and there hold a parliament,
and suffer certain individuals named to be put on their trial. (p. 063)
"I will swear," continued he, "on the body of our Lord, consecrated by
a priest's hand, that Duke Henry shall faithfully observe all that I
have said; for he solemnly pledged it to me on the sacrament when we
parted." Northumberland then withdrew from the royal presence, when
Richard thus immediately addressed his few counsellors: "Fair sirs, we
will grant it to him, for I see no other way. But I swear to you that,
whatever assurance I may give him, he shall be surely put to a bitter
death; and, doubt it not, no parliament shall be held at Westminster.
As soon as I have spoken with Henry, I will summon the men of Wales,
and make head against him; and, if he and his friends be discomfited,
they shall die: some of them I will flay alive." Richard had declared,
before he left Ireland, that if he could but once get Henry into his
power, he "would put him to death in such a manner as that it should
be spoken of long enough, even in Turkey." Northumberland was then
called in; and Richard assured him that, if he would swear upon the
Host, he would himself keep the agreement. "Sire," said the Earl, "let
the body of our Lord be consecrated. I will swear that there is no
deceit in this affair; and that the Duke will observe the whole as you
have heard me relate it here." Each of them heard mass with all
outward devotion, and the Earl took the oath. Never was a contract
made more solemnly, nor with a more fixed purpose on both sides (p. 064)
not to abide by its engagements: it is indeed a dark and painful page
of history. Upon this pledge of faith, mutually given, the King
readily agreed to start, sending the Earl on to prepare dinner at
Ruddlan. No sooner had he reached the top of the rock than he beheld
the Earl and his men below; and, being now made aware of the treachery
by which he had fallen, he sank into despair, and had recourse only to
unmanly lamentations. His company did not amount to more than
five-and-twenty, and retreat was impossible. His remonstrance with the
Earl as he charged him with perjury and treason availed nothing, and
he was compelled to proceed. They dined at Ruddlan, and in the
afternoon advanced to Flint Castle.[68] Northumberland lost no time in
apprising the Duke of the success of his enterprise. The messenger
arrived at Chester by break of day; and the Duke set off with his
army, consisting, it is said, of not less than one hundred thousand
men. After mass, Richard beheld the Duke's army approaching along the
sea-shore. "It was marvellously great, and showed such joy that the
sound and noise of their instruments, horns, buisines, and trumpets,
were heard even as far as the castle." The Duke sent forward the
Archbishop, with two or three more, who approached the King with
profound reverence. In this interview, the first which the King (p. 065)
had with Arundel since he banished him the realm and confiscated
his property, they conversed long together, and alone. Whether any
allusion was then made to the necessity of the King abdicating the
throne, must remain matter of conjecture. The Archbishop (as the Earl
of Salisbury reported) then comforted the King in a very gentle manner,
bidding him not to be alarmed, for no harm should happen to
his person.
[Footnote 66: Some think the castle then taken was
Beeston.]
[Footnote 67: Over this estuary is now thrown a
beautiful suspension-bridge, one of the ornaments
of North Wales.]
[Footnote 68: The author of the Metrical History
has certainly made a mistake here. He says, Duke
Henry started from Chester on Tuesday, August the
22nd; but in 1399 the 22nd day of August was on a
Friday.]
The Duke did not enter the castle till Richard had dined, for he was
fasting. At the table he protracted the repast as long as possible,
dreading what would follow. Dinner ended, he came down to meet the
Duke, who, as soon as he perceived him, bowed very low. The King took
off his bonnet, and first addressed Bolinbroke. The French writer
pledges himself to the words, for, as he says, he heard them
distinctly, and understood them well. "Fair cousin of Lancaster, you
be right welcome." Then Duke Henry replied, bowing very low to the
ground, "My lord, I am come sooner than you sent for me; the reason
whereof I will tell you. The common report of your people is, that you
have for the space of twenty years and more governed them very badly
and very rigorously; and they are not well contented therewith: but,
if it please our Lord, I will help you to govern them better." King
Richard answered, "Fair cousin, since it pleaseth you, it pleaseth me
well."
Upon this Henry, when the time of departure was come, knowing that (p. 066)
Richard was particularly fond of fine horses, is said to have called
out with a stern and savage voice, "Bring out the King's horses;" and
then _they brought him two little horses not worth forty francs_: the
King mounted one, and the Earl of Salisbury the other. If this statement
of the French author be accurate, Henry compelled his king to endure a
studied mortification, as uncalled for as it was galling. Starting
from Flint about two o'clock, they proceeded to Chester,[69] where the
Duke was received with much reverence, whilst the unhappy monarch was
exposed to the insults of the populace. He was immediately lodged in
the castle with his few friends, and committed to the safe keeping[70]
of his enemies. In Chester they remained three days,[71] and then set
out on the direct road for London. Their route lay through (p. 067)
Nantwich, Newcastle-under-Line, Stafford, Lichfield, Daventry, Dunstable,
and St. Alban's. Nothing worthy of notice occurred during the journey,
excepting that at Lichfield the captive monarch endeavoured to escape
at night, letting himself down into a garden from the window of a tower
in which they kept him. He was however discovered, and from that time
was watched most narrowly.
[Footnote 69: Great confusion and unnumbered deeds
of injustice and cruelty prevailed through the
kingdom between the landing of Bolinbroke and his
accession to the throne; some of these outrages
were, doubtless, of a political character, between
the partisans of Richard and the Duke, many others
the result of private revenge and rapine. To put a
stop to these enormities, Richard was advised
(perhaps the more meet expression would be
'compelled') to sign two proclamations, one dated
Chester, August 20; the other Lichfield, August 24.
In these he calls Bolinbroke his very dear
relative.]
[Footnote 70: The Metrical History says, Richard's
keepers were the son of the Duke of Gloucester, and
the son of the Earl of Arundel. The reasons for
doubting this have been already assigned. Humphrey
was probably at that time no longer numbered among
the living.]
[Footnote 71: The question naturally offers itself
here, Might not this delay have been occasioned by
Lancaster's desire not to start before Henry of
Monmouth had returned from Ireland, and joined
him?]
When they arrived within five or six miles of London, they were met by
various companies of the citizens, who carried Richard first to
Westminster, and next day to the Tower. Henry did not accompany him,
but turned aside to enter the city by the chief gate. Proceeding along
Cheapside to St. Paul's amidst the shouts of the people, he advanced
in full armour to the high altar; and, having offered his devotions
there, he turned to the tomb of his father and mother, at the sight of
which he was deeply affected. He lodged the first five or six days in
the Bishop's house; and, having passed another fortnight in the
hospital of St. John without Smithfield, he went to Hertford, where he
stayed three weeks. From that place he returned to meet the
parliament, which was to assemble in Westminster Hall on Wednesday the
first day of October.