a schooner, bearing a flag of truce, was approaching. On her joining the
ship, about seven A. M., the Count Las Cases and General Lallemand came
on board; when, on being shown into the cabin, Las Cases asked me if any
answer had been returned to the letter sent by me to Sir Henry Hotham,
respecting Napoleon Buonaparte being allowed to pass for America, either
in the frigates or in a neutral vessel. I informed him no answer had
been returned, though I hourly expected, in consequence of those
despatches, Sir Henry Hotham would arrive; and, as I had told Monsieur
Las Cases, when last on board, that I should send my boat in when the
answer came, it was quite unnecessary to have sent out a flag of truce
on that account; there, for the time, the conversation terminated. On
their coming on board, I had made the signal for the captain of the
Slaney, being desirous of having a witness to all that might pass.
"After breakfast (during which Captain Sartorius came on board) we
retired to the after-cabin, when M. Las Cases began on the same subject,
and said, 'The Emperor was so anxious to stop the farther effusion of
blood, that he would go to America in any way the English Government
would sanction, either in a neutral, a disarmed frigate, or an English
ship of war.' To which I replied, 'I have no authority to permit any of
those measures; but if he chooses to come on board the ship I command, I
think, under the orders I am acting with, I may venture to receive him,
and carry him to England; but if I do so, I can in no way be answerable
for the reception he may meet with'--(this I repeated several
times)--when Las Cases said, 'I have little doubt, under those
circumstances, that you will see the Emperor on board the Bellerophon.'
After some more general conversation, and the above being frequently
repeated, M. Las Cases and General Lallemand took their leave; and I
assure your lordship, that I never in any way entered into conditions
with respect to the reception General Buonaparte was to meet with; nor
was it at that time finally arranged that he was to come on board the
Bellerophon. In the course of conversation, Las Cases asked me, whether
I thought Buonaparte would be well received in England? to which I gave
the only answer I could do in my situation--'That I did not at all know
what was the intention of the British Government; but I had no reason to
suppose he would not be well received.' It is here worthy of remark,
that when Las Cases came on board, he assured me that Buonaparte was
then at Rochefort, and that it would be necessary for him to go there to
report the conversation that had passed between us (this I can prove by
the testimony of Captain Sartorius, and the first lieutenant of this
ship, to whom I spoke of it at the time,) which statement was not fact;
Buonaparte never having quitted isle d'Aix, or the frigates, after the
3d.
"I was therefore much surprised at seeing M. Las Cases on board again
before seven o'clock the same evening; and one of the first questions I
put to him was, whether he had been at Rochefort? He answered, that, on
returning to isle d'Aix, he found that Napoleon had arrived there.
"M. Las Cases then presented to me the letter Count Bertrand wrote
concerning Buonaparte's intention to come on board the ship (a copy of
which has been transmitted to your lordship by Sir Henry Hotham,) and it
was not till then agreed upon that I should receive him; when either M.
Las Cases or General Gourgaud (I am not positive which, as I was
employed writing my own dispatches) wrote to Bertrand to inform him of
it. While paper was preparing to write the letter, I said again to M.
Las Cases, 'You will recollect I have no authority for making conditions
of any sort.' Nor has M. Las Cases ever started such an idea till the
day before yesterday. That it was not the feeling of Buonaparte, or the
rest of his people, I will give strong proof, drawn from the
conversations they have held with me.
"As I never heard the subject mentioned till two days ago, I shall not
detail every conversation that has passed, but confine myself to that
period. The night that the squadron anchored at the back of Berryhead,
Buonaparte sent for me about ten P.M., and said he was informed by
Bertrand that I had received orders to remove him to the Northumberland,
and wished to know if that was the case; on being told that it was, he
requested that I would write a letter to Bertrand, stating I had such
orders, that it might not appear he went of his own accord, but that he
had been forced to do so. I told him I could have no objection, and
wrote a letter to that effect, which your lordship afterwards
sanctioned, and desired me, if he required it, to give him a copy of the
order.
"After having arranged that matter, I was going to withdraw, when he
requested me to remain, as he had something more to say. He then began
complaining of his treatment in being forced to go to St. Helena; among
other things he observed, 'They say I made no conditions--certainly I
made no conditions; how could a private man (_un particulier_) make
conditions with a nation? I wanted nothing from them but hospitality, or
(as the ancients would express it) air and water. I threw myself on the
generosity of the English nation: I claimed a place _sur leurs foyers_,
and my only wish was to purchase a small estate, and end my life in
tranquillity.' After more of the same sort of conversation, I left him
for the night.
"On the morning he removed from the Bellerophon to the Northumberland,
he sent for me again, and said, 'I have sent for you to express my
gratitude for your conduct to me, while I have been on board the ship
you command. My reception in England has been very different from what I
expected; but you throughout have behaved like a man of honour; and I
request you will accept my thanks, as well as convey them to the
officers and ship's company of the Bellerophon.' Soon afterwards,
Montholon came to me from Buonaparte; but, to understand what passed
between him and me, I must revert to a conversation that I had with
Madame Bertrand on the passage from Rochefort.
"It is not necessary to state how the conversation commenced, as it does
not apply to the present transaction; but she informed me that it was
Buonaparte's intention to present me with a box containing his picture
set with diamonds. I answered, 'I hope not, for I cannot receive
it.'--'Then you will offend him very much,' she said.--'If that is the
case,' I replied, 'I request you will take measures to prevent its being
offered, as it is absolutely impossible I can accept of it; and I wish
to spare him the mortification, and myself the pain, of a refusal.'
There the matter dropped, and I heard no more of it, till about half an
hour before Buonaparte quitted the Bellerophon, when Montholon came to
me, and said he was desired by Buonaparte to express the high sense he
entertained of my conduct throughout the whole of the transaction;--that
it had been his intention to present me with a box containing his
portrait, but that he understood I was determined not to accept it. I
said, 'Placed as I was, I felt it impossible to receive a present from
him, though I was highly flattered at the testimony he had borne to the
uprightness of my conduct throughout.' Montholon added, 'One of the
greatest causes of chagrin he feels in not being admitted to an
interview with the Prince Regent is, that he had determined to ask as a
favour, your being promoted to the rank of rear-admiral.' To which I
replied, 'That would have been quite impossible, but I do not the less
feel the kindness of the intention.' I then said, 'I am hurt that Las
Cases should say I held forth any assurances as to the reception
Buonaparte was to meet with in England.'--'Oh!' said he, 'Las Cases is
disappointed in his expectations; and as he negotiated the affair, he
attributes the Emperor's situation to himself: but I can assure you that
he (Buonaparte) feels convinced you have acted like a man of honour
throughout.'
"As your lordship overheard part of a conversation which took place
between Las Cases and me on the quarterdeck of the Bellerophon, I shall
not detail it; but on that occasion, I positively denied having promised
any thing as to the reception of Buonaparte and his suite; and I believe
your lordship was of opinion he could not make out the statement to you.
It is extremely unpleasant for me to be under the necessity of entering
into a detail of this sort; but the unhandsome representation Las Cases
has made to your lordship of my conduct, has obliged me to produce
proofs of the light in which the transaction was viewed by Buonaparte as
well as his attendants.
"I again repeat that Captains Gambier and Sartorius can verify the
principal part of what I have stated, as far as concerns the charge made
against me by Count Las Cases.--I have the honour to be your lordship's,
&c.
"FREDERICK L. MAITLAND.
"To the Right Hon.
Viscount Keith, G.C.B., &c. &c."
"_Slaney, in Plymouth Sound,
15th August, 1815._
"MY LORD,--I have read Captain Maitland's letter to your lordship, of
the 8th instant, containing his observations upon the assertions made on
the preceding day by Count Las Cases; and I most fully attest the
correctness of the statement he has made, so far as relates to the
conversations that took place in my presence.--I have the honour to be
your lordship's, &c.
"G. R. SARTORIUS,
Capt. of H. M. S. Slaney.
"To the Right Hon.
Viscount Keith, G.C.B., &c. &c."
It happened that Captain Gambier's attestation to the above statement
was not in Captain Maitland's possession; but having obtained a copy of
it from the kindness of Mr. Meike, secretary to Lord Keith, we can
supply this additional piece of evidence to a proof already so distinct
in itself.
"I have read the preceding letter" [that of Captain Maitland,] "and most
fully attest the correctness of what Captain Maitland has said, so far
as relates to what occurred in my presence on the evening of the 14th of
July.
(Signed) "ROBERT GAMBIER,
"Captain of H. M. Ship Myrmidon."
No. III.
[See p. 249.]
STATES OF THERMOMETER, as taken at _Deadwood_, island of St. Helena,
during twelve calendar months, viz. from 1st Sept. 1820, to 31st Aug.
1821, inclusive.--This condensed view of the different states of the
Thermometer was kept at Deadwood, which is just one short mile from
Longwood, and therefore expresses the exact temperature of the climate
in which he lived--milder, and more equable, certainly, than most in the
known world. In point of moisture, Dr. Shortt is not of opinion that St.
Helena differs materially from any other tropical island of the same
extent. His account of the general state of health among the troops has
been already referred to.
Thermometer.
Months. Maximum. Medium. Minimum. Remarks
Sept. 1820, 66 64 62 Wind blowing from S.E.
Oct. do. 68 65 62 Do. Do.
Nov. do. 72 66 61 Generally S.E. 6 days from N.W.
Dec. do. 72 66 61 Wind from S.E.
Jan. 1821, 76 70 68 Do. Do.
Feb. do. 76 70 67 Do. Do.
March do. 76 71 67 Do. Do.
April do. 74 70 66 Do. Do.
May do. 72 68 64 Do. Do.
June do. 70 65 57 Generally S.E. 1 day westerly.
July do. 71 66 57 Do. Do.
Aug. do. 68 64 62 Wind from S.E.
(Certified) by THOMAS SHORTT,
Physician to H.M. Forces, and
Principal Medical Officer at St. Helena.
No. IV.
INTERVIEW BETWIXT NAPOLEON BUONAPARTE AND HENRY ELLIS, ESQ., THIRD
COMMISSIONER OF LORD AMHERST'S EMBASSY TO CHINA.
[See p. 311.]
Although, like others, I was familiar with the details of Buonaparte's
present situation, and might, therefore, be supposed to have become
saturated with those sentiments of surprise, which such an extraordinary
reverse of fortune was calculated to excite--I must confess that I could
boast but little self-possession on entering the presence of a man, who
had been at once the terror and wonder of the civilized world. The
absence of attendants, and the other circumstances of high station, did
not seem to me to have affected his individual greatness; however
elevated his rank had been, his actions had been still beyond it. Even
the mighty weapons which he had wielded were light to his gigantic
strength; the splendour of a court, the pomp, discipline, and number of
his armies, sufficient to have constituted the personal greatness of an
hereditary monarch, scarcely added to the effect produced by the
tremendous, but unfortunately ill-directed, energies of his mind. Their
absence, therefore, did not diminish the influence of his
individuality. I do not know that I ever before felt myself in the
presence of a mind differing from mine, not in degree, but in nature;
and could have had but little disposition to gratify curiosity by
inquiries into the motives which had guided his conduct in the eventful
transactions of his life. I came prepared to listen and recollect, not
to question or speculate. Lord Amherst having presented me, Napoleon
began by saying, that my name was not unknown to him; that he understood
I had been at Constantinople, and had a faint recollection of some
person of my name having been employed in Russia. I, in reply, said that
I had been at Constantinople in my way to Persia. "Yes," says he, "it
was I who showed you the way to that country? _Eh bien, comment se porte
mon ami le Shah?_ What have the Russians been doing lately in that
quarter?" On my informing him that the result of the last war had been
the cession of all the territory in the military occupation of their
troops--he said, "Yes, Russia is the power now most to be dreaded;
Alexander may have whatever army he pleases. Unlike the French and
English, the subjects of the Russian empire improve their condition by
becoming soldiers. If I called on a Frenchman to quit his country, I
required him to abandon his happiness. The Russian, on the contrary, is
a slave while a peasant, and becomes free and respectable when a
soldier. A Frenchman, leaving his country, always changes for the worse,
while Germany, France, and Italy, are all superior to the native country
of the Russians. Their immense bodies of Cossacks are also formidable;
their mode of travelling resembles the Bedouins of the desert. They
advance with confidence into the most unknown regions." He then related
the following instance of the extraordinary powers of vision possessed
by the Arabs. When in Egypt, he took up his glass to examine an Arab,
who was still at some distance. Before Buonaparte had, with the
assistance of the instrument, ascertained his appearance, a Bedouin
standing near him, had so completely made him out, as to distinguish the
dress of the tribe to which he belonged.
"Russia," continued he, "has still her designs upon Constantinople. To
obtain my consent to his projects upon Turkey, was the great wish of the
Emperor Alexander, but in vain; I told him I would never allow the Greek
cross to be added to the crown of the Czars. Austria would unite with
Russia against Turkey, on condition of being allowed to retain the
provinces contiguous to her frontier. France and England are the only
powers interested in opposing their schemes; I always felt this, and
always supported the Turks, although I hated them as barbarians. If
Russia," he added, "organises Poland, she will be irresistible."
Napoleon here took a rapid view of the military character of the nations
of Europe, and, without reference to what he had just said respecting
the Russians, declared the French and English were the only troops
deserving notice for their discipline and moral qualities. "The Austrian
and Prussian," he said, "were much inferior: in fact, real strength and
efficiency were confined to the English and French." The remainder of
his harangue (for his habit of not waiting for, or indeed listening to
replies, renders conversation an inapplicable term) was employed upon
the present state of England, which he considered was most calamitous,
and as produced by the impolicy of mixing with continental affairs. The
dominion of the seas, and the maintenance of a monopoly of commerce, he
considered as the only true foundation of our national prosperity.
"Whatever might be the bravery of our troops, their limited number would
for ever prevent us from becoming a great military power. _Vous avez
toujours vôtre bravoure des siècles, mais avec quarante cinq mille, vous
ne serez jamais, puissance militaire._ In sacrificing maritime affairs,
we were acting like Francis I. at the battle of Pavia, whose general had
made an excellent disposition of his army, and had placed forty-five
pieces of cannon (an unheard of battery at that time) in a situation
that must have secured the victory: Francis, however, his grand sabre à
la main, placed himself at the head of his gendarmerie and household
troops, between the battery and the enemy, and thereby lost the
advantage his superiority of artillery gave him; thus," said he,
"seduced by a temporary success, you are masking the only battery you
possess, your naval pre-eminence. While that remains, you may blockade
all Europe. I well know the effect of blockade. With two small wooden
machines, you distress a line of coast, and place a country in the
situation of a body rubbed over with oil, and thus deprived of the
natural perspiration. I," says he, "am now suffering in my face from
this obstruction to perspiration, and blockade has the same effect upon
a nation. What have you gained by the war? You have gained possession of
my person, and had an opportunity of exhibiting an example of
ungenerousness. By placing the Bourbons on the throne, you have
disturbed the legitimacy of kings, for I am the natural sovereign of
France. You conceived that none but Napoleon could shut the ports of
Europe against you, but now every petty sovereign insults you with
prohibitory regulations upon your commerce.--_L'Angleterre est déchue
depuis qu'elle s'est mêlée des affaires du continent._--You should have
been aware of the advance I had made towards the improvement of
manufacture throughout my empire, and secured the repayment of your
expenses during the war, by a forced extension of your trade. Who placed
the King of Portugal on his throne? Was it not England? Had you not,
therefore, a right to be reimbursed? and that reimbursement might have
been found in the exclusive trade to the Brazils for five years. This
demand was reasonable, and could not, therefore, have been refused." I
observed, that such a proceeding would not have been consonant with our
political system, and that the King of Portugal, aware of this, would
have resisted, the more especially as, when placed on the throne, he no
longer wanted our assistance. "The demand should have been made in the
first instance," said he, "when you might have asked anything; but it is
now too late; and you have only to blame your ministers, who have
totally neglected the interests of England. Russia, Austria, Prussia,
have all been gainers; England alone has been a loser. You have even
neglected that poor kingdom of Hanover. Why not have added three or four
millions to its population? Lord Castlereagh got among the monarchs,
became a courtier, and thought more of their aggrandisement, than of the
claims of his country. Your good fortunes, _et mes fautes, mes
imprudences_, have brought about a state of things which even Pitt never
dared to dream of; and what is the result? your people are starving, and
your country is convulsed with riots. The situation of England is most
curious. She has gained all, and yet she is ruined. Believe the opinion
of a man accustomed to consider political subjects; England should look
wholly to commerce, and naval affairs; she never can be a continental
power, and in the attempt must be ruined. Maintain the empire of the
seas, and you may send your ambassadors to the courts of Europe, and ask
what you please. The sovereigns are aware of your present distressed
situation, and insult you." He repeated, "Forty-five thousand men will
never make you a military power; it is not in the genius of your nation.
None but the very dregs of the nation enlist in your army; the
profession is not liked." He would not listen to an observation
respecting the great channel of supply from the militia to the line,
which he seemed to confound with the volunteers.
Napoleon continued his observations by saying, "The suspension of the
habeas corpus would not prove a remedy for the riots; people must have
food; the stagnation of commerce diminishes your exports, and your
manufacturers are starving. It is absurd to describe the evils as
temporary. Wellesley is right in that, the distress is general, and must
be lasting. Stopping the evils by suspending the habeas corpus, is
applying topical remedies when the disease is in the system; topical
remedies will only remove topical eruption; the complaint extends over
the whole body.--There is not a man of ability in the cabinet. Lord
Chatham understood the true interests of England, when he said, 'If we
are just for twenty-four hours, we must be ruined.' Immense extension of
commerce, combined with reductions and reforms, could alone have
prevented the present crisis in England. For his part, he wished that
all was tranquil and settled, as that was his only chance of being
released. A large army," he remarked, "was moreover inconsistent with
our free constitution, to which we were, with reason, so much attached."
I remarked, that the superior importance to England of maritime concerns
was fully acknowledged by our ministers, and that they would heartily
rejoice in being enabled to withdraw the British contingent in France
(to which he seemed to have alluded); that the actual distress in
England arose from the system of public credit, by which the war had
been supported, and the consequences of which were in their nature
lasting; that these consequences had been anticipated, and were not, it
was to be hoped, irremediable. "Yes," said Napoleon, "your resources are
great; but your ruin, from persisting in your present policy, is
certain. Your ministers have affected generosity, and have ruined the
country. In this generosity you have departed from the system of your
ancestors, who never concluded a peace without gaining, or attempting to
gain, some advantage; they were steady merchants, who filled their
purses; but you have set up for gentlemen, and are ruined. Although the
peace, on the termination of the American war, was honourable to France,
for she compelled England to acknowledge the independence of America,
the treaty in 1783 was fatal to French commerce; and how do you suppose
that came to be concluded? The French ministers were fully aware of its
injurious consequences, but England threatened war, and they had no
money to defray the expenses." I understood Buonaparte to say, that this
account was supported by memoirs in the Bureau des Affaires Etrangères.
During the conversation, which, notwithstanding the variety of topics
started, if not discussed, did not occupy more than half an hour, there
were frequent repetitions of particular expressions, such as
"_L'Angleterre est déchue; avec 45,000 hommes vous ne serez jamais
puissance continentale_." Buonaparte never listened to any reply
naturally arising from his observations, but continued his own view of
the subject he was discussing; he seemed little studious in arrangement,
but poured out his ideas with a rapidity of language almost equal to the
rapidity of their succession in the mind. His style upon political
subjects is so epigrammatic and tranchant, that in a man whose actions
had not been correspondent, it would look like charlatanerie. Buonaparte
must be allowed to be eloquent, and possesses that species of oratory
well adapted for a popular assembly, or for influencing persons already
prepared to look up to him. Upon the former, his point would produce
impression; and a sort of oracular confidence, in which he abounds,
would command the conviction of the latter. His manner, on the whole,
was pleasing, and had a mixture of simplicity and conscious superiority
which I never before witnessed. The expression of his countenance is
more intellectual than commanding; and his person, so far from being
overgrown with corpulency, seems fully equal to the endurance of the
greatest exertion. I should say that he was as fit as ever to go through
a campaign, and that, considering his age, he was not unusually
corpulent. I have omitted to mention an illustration made use of by
Buonaparte, in speaking of the conduct of the English ministers at the
Congress. "You were," said he, "like the dog in the fable, who dropt the
piece of meat in the water, while looking at his own image. You had the
commerce of the world, and you took no precautions to retain it. Nothing
but a great extension of commerce could have enabled you to bear your
immense taxes, and you made no effort to obtain it." Buonaparte miscalls
English names and words more than any foreigner I ever before heard, who
had pretensions to a knowledge of the language; and notwithstanding his
reading, and the attention he has probably paid to the subject, he seems
little acquainted with the nature of our domestic policy. His plans,
like his practice, are all despotic, and are formed without adverting to
constitutional restrictions.
In his conversation with Lord Amherst, he dwelt much upon his present
situation, and expressed himself with great and unjustifiable bitterness
respecting Sir H. Lowe. Lord Bathurst's speech had evidently annoyed
him, and he expressed disappointment at the countenance such language
and treatment received from Lords Sidmouth and Liverpool, with whom he
affected to consider himself as having been formerly on terms of
amicable intercourse. He said such a man as Lord Cornwallis ought to
have been placed in Sir H. Lowe's situation. It is difficult to conceive
any complaints more unreasonable than those made by Buonaparte of Sir H.
Lowe's conduct. There perhaps never was a prisoner so much requiring to
be watched and guarded, to whom so much liberty and range for exercise
was allowed. With an officer he may go over any part of the island;
wholly unobserved, his limits extend four miles--partially observed,
eight--and overlooked, twelve. At night, the sentinels certainly close
round Longwood itself. The house is small, but well furnished; and
altogether as commodious as the circumstances under which it was
procured would admit. I can only account for his petulance and unfounded
complaints, from one of two motives--either he wishes by their means to
keep alive interest in Europe, and more especially in England, where he
flatters himself he has a party; or his troubled mind finds an
occupation in the tracasseries which his present conduct gives to the
governor. If the latter be the case, it is in vain for any governor to
unite being on good terms with him to the performance of his duty.
Buonaparte, in concluding the observations which he thought proper to
address to me, made a motion with his hand to Lord Amherst for the
introduction of Captain Maxwell and the gentlemen of the embassy. They
entered, accompanied by Generals Bertrand, Montholon, and Gourgaud. A
circle under the direction of the grand marshal was formed, and Lord
Amherst having presented Captain Maxwell, Buonaparte said, "I have heard
of you before--you took one of my frigates, the Pauline; _vous êtes un
méchant;_ well, your government can say nothing about your losing the
ship, for you have taken one for them before." He observed of Lord
Amherst's son, that he must resemble his mother, and good-humouredly
asked him what he had brought from China, whether a bonnet or a
mandarin? He inquired of Mr. M'Leod, the surgeon of the Alceste, how
long he had served, and if he had been wounded? repeating the question
in English. On Mr. Abel being introduced as naturalist, he inquired if
he knew Sir Joseph Banks, saying that his name had always been a
passport, and that, even during the war, his requests had always been
attended to. He wished to know if Mr. Abel was a member of the Royal
Society, or was a candidate for that honour. Buonaparte appeared to be
under some erroneous impression respecting a son of Sir J. Banks having
gone on an expedition to the coast of Africa. Mr. Cook's name led him
naturally to inquire whether he was a descendant of the celebrated Cook,
the navigator, adding, "he was indeed a great man." Dr. Lynn having been
presented as a physician, was asked at what university he had studied?
"At Edinburgh," being the reply.--"Ah! you are a Brunonian in practice;
and do you bleed and give as much mercury as our St. Helena doctors?" To
Mr. Griffiths, the chaplain, (whom he called _Aumonier_,) he put some
questions respecting the state of religion in China; he was answered, a
kind of Polytheism. Not seeming to understand this word spoken in
English, Bertrand explained, _Pluralité de Dieux_. "Ah, _Pluralité de
Dieux_! Do they believe," he resumed, "in the immortality of the
soul?"--"They seem to have some idea of a future state," was the reply.
He then asked to what university he belonged? and jokingly said to Lord
Amherst, "you must get him a good living when you go home;" adding, "I
wish you may be a prebendary." He then inquired of Mr. Hayne, how and
where he had been educated? On being told that he had been educated at
home by his father, he immediately turned away; and having now said
something to each, he dismissed us.
No. V.
MEMORANDUM OF THE ESTABLISHMENT AT LONGWOOD.
[See p. 315.]
GENERAL BUONAPARTE, 1
_Followers._
General and Madame Bertrand, 2
Children of ditto, 3
General and Madame Montholon, 2
Children of ditto, 2
General Gourgaud, 1
Count Las Cases, 1
Monsieur Las Cases, his son, 1
Captain Prowtowski, 1
_Foreign Servants to General Buonaparte_, 12
Marchand,
Santini,
Lepage,
Aby,
Cipriani,
Rosseau,
Noverraz,
Pierron,
Archambaud, 1,
Archambaud, 2,
Gentilini,
1 female cook,
Bernard, wife, and son, foreign servants to General Bertrand, 3
1 French female servant to General Montholon, 1
_English Attendants._
1 English gardener, 1
English soldiers (servants,) 12
1 boy, a soldier's son, 1
1 English maid-servant to General Bertrand, 1
2 English female servants to General Montholon, 2
Black servants, 3
_British Officers attached to the Establishment._
Captain Poppleton, captain of the guard, 1
Dr. O'Meara, surgeon, 1
Servants, 3
--
Total, 55
_29th August, 1816._
Of these persons, General Gourgaud, Madame Montholon and her children,
Count Las Cases and his son, Prowtowski and Santini, returned to Europe
at different periods.
Cipriani, the maître d'hôtel, died on the island.
The Abbé Bonavita, surgeon Antommarchi, the priest, Vignali, and two
cooks, were sent out to St. Helena in 1819.
The abbé returned to Europe in 1821, having left St. Helena in the month
of March of that year.
Something happened to three of the servants, Pierron, Aby, and
Archambaud, which cannot be now precisely ascertained. It is thought,
however, that Pierron was sent away in consequence of some quarrel about
a female servant; Aby (probably) died, and one of the Archambauds went
to America.
General Bertrand's family in France, and the relations of his wife in
England (the Jerninghams,) were employed to send them out several
servants, whose names cannot be ascertained.
EXTRAIT DU JOURNAL MANUSCRIT DE M. DE LAS CASES.
_Dec. 1815._--Depuis nôtre départ de Plomouth, depuis nôtre débarquement
dans l'île, jusqu'à nôtre translation à Longwood, la maison de
l'Empereur, bien que composée de onze personnes, avait cessée d'exister.
_Personnes composant le Service de l'Empereur:_--
Marchand } { Prem. valet de chambre.
St. Denis } Chambre{ Valet de chambre.
Noverraz } { Id.
Santini } { Huissier.
Cipriani } { Maître d'hôtel.
Pierron } { Officier.
Lepage } Bouche { Cusinier.
Rosseau } { Argentier.
Archambault, ainé } { Piqueur.
Archambault, cadet } Livrée { Id.
Gentilini } { Valet de pied.
Dès que nous fumes tous réunis à Longwood, l'Empereur voulut régulariser
tout ce qui étoit autour de lui, et chercha à employer chacun de nous
suivant la pente de son esprit, conservant au grand maréchal le
commandement et la surveillance de tout en grand. Il confia à M. de
Montholon tous les détails domestiques. Il donna à Monsieur Gourgaud la
direction de l'écurie, et me reserva le détail des meubles, avec la
régularisation des objets qui nous seroient fournis. Cette dernière
partie me sembloit tellement en contraste avec les détails domestiques,
et je trouvois que l'unité sur ce point devoit être si avantageux au
bien commun, que je me prêtai le plus que je pus à m'en faire
dépouiller; ce qui ne fut pas difficile.
No. VI.
INTERVIEW BETWEEN BUONAPARTE AND THE WIDOW OF THEOBALD WOLFE TONE.
[See p. 342.]
In vindication of what we have said in the text respecting the ready
access afforded by Napoleon, when Emperor, we may refer to the following
interesting extract from the Memoirs of Theobald Wolfe Tone, already
quoted. It is the account given by his widow of an interview with the
Emperor; and it is only necessary to add, by way of introduction, that
Mrs. Tone, having received a pension from the French government after
her husband's catastrophe, became desirous, in addition, to have her son
admitted into the military school at St. Cyr. Being discountenanced in
her pretensions by the minister-at-war, she was advised to present her
memorial to the Emperor himself. The following is a very pleasing
account of the scene that took place betwixt them, in which we give
Napoleon full credit for acting from his feelings of generosity towards
the widow and orphan of a man who had died in his service:--
"Very soon the carriage with the Emperor and Empress drove into the
circle; the horses were changed as quick as thought, but I stept up and
presented the book and memorial. He took them, and handing the book to
his _écuyer_, opened the paper. I have said it commenced by recalling
Tone to his memory. When he began, he said 'Tone!' with an expressive
accent--'I remember well,' (_Je m'en souviens bien._) He read it all
through, and two or three times stopped, looked at me, and bowed in
reading it. When he had finished, he said to me, 'Now, speak to me of
yourself,' (_Maintenant, parlez moi de vous._) I hesitated, for I was
not prepared for that question, and took small interest in the subject.
He proceeded. 'Have you a pension?' I said I had. 'Is it sufficient? Do
you want any extraordinary succour?' By this time I had recovered
myself, and said, 'That his Majesty's goodness left me no personal want;
that all my cares, all my interest in life, were centered in my child,
whom I now gave up to his Majesty's service.' He answered, 'Be tranquil
then on his account--be perfectly tranquil concerning him,' (_Soyez donc
tranquille sur son compte--soyez parfaitement tranquille sur lui._) I
perceived a little half smile when I said 'my child' (_mon énfant._) I
should have said 'my son.' I knew it, but forgot.--He had stopped so
long, that a crowd had gathered, and were crushing on, crying _Vive
l'Empereur!_ They drove in the guard, and there came a horse very close
to me. I was frightened, and retiring; but he called to stay where I
was--'_Restez, restez là._' Whether it was for my safety, or that he
wanted to say more, I cannot tell; but more it was impossible to say,
for the noise. I was close to the carriage door, and the guards on
horseback close behind me, and indeed I was trembling. He saluted the
people, and directed that two Napoleons a-piece should be given to the
old women, and women with little children, who were holding out their
hands. He then drove on, and, in going, nodded to me two or three times
with affectionate familiarity, saying, 'Your _child_ shall be well
naturalized,' (_Vôtre enfant sera bien naturalisé_,) with a playful
emphasis on the words _vôtre enfant_."
The youth was admitted to the cavalry school of St. Cyr, and the
following is an account of Napoleon visiting that seminary:--
"The Emperor frequently visited the school of infantry at St. Cyr,
reviewed the cadets, and gave them cold collations in the park. But he
had never visited the school of cavalry since its establishment, of
which we were very jealous, and did all in our power to attract him.
Whenever he hunted, the cadets were in grand parade on the parterre,
crying, '_Vive l'Empereur_,' with all their young energies; he held his
hat raised as he passed them; but that was all we could gain. Wise
people whispered that he never would go whilst they were so evidently
expecting him; that he liked to keep them always on the alert; it was
good for discipline. The general took another plan, and once allowed no
sign of life about the castle when the Emperor passed--it was like a
deserted place. But it did not take neither; he passed, as if there was
no castle there. It was _désesperant_. When, lo! the next day but one
after I had spoken to him, he suddenly gallopped into the court of the
castle, and the cry of the sentinel, '_L'Empereur!_' was the first
notice they had of it. He examined into every thing. All were in
undress, all at work, and this was what he wanted. In the military
schools, the cadets got ammunition-bread, and lived like well fed
soldiers; but there was great outcry in the circles of Paris against the
bread of the school of St. Germains. Ladies complained that their sons
were poisoned by it; the Emperor thought it was all nicety, and said no
man was fit to be an officer who could not eat ammunition-bread.
However, being there, he asked for a loaf, which was brought, and he saw
it was villanous trash, composed of pease, beans, rye, potatoes, and
every thing that would make flour or meal, instead of good brown wheaten
flour. He tore the loaf in two in a rage, and dashed it against the
wall, and there it stuck like a piece of mortar, to the great annoyance
of those whose duty it was to have attended to this. He ordered the
baker to be called, and made him look at it _sticking_. The man was in
great terror first at the Emperor's anger; but, taking heart, he begged
his Majesty not to take his contract from him, and he would give good
bread in future; at which the Emperor broke into a royal and imperial
passion, and threatened to send him to the galleys; but, suddenly
turning round, he said, 'Yes, he would allow him to keep his contract,
on condition that, as long as it lasted, he should furnish the school
with good white household bread, (_pain de ménage_,) such as was sold in
the baker's shops in Paris;--that he might choose that, or lose his
contract;' and the baker thankfully promised to furnish good white bread
in future, at the same price."
No. VII.
BUONAPARTE'S LAST WILL AND TESTAMENT.
[See p. 349.]
NAPOLEON,
_This 15th April, 1821, at Longwood, Island of St. Helena. This is my
Testament, or Act of my last Will._
I.
1. I die in the apostolical Roman religion, in the bosom of which I was
born, more than fifty years since. 2. It is my wish that my ashes may
repose on the banks of the Seine, in the midst of the French people,
whom I have loved so well. 3. I have always had reason to be pleased
with my dearest wife, Marie Louise. I retain for her, to my last moment,
the most tender sentiments--I beseech her to watch, in order to preserve
my son from the snares which yet environ his infancy. 4. I recommend to
my son never to forget that he was born a French prince, and never to
allow himself to become an instrument in the hands of the triumvirs who
oppress the nations of Europe; he ought never to fight against France,
or to injure her in any manner; he ought to adopt my motto--"_Every
thing for the French people_." 5. I die prematurely, assassinated by the
English oligarchy and its * * *. The English nation will not be slow in
avenging me. 6. The two unfortunate results of the invasions of France,
when she had still so many resources, are to be attributed to the
treason of Marmont, Augereau, Talleyrand, and La Fayette. I forgive
them--may the posterity of France forgive them like me! 7. I thank my
good and most excellent mother--the Cardinal--my brothers Joseph,
Lucien, Jerome--Pauline, Caroline, Julie, Hortense, Catarine, Eugène,
for the interest which they have continued to feel for me. I pardon
Louis for the libel which he published in 1820: It is replete with false
assertions and falsified documents. 8. I disavow the "Manuscript of St.
Helena," and other works, under the title of Maxims, Sayings, &c., which
persons have been pleased to publish for the last six years. These are
not the rules which have guided my life. I caused the Duc d'Enghien to
be arrested and tried, because that step was essential to the safety,
interest, and honour of the French people, when the Count d'Artois was
maintaining, by his confession, sixty assassins at Paris. Under similar
circumstances, I would act in the same way.
II.
1. I bequeath to my son, the boxes, orders, and other articles; such as
my plate, field-bed, saddles, spurs, chapel plate, books, linen, which I
have been accustomed to wear and use, according to the list annexed (A.)
It is my wish that this slight bequest may be dear to him, as recalling
the memory of a father, of whom the universe will discourse to him. 2. I
bequeath to Lady Holland the antique cameo which Pope Pius VI. gave me
at Tolentino. 3. I bequeath to Count Montholon two millions of francs,
as a proof of my satisfaction with the filial attentions which he has
paid to me during six years, and as an indemnity for the losses which
his residence at St. Helena has occasioned. 4. I bequeath to Count
Bertrand five hundred thousand francs. 5. I bequeath to Marchand, my
first valet-de-chambre, four hundred thousand francs. The services which
he has rendered to me are those of a friend; it is my wish that he
should marry the widow, sister, or daughter of an officer of my old
guard. 6. Item, To St. Denis, one hundred thousand francs. 7. Item, To
Novarre, one hundred thousand francs. 8. Item, To Pieron, one hundred
thousand francs. 9. Item, To Archambaud, fifty thousand francs. 10.
Item, To Cursor, twenty-five thousand francs. 11. Item, to Chandellier,
item. 12. Item, to the Abbé Vignali, one hundred thousand francs. It is
my wish that he should build his house near the Ponte nuovo di Costino.
13. Item, To Count Las Cases, one hundred thousand francs. 14. Item, To
Count Lavalette, one hundred thousand francs. 15. Item, To Larrey,
surgeon-in-chief, one hundred thousand francs.--He is the most virtuous
man I have known. 16. Item, To General Brayher, one hundred thousand
francs. 17. Item, To General Le Fevre Deshouettes, one hundred thousand
francs. 18. Item, To General Drouot, one hundred thousand francs. 19.
Item, To General Cambrone, one hundred thousand francs. 20. Item, To the
children of General Mouton Duvernet, one hundred thousand francs. 21.
Item, To the children of the brave Labédoyère, one hundred thousand
francs. 22. Item, To the children of General Girard, killed at Ligny,
one hundred thousand francs. 23. Item, To the children of General
Marchand, one hundred thousand francs. 24. Item, To the children of the
virtuous General Travost, one hundred thousand francs. 25. Item, To
General Lallemand the elder, one hundred thousand francs. 26. Item, To
Count Real, one hundred thousand francs. 27. Item, To Costa de Basilica,
in Corsica, one hundred thousand francs. 28. Item, To General Clausel,
one hundred thousand francs. 29. Item, To Baron de Menevalle, one
hundred thousand francs. 30. Item, To Arnault, the author of Marius, one
hundred thousand francs. 31. Item, To Colonel Marbot, one hundred
thousand francs.--I engage him to continue to write in defence of the
glory of the French armies, and to confound their calumniators and
apostates. 32. Item, To Baron Bignon, one hundred thousand francs.--I
engage him to write the history of French diplomacy, from 1792 to 1815.
33. Item, To Poggi di Talavo, one hundred thousand francs. 34. Item, To
surgeon Emmery, one hundred thousand francs. 35. These sums will be
raised from the six millions which I deposited on leaving Paris in 1815;
and from the interest, at the rate of five per cent., since July 1815.
The account will be settled with the banker by Counts Montholon,
Bertrand, and Marchand. 36. Whatever that deposit may produce beyond the
sum of five million six hundred thousand francs, which have been above
disposed of, shall be distributed as a gratuity amongst the wounded at
the battle of Waterloo, and amongst the officers and soldiers of the
battalion of the Isle of Elba, according to a scale to be determined
upon by Montholon, Bertrand, Drouot, Cambrone, and the surgeon Larrey.
37. These legacies, in case of death, shall be paid to the widows and
children, and in default of such, shall revert to the bulk of my
property.
III.
1. My private domain being my property, of which no French law deprives
me, that I am aware of, an account of it will be required from the Baron
de la Bouillerie, the treasurer thereof; it ought to amount to more than
200,000,000 of francs; namely, 1. The portfolio containing the savings
which I made during fourteen years out of my civil list, which amounted
to more than 12,000,000 per annum, if my memory be good. 2. The produce
of this portfolio. 3. The furniture of my palaces, such as it was in
1814, including the palaces of Rome, Florence, and Turin. All this
furniture was purchased with moneys accruing from the civil list. 4. The
proceeds of my houses in the kingdom of Italy, such as money, plate,
jewels, furniture, equipages; the accounts will be rendered by Prince
Eugene, and the steward of the crown, Campagnoni.
NAPOLEON
2. I bequeath my private domain, one half to the surviving officers and
soldiers of the French army who have fought since 1792 to 1815, for the
glory and the independence of the nation. The distribution shall be made
in proportion to their appointments upon active service. One half to the
towns and districts of Alsace, of Lorraine, of Franche Compté, of
Burgundy, of the isle of France, of Champagne Forest, Dauphiné, which
may have suffered by either of the invasions. There shall be previously
deducted from this sum, one million for the town of Brienne, and one
million for that of Meri. I appoint Counts Montholon, Bertrand, and
Marchand, the executors of my will.
This present will, wholly written with my own hand, is signed, and
sealed with my own arms.
(L. S.) NAPOLEON.
LIST (A.)
AFFIXED TO MY WILL.
_Longwood, Island of St. Helena, this 15th April 1821._
I.
1. The consecrated vessels which have been in use at my chapel at
Longwood. 2. I enjoin the Abbé Vignali to preserve them, and to deliver
them to my son, when he shall reach the age of sixteen years.
II.
1. My arms, that is to say, my sword, that which I wore at Austerlitz,
the sabre of Sobieski, my dagger, my broad sword, my hanger, my two pair
of Versailles pistols. 2. My gold travelling box, that of which I made
use on the morning of Ulm and of Austerlitz, of Jena, of Eylau, of
Friedland, of the island of Lobau, of Moscow, of Monmirail. In this
point of view, it is my wish that it may be precious in the eyes of my
son. (It has been deposited with Count Bertrand since 1814.) 3. I charge
Count Bertrand with the care of preserving these objects, and of
conveying them to my son, when he shall attain the age of sixteen years.
III.
1. Three small mahogany boxes, containing, the first, thirty-three
snuff-boxes, or comfit-boxes; the second, twelve boxes, with the
Imperial arms, two small eye-glasses, and four boxes found on the table
of Louis XVIII., in the Tuileries, on the 20th of March, 1815; the
third, three snuff-boxes, ornamented with silver medals, according to
the custom of the Emperor; and sundry articles for the use of the
toilet, according to the lists numbered I., II., III. 2. My field-beds,
which I used in all my campaigns. 3. My field telescope. 4. My
dressing-box, one of each of my uniforms, a dozen of shirts, and a
complete set of each of my dresses, and generally of every thing used in
my toilet. 5. My wash-hand stand. 6. A small clock which is in my
chamber at Longwood. 7. My two watches, and the chain of the Empress's
hair. 8. I charge Marchand, my principal valet-de-chambre, to take care
of these articles, and to convey them to my son, when he shall attain
the age of sixteen years.
IV.
1. My cabinet of medals. 2. My plate, and my Sevres china, which I used
at St. Helena. (List B and C.) 3. I charge Count Montholon to take care
of these articles, and to convey them to my son, when he shall attain
the age of sixteen years.
V.
1. My three saddles and bridles, my spurs, which I used at St. Helena.
2. My fowling-pieces, to the number of five. 3. I charge my huntsman,
Novarre, to take care of these articles, and to convey them to my son,
when he shall attain the age of sixteen years.
VI.
1. Four hundred volumes, selected from those in my library, which I have
been accustomed to use the most. 2. I charge St. Denis to take care of
them, and to convey them to my son, when he shall attain the age of
sixteen years.
LIST (A.)
1. None of the articles which have been used by me shall be sold: the
residue shall be divided amongst the executors of my will and my
brothers. 2. Marchand shall preserve my hair, and cause a bracelet to be
made of it, with a gold clasp, to be sent to the Empress Marie Louise,
to my mother, and to each of my brothers, sisters, nephews, nieces, the
cardinal, and one of larger size for my son. 3. Marchand will send one
pair of my gold shoe-buckles to Prince Joseph. 4. A small pair of gold
knee-buckles to Prince Lucien. 5. A gold collar-clasp to Prince Jerome.
LIST (A.)
_Inventory of my Effects, which Marchand will take care of, and convey
to my Son._
1. My silver dressing-box, that which is on my table, furnished with all
its utensils, razors, &c. 2. My alarm-clock: it is the alarm-clock of
Frederick II. which I took at Potsdam (in box No. III.) 3. My two
watches, with the chain of the Empress's hair, and a chain of my own
hair for the other watch: Marchand will get it made at Paris. 4. My two
seals (one French,) contained in box No. III. 5. The small gold clock
which is now in my bed-chamber. 6. My wash-stand, its water-jug and
foot-bath, &c. 7. My night-table, that which I used in France, and my
silver-gilt bidet. 8. My two iron bedsteads, my mattresses, and my
coverlets if they can be preserved. 9. My three silver decanters, which
held my eau de vie, which my chasseurs carried in the field. 10. My
French telescope. 11. My spurs, two pair. 12. Three mahogany boxes, No.
I., II., III., containing my snuff-boxes, and other articles. 13. A
silver-gilt perfuming-pan.
_Body Linen._
6 shirts, 6 handkerchiefs, 6 cravats, 6 napkins, 6 pair of silk
stockings, 6 black stocks, 6 pair of under stockings, 2 pair of
cambric sheets, 2 pillow cases, 2 dressing gowns, 2 pair of night
drawers, 1 pair of braces, 4 pair of white kerseymere breeches and
vests, 6 madras, 6 flannel waistcoats, 6 pair of drawers, 6 pair of
gaiters, 1 small box filled with my snuff, [1 gold neck-buckle, 1 pair
gold knee-buckles, 1 pair gold shoe-buckles, contained in the little
box, No. III.]
_Clothes._
1 Uniform of the chasseurs, 1 ditto grenadiers, 1 ditto national guards,
2 hats, 1 green-and-grey great coat, 1 blue cloak (that which I had at
Marengo,) 1 sable green pelisse, 2 pair of shoes, 2 pair of boots, 2
pair of slippers, 6 belts.
NAPOLEON.
LIST (B.)
_Inventory of the Effects which I left in possession of Monsieur the
Count de Turenne._
1. Sabre of Sobieski. It is by mistake inserted in List A. It is the
sabre which the Emperor wore at Aboukir, which is in the hands of the
Count Bertrand. 1 grand collar of the legion of honour, 1 sword, of
silver gilt, 1 consular sword, 1 sword, of steel, 1 velvet belt, 1
collar of the golden fleece, 1 small travelling box of steel, 1 ditto of
silver, 1 handle of an antique sabre, 1 hat of Henry IV., and a cap, the
lace of the Emperor, 1 small cabinet of medals, 2 turkey carpets, 2
mantles, of crimson velvet, embroidered, with vests and small-clothes.
I give to my son the sabre of Sobieski.
Do. the collar of the legion of honour.
Do. the sword, silver gilt.
Do. the consular sword.
Do. the steel sword.
Do. the collar of the golden fleece.
Do. the hat of Henry IV. and the cap.
Do. the golden dressing-box for the teeth, which is in the hands
of the dentist.
To the Empress Marie Louise, my lace.
To Madame, the silver night-lamp.
To the Cardinal, the small steel travelling-box.
To Prince Eugene, the wax candlestick, silver gilt.
To the Princess Pauline, the small travelling-box.
To the Queen of Naples, a small Turkey carpet.
To the Queen Hortense, a small Turkey carpet.
To Prince Jerome, the handle of the antique sabre.
To Prince Joseph, an embroidered mantle, vest, and small-clothes.
To Prince Lucien, an embroidered mantle, vest, and small-clothes.
_April 16th, 1821. Longwood._
_This is a Codicil to my Will._
1. It is my wish that my ashes may repose on the banks of the Seine, in
the midst of the French people, whom I loved so well. 2. I bequeath to
Counts Bertrand, Montholon, and to Marchand, the money, jewels, plate,
china, furniture, books, arms, and generally every thing that belongs to
me in the island of St. Helena. This codicil, entirely written with my
own hand, is signed, and sealed with my own arms.
(L. S.) NAPOLEON.
_This 24th April, 1821. Longwood._
_This is my Codicil or Note of my last Will._
Out of the settlement of my civil list of Italy, such as money, jewels,
plate, linen, equipages, of which the Viceroy is the depositary, and
which belonged to me, I dispose of two millions, which I bequeath to my
most faithful servants. I hope that, without acting upon the credit of
any account, my son, Eugene Napoleon, will pay them faithfully. He
cannot forget the forty millions which I gave him in Italy, and in the
distribution of the inheritance of his mother.
1. Out of these two millions, I bequeath to Count Bertrand, 300,000
francs, of which he will deposit 100,000 in the treasurer's chest, to be
disposed of according to my dispositions, in payment of legacies of
conscience. 2. To Count Montholon, 200,000 francs, of which he will
deposit 100,000 in the chest, for the same purpose as above mentioned.
3. To Count Las Cases, 200,000, of which he will deposit 100,000 in the
chest, for the same purpose as above mentioned. 4. To Marchand, 100,000,
of which he will deposit 50,000 in the chest, for the same purpose as
above mentioned. 5. To Count Lavalette, 100,000. 6. To General
Hogendorf, of Holland, my aide-de-camp, who has retired to the Brazils,
100,000. 7. To my aide-de-camp, Corbineau, 50,000. 8. To my
aide-de-camp, General Caffarelli, 50,000 francs. 9. To my aide-de-camp,
Dejean, 50,000. 10. To Percy, surgeon-in-chief at Waterloo, 50,000. 11.
50,000, that is to say, 10,000 to Pieron, my maître d'hôtel; 10,000 to
St. Denis, my head chasseur; 10,000 to Novarre; 10,000 to Cursor, my
clerk of the kitchen; 10,000 to Archambaud, my overseer. 12. To Baron
Mainevalle, 50,000. 13. To the Duke d'Istria, son of Bessières, 50,000
francs. 14. To the daughter of Duroc, 50,000 francs. 15. To the children
of Labédoyère, 50,000. 16. To the children of Mouton Duvernet, 50,000.
17. To the children of the brave and virtuous General Travost, 50,000.
18. To the children of Chartrand, 50,000. 19. To General Cambrone,
50,000. 20. To General Lefevre Desnouettes, 50,000. 21. To be
distributed amongst such proscribed persons as wander in foreign
countries, whether they may be French, or Italian, or Belgians, or
Dutch, or Spanish, or inhabitants of the departments of the Rhine, at
the disposal of my executors, 100,000. 22. To be distributed amongst
those who suffered amputation, or were severely wounded at Ligny, or
Waterloo, who may be still living, according to lists drawn up by my
executors, to whom shall be added, Cambrone, Larrey, Percy, and Emmery.
The guard shall be paid double; those of the island of Elba, quadruple;
200,000 francs.
This codicil is written entirely with my own hand, signed, and sealed
with my arms.
NAPOLEON.
_This 24th of April, 1821, at Longwood._
_This is a third Codicil to my Will of the 16th of April._
1. Amongst the diamonds of the crown which were delivered up in 1814,
there were some to the value of five or six hundred thousand francs, not
belonging to it, but which formed part of my private property;
repossession shall be obtained of them, in order to discharge my
legacies. 2. I had in the hands of the banker Torlonia, at Rome, bills
of exchange to the amount of two or three hundred thousand francs, the
produce of my revenues of the island of Elba, since 1815. The Sieur De
La Perouse, although no longer my treasurer, and not invested with any
character, possessed himself of this sum. He shall be compelled to
restore it. 3. I bequeath to the Duke of Istria three hundred thousand
francs, of which only one hundred thousand francs shall be reversible to
his widow, should the duke be dead at the payment of the legacy. It is
my wish, should there be no inconvenience in it, that the duke may marry
Duroc's daughter. 4. I bequeath to the Duchess of Frioul, the daughter
of Duroc, two hundred thousand francs: should she be dead at the payment
of this legacy, none of it shall be given to the mother. 5. I bequeath
to General Rigaud (to him who was proscribed,) one hundred thousand
francs. 6. I bequeath to Boisnod, the intendant commissary, one hundred
thousand francs. 7. I bequeath to the children of General Letort, who
was killed in the campaign of 1815, one hundred thousand francs. 8.
These eight hundred thousand francs of legacies shall be considered as
if inserted at the end of Article xxxvi. of my testament, which will
make the legacies which I have disposed of, by my will, amount to the
sum of six million four hundred thousand francs, without comprising the
donations which I have made by my second codicil.
This is written with my own hand, signed, and sealed with my arms.
(L. S.) NAPOLEON.
[On the outside, nearly at the centre, is written:]
This is my third codicil to my will, entirely written with my own hand,
signed, and sealed with my arms.
[The words are intermixed with the signatures of Bertrand,
Montholon, Marchand, Vignali, with their respective seals, and a
piece of green silk runs through the centre. On the upper left
corner are the following directions:]
To be opened the same day, and immediately after the opening of my will.
NAPOLEON.
[With some fragments of the signatures of the above-named witnesses.]
_This 24th April, 1821. Longwood._
_This is a fourth Codicil to my Testament._
By the dispositions which we have heretofore made, we have not fulfilled
all our obligations; which has decided us to make this fourth codicil.
1. We bequeath to the son or grandson of Baron Dutheil,
lieutenant-general of artillery, and formerly lord of St. André, who
commanded the school of Auxonne before the Revolution, the sum of one
hundred thousand francs, as a memento of gratitude for the care which
that brave general took of us when we were lieutenant and captain under
his orders.
2. Item. To the son or grandson of General Dugomier, who commanded in
chief the army of Toulon, the sum of one hundred thousand francs. We
under his orders directed that siege, and commanded the artillery; it is
a testimonial of remembrance for the marks of esteem, of affection, and
of friendship, which that brave and intrepid general gave us.
3. Item. We bequeath one hundred thousand francs to the son or grandson
of the deputy of the Convention, Gasparin, representative of the people
at the army of Toulon, for having protected and sanctioned with his
authority, the plan which we had given, which procured the capture of
that city, and which was contrary to that sent by the Committee of
Public Safety. Gasparin placed us, by his protection, under shelter from
the persecution and ignorance of the general officers who commanded the
army before the arrival of my friend Dugomier.
4. Item. We bequeath one hundred thousand francs to the widow, son, or
grandson, of our aide-de-camp, Muiron, killed at our side at Arcola,
covering us with his body.
5. Item. Ten thousand francs to the subaltern officer Cantillon, who has
undergone a trial, upon the charge of having endeavoured to assassinate
Lord Wellington, of which he was pronounced innocent. Cantillon had as
much right to assassinate that _oligarchist_, as the latter had to send
me to perish upon the rock of St. Helena. Wellington, who proposed this
outrage, attempted to justify himself by pleading the interest of Great
Britain. Cantillon, if he had really assassinated that lord, would have
excused himself, and have been justified by the same motives, the
interest of France, to get rid of a general, who, moreover, had violated
the capitulation of Paris, and by that had rendered himself responsible
for the blood of the martyrs Ney, Labédoyère, &c.; and for the crime of
having pillaged the museums, contrary to the text of the treaties.
6. These four hundred thousand francs shall be added to the six million
four hundred thousand of which we have disposed, and will make our
legacies amount to six million eight hundred and ten thousand francs;
these four hundred and ten thousand are to be considered as forming part
of our testament, article 36; and to follow in every thing the same
course as the other legacies.
7. The nine thousand pounds sterling which we gave to Count and Countess
Montholon, should, if they have been paid, be deducted and carried to
the account of the legacies which we have given to him by our testament.
If they have not been paid, our notes of hand shall be annulled.
8. In consideration of the legacy given by our will to Count Montholon,
the pension of twenty thousand francs granted to his wife, is annulled.
Count Montholon is charged to pay it to her.
9. The administration of such an inheritance, until its final
liquidation, requiring expenses of offices, of journeys, of missions, of
consultations, and of law-suits, we expect that our testamentary
executors shall retain three per cent upon all the legacies, as well
upon the six million eight hundred thousand francs, as upon the sums
contained in the codicils, and upon the two millions of the private
domain.
10. The amount of the same thus retained, shall be deposited in the
hands of a treasurer, and disbursed by drafts from our testamentary
executors.
11. If the sums arising from the aforesaid deductions be not sufficient
to defray the expenses, provision shall be made to that effect, at the
expense of the three testamentary executors and the treasurer, each in
proportion to the legacy which we have bequeathed to them in our will
and codicils.
12. Should the sums arising from the before-mentioned subtractions be
more than necessary, the surplus shall be divided amongst our three
testamentary executors and the treasurer, in the proportion of their
respective legacies.
13. We nominate Count Las Cases, and in default of him, his son, and in
default of the latter, General Drouot, to be treasurer.
This present codicil is entirely written with our hand, signed, and
sealed with our arms.
NAPOLEON
_This 24th of April, 1821. Longwood._
_This is my Codicil or Act of my last Will._
Upon the funds remitted in gold to the Empress Maria Louise, my very
dear and well-beloved spouse, at Orleans, in 1814, she remains in my
debt two millions, of which I dispose by the present codicil, for the
purpose of recompensing my most faithful servants, whom moreover I
recommend to the protection of my dear Marie Louise.
1. I recommend to the empress to cause the income of thirty thousand
francs, which Count Bertrand possessed in the duchy of Parma, and upon
the Mont Napoleon at Milan, to be restored to him, as well as the
arrears due.
2. I make the same recommendation to her with regard to the Duke of
Istria, Duroc's daughter, and others of my servants who have continued
faithful to me, and who are always dear to me. She knows them.
3. Out of the above-mentioned two millions, I bequeath three hundred
thousand francs to Count Bertrand, of which he will lodge one hundred
thousand in the treasurer's chest, to be employed in legacies of
conscience, according to my dispositions.
4. I bequeath two hundred thousand to Count Montholon, of which he will
lodge one hundred thousand in the treasurer's chest, for the same
purpose as above-mentioned.
5. Item, Two hundred thousand to Count Las Cases, of which he will lodge
one hundred thousand in the treasurer's chest, for the same purpose as
above-mentioned.
6. Item, To Marchand, one hundred thousand, of which he will place fifty
thousand in the treasurer's chest, for the same purpose as
above-mentioned.
7. To Jean Jerome Levie, the mayor of Ajaccio at the commencement of the
Revolution, or to his widow, children, or grand-children, one hundred
thousand francs.
8. To Duroc's daughter, one hundred thousand.
9. To the son of Bessières, Duke of Istria, one hundred thousand.
10. To General Drouot, one hundred thousand.
11. To Count Lavalette, one hundred thousand.
12. Item, One hundred thousand; that is to say, twenty-five thousand to
Piéron, my maître d'hôtel; twenty-five thousand to Novarre, my huntsman;
twenty-five thousand to St. Denis, the keeper of my books; twenty-five
thousand to Santini, my former door-keeper.
13. Item, One hundred thousand; that is to say, forty thousand to
Planta, my orderly officer; twenty thousand to Hebert, lately
housekeeper of Rambouillet, and who belonged to my chamber in Egypt;
twenty thousand to Lavigné, who was lately keeper of one of my stables,
and who was my jockey in Egypt; twenty thousand to Jeanet Dervieux, who
was overseer of the stables, and served in Egypt with me.
14. Two hundred thousand francs shall be distributed in alms to the
inhabitants of Brienne-le-Chateau, who have suffered most.
15. The three hundred thousand francs remaining, shall be distributed to
the officers and soldiers of my guard at the island of Elba, who may be
now alive, or to their widows or children, in proportion to their
appointments; and according to an estimate which shall be fixed by my
testamentary executors. Those who have suffered amputation, or have been
severely wounded, shall receive double: The estimate of it to be fixed
by Larrey and Emmery.
This codicil is written entirely with my own hand, signed, and sealed
with my arms.
NAPOLEON.
[On the back of the codicil is written:]
This is my codicil, or act of my last will--the execution of which I
recommend to my dearest wife, the Empress Marie Louise.
(L. S.) NAPOLEON.
[Attested by the following witnesses, whose seals are respectively
affixed:]
MONTHOLON,}
BERTRAND, } A piece of green silk.
MARCHAND, }
VIGNALI. }
_6th Codicil._
Monsieur Lafitte, I remitted to you, in 1815, at the moment of my
departure from Paris, a sum of near six millions, for which you have
given me a receipt and duplicate. I have cancelled one of the receipts,
and I charge Count Montholon to present you with the other receipt, in
order that you may pay to him, after my death, the said sum, with
interest at the rate of five per cent. from the 1st of July, 1815,
deducting the payments which you have been instructed to make by virtue
of my orders.
It is my wish that the settlement of your account may be agreed upon
between you, Count Montholon, Count Bertrand, and the Sieur Marchand;
and this settlement being made, I give you, by these presents, a
complete and absolute discharge from the said sum.
I also, at that time, placed in your hands a box, containing my cabinet
of medals. I beg you will give it to Count Montholon.
This letter having no other object, I pray God, Monsieur Lafitte, to
have you in his holy and good keeping.
NAPOLEON.
_Longwood, Island of St. Helena,
the 25th April, 1821._
_7th Codicil._
Monsieur le Baron Labouillerie, treasurer of my private domain, I beg
you to deliver the account and the balance, after my death, to Count
Montholon, whom I have charged with the execution of my will.
This letter having no other object, I pray God, Monsieur le Baron
Labouillerie, to have you in his holy and good keeping.
NAPOLEON.
_Longwood, Island of St. Helena,
the 25th April, 1821._
THE END.
FOOTNOTES:
[300] Liv. ix., Mémoires Historiques de Napoleon. London, Sir R.
Philips, 1820.--Montholon, Mémoires de Napoleon; Colburn, London,
1823.--Las Cases; London, 2 vols.--Gourgaud, War of 1815; London,
1824.--Many passages in these works will be found quite parallel; for
instance, Montholon, vol. ii., pp. 272-289, with Liv. ix., p. 43.
Grouchy, p. 4, designates these works from St. Helena, as containing,
"des instructions et des ordres supposés; des mouvements imaginaires,"
&c. &c.; also, "des assertions erronnées, des hypothèses faites après
coup;" see also p. 26. P. 22, he says, with justice, of these authors:
"Des individus qui se persuadent que l'auréole de gloire d'un grand
homme, en les éclairant un moment, les à transformé en d'irrécusables
autorités, et ne voyant pas qu'un éclat d'emprunt qui ne se refléchit
sur aucun fait d'armes connus, sur aucuns services éminens, ne sert qu'à
mieux faire ressortir la présomptueuse impéritie des jugements qu'ils
prononcent."
[301] The best account of the campaign is by an anonymous author, C. de
W., published at Stutgard, 1817, and is attributed to Baron Muffling. It
does honour to its illustrious author, from its candour and manliness,
though he naturally wishes to give more effect to the Prussian attack on
the 18th, than was actually the case; that is, he brings them into
action, with their whole force, considerably too early in the day.
[302] It is well remarked, in Liv. ix., p. 150,--"Ces détails en
appartient plus à l'histoire de chaque régiment qu'à l'histoire générale
de la bataille."
[303] Rogniat, p. 147, speaking of charges, says,--"S'ils marchent, à la
baïonette, ce n'est qu'un simulacre d'attaque: ils ne la croisent jamais
avec celle d'un ennemi qu'ils craignent d'aborder, parcequ'ils se
sentent sans défence contre ses coups, et l'un de deux partis prend la
fuite avant d'en venir aux mains."--Such is the case in all charges.
[304] The salt-water inundation could be raised at Ghent, so as to place
the Great Square five feet under water.
[305] Such, however, could only be a desultory attack, for the chaussée
by Charleroi and Givet was the nearest entry from France on this side.
The country from this to Mayence was then nearly impracticable for large
armies. Good roads have since been made through it.
[306] Buonaparte blames the allied generals for not having formed a camp
in front of Brussels, as he alleges might have been done in the
beginning of May. The wet season, and difficulty of subsisting so large
a body of troops, is some reason against it. Besides which, Buonaparte
might have made demonstrations in front, and sent 20,000 men from his
garrisons to ravage Ghent and the country beyond the Scheldt, and cut
off our communications with Ostend. In 1814, when the Prussians were
concentrated near Brussels, this had been done with effect from Lisle.
Though little advantage might have resulted to the enemy from such a
measure, much blame would have been attached for not taking precautions
against it. To cover Brussels, the capital of the country, was certainly
of great importance; and had that been the only object, a camp in its
front would have certainly been the best means of effecting it.
[307] Buonaparte himself has remarked,--"L'unité de commandement est la
chose la plus importante dans la guerre."
[308] Buonaparte, Liv. ix., p. 69, rates his force at 122,400 men, and
350 guns. Muffling, p. 17, at 130,000. Other accounts make it smaller,
and Batty, 127,400, with 350 guns.
[309] Grouchy, p. 59, speaks of the rapidity with which Blucher
assembled his army. It is also adverted to by several French military
writers.
[310] Ney might probably have driven back these troops, and occupied the
important position at Quatre-Bras; but hearing a heavy cannonade on his
right flank, where Ziethen had taken up his position, he thought it
necessary to halt, and detach a division in the direction of Fleurus.
This brings forward a remarkable case, as he was severely censured by
Napoleon for not having literally followed his orders, and pushed on to
Quatre-Bras. This was done in the presence of Maréchal Grouchy,--(see
Grouchy's Observations)--who gives it as a reason (pp. 32, 33, 61,) for
acting in the manner he did on the 18th, and not moving to his left to
support Napoleon at Waterloo.
[311] Rogniat, p. 341, says that a great portion of the French army only
reached Charleroi late on the 15th, and Fleurus at 11 A.M. on the
16th.--See GROUCHY, p. 36.
[312] Official Despatch; Muffling, pp. 8, 10, 18.
[313] Muffling, p. 17. Yet a story is told of Fouché, who is said to
have sent intelligence of Buonaparte's movements to Lord Wellington. The
courier was attacked and waylaid, as supposed by Fouché's contrivance,
so that he had an excuse ready for both parties.
[314] Muffling, p. 64, allows that the position at Ligny was too much
extended to the left, but the object of this was to have a line of
communication with the Meuse and Cologne; a fault alluded to as arising
from having two armies, and two chiefs, with different objects in view.
[315] Grouchy, p. 47; Gourgaud, Liv. ix., p. 102.
[316] It is hardly to be supposed that an officer of Ney's bold and
enterprising character, with so much at stake, would have hesitated to
attack at Quatre-Bras, if he had had his troops in readiness; but it
appears that he could not have had time to move to that point at the
early hour stated by Buonaparte. Ney had, also, too much experience of
the nature of the troops he was opposed to, to act rashly.
[317] The French did not attack until three P.M., the different corps
not being arrived to make the necessary arrangements at an earlier
hour.--GROUCHY, p. 36; ROGNIAT, p. 341.
[318] Ney's Letter to the Duc d'Otranto. Paris, 1815.--Muffling, p. 14.
[319] Muffling, pp. 15-64.--Blucher had employed his reserves to support
his right at St. Amand, and was not prepared for this change of attack.
Muffling, however, considers, that, instead of his cavalry, had he moved
his infantry from St. Amand to retake Ligny, he would have succeeded and
gained the action.
[320] Grouchy, p. 10, shows how little decisive the battle was. "La
bataille de Ligny n'a fini que vers la neuf heure de soir, seulement
alors la retraite des Prussiens a été présumée."
[321] Here it was that Blucher was so nearly falling into the hands of
the French cavalry.
[322] Grouchy, p. 11, says, that, even on the 17th, it was supposed the
Prussians had retired upon Namur, so feebly were they followed; the
light cavalry of General Pajot pursued them in this direction on the
17th, captured a few guns, which, with some stragglers, as are found in
all armies, was his whole success.
[323] The St. Helena productions raise the amount to 20,000 men, 40
guns, standards, &c. See Grouchy, pp. 48, 49.--Montholon says they lost
60,000.--Liv. x., 148, says, that the Prussian army was reduced to
40,000 men by the loss they had sustained; 30,000 men killed and
wounded, and 20,000 men, who had disbanded and ravaged the banks of the
Meuse, and by the detachments sent to cover their retreat, and that of
the baggage, in the direction of Namur.
[324] The intention of the allied maréchals to remain together, whatever
might be the issue, is known. Lord Wellington had ordered the
inundations of Antwerp to be effected to their utmost extent. The
fortresses were to have been abandoned to their own strength, and had
the events of the 16th been such as to necessitate a retreat, and give
up Brussels, Maestricht is probably the point on which both armies would
have retired.
[325] Had earlier or more positive information of the enemy's plans been
received by Lord Wellington, and the troops put in movement on the
evening of the 15th, the combinations of the two allied chiefs would
have been perfect. Nothing more is necessary to show how well their
plans had been laid, but which were not carried into full effect, by one
of those accidental occurrences which no human foresight can prevent.
[326] Liv. ix., p. 103. Buonaparte says, that Ney attacked with 16,000
infantry, 3000 cavalry, and 44 guns, leaving 16,000 infantry, 4500
cavalry, and 64 guns, in reserve at Frasnes.
[327] This belonged to the 69th regiment, not to the 42d, as Liv. ix.
states, p. 104, and was almost the only one captured during the whole
war. It may here be remarked, that if the French had carried one quarter
the number of eagles with their regiments that we have of colours, a
much larger proportion would now be found at Whitehall. A weak battalion
of English infantry always carries two large colours, very heavy and
inconvenient, whilst a French eagle, about the size of a blackbird, was
only given to a regiment composed of several battalions, which was
easily secured in case of defeat.
[328] Liv. ix., p. 60. Buonaparte remarks, that the numbers of the
allied army must not be rated at their numerical force. "Parceque
l'armée des alliés étoit composée de troups plus ou moins bonnes. Un
Anglois pourrait être compté pour un Français; et deux Hollandais,
Prussiens, ou hommes de la confédération, pour un Français. Les armées
ennemies étoient cantonnées sous le commandement de deux Généraux
différents, et formées de deux nations divisées d'intérêts et de
sentiments." His army, on the contrary, was under one chief, the idol of
his soldiers, who were of the best description--veterans who had fought
in the brilliant campaign of 1813-14, and draughts from the numerous
garrisons who had since entered France from Antwerp, Hamburg, Magdeburg,
Dantzic, Mayence, Alexandria, Mantua, &c., with the numerous prisoners
from England. Liv. ix., p. 201.
[329] Three brigades of iron eighteen-pounders were preparing at
Brussels, but not in a state of forwardness to be sent to Waterloo.
[330] Muffling, p. 20, says, "that Blucher only asked for time to
distribute food and cartridges to his men."
[331] Montholon, vii., p. 134; Liv. ix., pp. 123-207; Gourgaud, p. 131.
[332] See Liv. ix., p. 196. "Ainsi à cinq heures après midi, l'armée se
trouva sans avoir une reserve de cavalerie. Si, à huit heures et demi,
cette reserve eut existée," &c. &c. It is singular how great soldiers,
in reporting military actions, will contradict each other. Napoleon
ascribes the loss of the battle in great measure to his cavalry being so
soon and generally engaged, that he had not a reserve left to protect
his retreat. General Foy, on the contrary, affirms, that it was not the
French, but the British cavalry, which was annihilated at
Waterloo.--_Guerre de la Péninsule_, p. 116. _Note._
[333] On the 16th, at Quatre-Bras, the 33d regiment (British,) and
afterwards two battalions of the Guards, when obliged to give way to an
attack of the enemy, and pursued by the French cavalry, saved themselves
in the wood of Bossu, formed along the skirts of it, and repelled the
enemy with severe loss.
[334] The armies were now placed under their favourite commanders, as
the military of both nations had long wished; and on an arena which may
be considered as fair a one as could well have offered in the chances of
war. The British troops, however, were not composed of our best
regiments, at least our infantry, nor equal to that army which had been
in the preceding year in the south of France. Many of the most efficient
regiments had been sent to America; first a brigade from Bourdeaux to
Washington; another to Canada: and afterwards a force from Portsmouth to
New Orleans. None of those returned in time for Waterloo, though they
were _on their way_.--Liv. ix., p. 208. It has been shown how the French
army was composed.
[335] Buonaparte, liv. ix., 142, says, that he saw with pleasure that
the English guards were placed on our right, as they were our best
troops, which rendered his premeditated attack on our left more easy.
Our guards are not, as is the case in other armies, the élite of our
army; they are not selected, as in other services, from the best
soldiers in other regiments, but are recruited exactly as troops of the
line, except that they are required to be somewhat taller. It may be
here remarked, the great superiority in _appearance_, that the French
and other troops possessed over ours at the close of the war. The mode
of recruiting accounts for this. Even our militia were much superior in
this point of view to the troops of the line, and most of the best men
were obtained from them. Our recruits were in general composed of the
population of large cities, or of manufacturing towns, certainly not the
best specimens of our population; the military service is not in any
estimation amongst our peasantry, whilst the French army was composed of
the picked men of thirty millions, and other nations in proportion.
[336] Rogniat, p. 231, blames both generals for the too early employment
of their cavalry. In the case here mentioned, he says, the success was
"contre toute probabilité," as the cavalry charged unbroken infantry.
The head of the attacking columns had, however, been already shaken by
the charge of the 92d regiment, which took place nearly at the moment
the cavalry charged.
[337] Muffling, p. 26, observes, "La fumée étoit si épaisse que personne
ne voyoit l'ensemble de l'action."
[338] Liv. ix., p. 209. Buonaparte says, "L'infanterie Anglaise a été
ferme et solide. La cavalerie pouvait mieux faire."
[339] Rogniat, p. 231, says they amounted to 12,000, including other
heavy cavalry.
[340] The cavalry came up to one of the squares at a trot, and appeared
to be hanging back, as if expecting our fire; they closed round two
sides of it, having a front of seventy or eighty men, and came so close
to one angle, that they appeared to try to reach over the bayonets with
their swords. The squares were generally formed four deep, rounded at
the angles: on the approach of the cavalry, two files fired, the others
reserving their fire; the cavalry then turned, and it is not easy to
believe how few fell,--only one officer and two men; no doubt many were
wounded, but did not fall from their horses. Many squares fired at the
distance of thirty paces, with no other effect. In fact, our troops
fired too high, which must have been noticed by the most casual
observer.
[341] It has been said, that if the enemy had brought up infantry and
light artillery, our squares must have given way. This would no doubt
have been preferable: but then our reserve and cavalry would have been
moved forward to check the cavalry, and the squares would have probably
repelled the attack of the infantry. The enemy had tried to bring guns
with the attacking columns, on our left, early in the day; the
consequence was, that the horses were killed before they had advanced
far, so that they could not follow the movements of the infantry, and
were left behind. A similar attempt was made in the south of France, in
the attack of Lord Hill's corps on the Nive; the guns were harnessed, so
as to allow them to fire as they advanced, but the horses were soon
killed or disabled, and the guns were abandoned when the attack was
repulsed.
[342] This was what Marmont had done at the Aripiles, at the battle of
Salamanca, and for which he suffered so severely.
[343] Muffling, p. 27, says, after this attack, which he states to be at
four o'clock, "La bataille avoit été très sanglante, mais il n'y avoit
point de danger pour l'armée Anglaise." He says it was then five
o'clock.
[344] See Muffling, p. 32, who makes the number amount to 10,000, and
there is little doubt but that he is correct. A regiment of allied
cavalry, whose uniform resembled the French, having fled to Brussels, an
alarm spread that the enemy were at the gates. Numbers of those who had
quitted the field of battle, and, let the truth be spoken, Englishmen
too, fled from the town, and never halted until they reached Antwerp.
This fact is too well attested to be doubted.
[345] Muffling, p. 29. At four o'clock, he says, "Il n'avoit pas encore
paru un homme de cette armée."
[346] See Soult's letter to Grouchy, dated from the field of battle, at
one o'clock.
[347] Liv. ix., p. 175. Buonaparte says it was seven o'clock when Lobau
repulsed them.
[348] Of these, about 12,700 were cavalry.
[349] Liv. ix., p. 193. This force is stated "4 à 5000 hommes."
[350] Muffling, p. 58, mentions, that Buonaparte stated to some general
officer on the morning of the 18th, that he had 75,000 men, and the
English only 50,000. Liv. ix., p. 193, by taking Buonaparte's own
account in this part of the book, upon calculation it will be seen that
he there allows that he had upwards of 74,000.
[351] See Muffling, pp. 22, 31, 62. Gourgaud, pp. 98 and 99, says it was
half-past four when General Dumont informed Buonaparte of their arrival.
[352] Liv. ix., pp. 168, 169, Buonaparte makes Bulow's attack after
sunset.
[353] Muffling, p. 62, says, it was hoped the Prussian army could have
attacked at two o'clock, but that it was half-past four before a cannon
was fired by them.
[354] Liv. ix., p. 167, Ney's letter.
[355] See Lord Wellington's dispatches.
[356] Gneisnau says, it was half-past seven o'clock before Pirch's corps
arrived.--See Blucher's dispatches.
[357] Liv. ix. says it was eleven o'clock when the Prussians joined.
Gourgaud and Montholon copy this. The letter from Soult to Grouchy,
dated half-past one o'clock, stating that they were informed by a
prisoner of Bulow's march, and that they thought they discovered his
advanced posts at that hour, completely contradicts this.--Liv. ix.
[358] Muffling, p. 61. "Il ne s'agit pas de savoir ce qu'un général
ordinaire auroit fait; mais une nouvelle de cette nature auroit pu
entraîner le général le plus distingué à prendre des precautions, ou la
resolution de changer l'offensive vigoureuse en simple demonstration."