FACE: It is more or less pentagonal in 8_The Pagan Tribes of Borneo A Description of Their Physical Moral and Intellectual Condition, with Some Discussion of Their Ethnic Relations

in 4 women, broad in 1 woman, and long in 2 men; alveolar prognathism

is noted in 1 of each sex and sunken temples and cheeks in 1 man. All

are chamaeprosopic as regards both total facial and upper facial

indices, one man only being an exception in both respects. The forehead

is good in 3 of each sex, fair in 3 men, rather narrow in 2 men and

1 woman. The cheek-bones are prominent in 8 men and 2 women, not

prominent in 2 and 3. The lips are moderately thin in 4, men but tend

to be thick in 2 men and 4 women. The chin is usually well developed,

but is small in 2 women. NOSE: Three men and 1 woman are mesorhine,

the rest platyrhine, 1 woman being hyper-platyrhine. The profile is

straight in 4 men and 1 woman, straight to slightly sinuous in two

men, "Chinese" in 1 woman, concave in 4 men and 3 women; blunt tips

are noted in 6 cases and depressed tips in 3; the root is moderately

high in 7 men, narrow in 2, more or less broad in 4 men and 1 woman,

rather low in 2 and 1, broad and flat in 4 women. The base is more or

less reflected in 6 men and 4 women, straight in 4 men; the alae are

small in 4 of each sex, moderate in 4 men, wide in 1 of each sex; the

nostrils are rounded in 5 of each sex, and more or less widely open in

6 men, distended in 1 man. EYES: The aperture is moderately wide in 9

men and 4 women, and rather narrow in 1 woman; it is straight with no

fold in 4 men and 1 woman, straight with slight fold in 2 women (in one

case trace of fold in right eye only), slightly oblique with trace of

fold in 2 men and 1 woman and with fairly developed fold in 1 woman,

slightly oblique with no fold in 1 of each sex, quite oblique with

slight fold in 1 man. The colour is medium brown in 8 men and 5 women

and dark brown in 1 man. EARS: Type European in 9 men and 4 women (3

doubtful), Negroid in one man; angle prominent in 8 men (1 doubtful),

slightly prominent in 1 man; lobule distended in all but 1 man in

whom it is medium; descending helix infolded less than 2 mm. in 9 men

and 1 woman (doubtful), 2 -- 4 mm. in 1 man; Darwin's point absent

in 6 men, inrolled knob in 1 man; tragus under 3 mm. in 4 men, being

double in 3, slightly larger in 1 of each sex being double in both,

3 -- 5 mm. in 6 men and 4 women being double in 1 man; anti-tragus

absent in 3 men and 4 women, under 3 mm. in 8 men; anti-helix below

level of helix in 5 men, about at the same level in 5 men and 1 woman.

HAIR: It is straight in 2 women, straight to wavy in 6 men and 3

women, wavy in 3 men. The colour is rusty black in 7 men and 3 women,

light rusty black in 1 man, dark brown in 1 man and 2 women. It is

nearly always abundant on the head, and is rather long, especially

in the women.

SKIN: Eight are lightest cinamon (12), 1 light cinamon (14), 2 cinamon

(6), 4 pale fawn (pale 17).

Stature: One man is of medium height, the rest are short, 2 being

under 1.5 m., the median is 1.52 (4 ft. 11 3/4 in.). Four women are

under 1.5 m., one being only 1.39 m. (4 ft. 61 in.).

Seven MILANAU men, consisting of 6 Narom and 1 Miri, were measured.

HEAD-FORM: All are brachycephalic, but it should be remembered that

deformation of the head is practised by these people (vol. i., p. 48),

and it is probable that the cephalic index is very rarely normal,

consequently the head indices may be neglected. Three are flat behind

and broad in the parietal region, of whom 2 are narrow in front and

1 broad, 3 are more or less ovoid.

FACE: It is pentagonal in 4, the angle of the jaws is prominent in

1; the Miri man has an oval face pointed below, with small jaws and

alveolar prognathism. All are chamaeprosopic in regard both to total

facial and upper facial indices. The forehead is low and broad in

1, high and broad in 1, low in 1, high in 2, and rather sloping in

1. The cheek-bones are prominent in 3 and moderately large in 4. The

lips are moderately thin as a rule, in 1 they are fairly large. The

chin is rather small in 4, and fairly well formed in 3. NOSE: Four

men are mesorhine and 3 platyrhine, the highest index being 89.1. The

profile is straight in 4, with blunt tip in 2, slightly concave in 2,

and sinuous with blunt tip in 1; the root is high in 1, narrow and

moderately high in 2, broad and moderately high in 3; the base is

straight in 5, reflected in 1, and slightly concave in 1; the alae are

moderate in 3, and small in 1; the nostrils are rounded in 1, broad

in 1, moderately oval in 1. EYES: The aperture is moderately wide;

it is straight with no fold in 1, slightly oblique with no fold in 3,

more or less oblique with slight fold in 3. The colour of the iris is

medium brown in 4 and light in 2. EARS: Type European in 2, European to

Negroid in 1, European to chimpanzee in 1, chimpanzee in 1, orang in

1; angle prominent in 6, slightly prominent in 1; lobule absent in 1,

trace in 3, being adherent in 1, small in 2, medium in 1; descending

helix infolded less than 2 mm. in 6, 2 -- 4 mm. in 1; Darwin's point

absent in all; tragus under 3 mm. in 1, slightly larger in 15 3 --

5 mm. in 5, being double in 2; anti-tragus under 3 mm. in 5, 3 -- 5

mm. in 2; anti-helix below level of helix in 3, slightly below in 1,

about at the same level in 2, distinctly beyond in 1.

HAIR: One man had curly hair 1 wavy, 1 straight to wavy, and 1

straight, but the character was difficult to determine as in all

cases but one the hair was cut, being more or less closely cropped

in 2 men. The colour is noted as black in 6, and rusty black in 1,

and as fairly abundant on the head in 3; several had hair on the

face, 2 had small moustaches, 2 had moustaches and short beards,

1 had small beard and moustache and thick eyebrows.

SKIN: Three axe cinamon (6), 1 light cinamon (14), 1 lightest cinamon

(12), and 1 pale fawn (pale 17).

STATURE: One is of medium height, the rest are short but none are

under 1.5 m.; the median is 1.562 m. (5 ft. 1 1/2 in.).

III. Punan Group

Eighteen PUNAN men and four women were measured by us and one man by

Mr. Shelford.

HEAD-FORM: The cephalic indices show 3 men to be dolichocephalic, the

rest of the men and all the women are brachycephalic, the median being

80.9 for the men and 81.2 for the women. Two men are platycephalic

both in length-height and breadth-height, 1 is platycephalic in

length-height but mesocephalic in breadth-height, 1 is platycephalic in

length-height but hypsicephalic in breadth-height, 1 is mesocephalic

in length-height but platycephalic in breadth-height, 1 of each sex

is mesocephalic in both respects, 1 of each sex is mesocephalic

in length-height but hypsicephalic in breadth-height, 1 woman is

hypsicephalic in length-height and platycephalic in breadth-height,

the rest are hypsicephalic in both respects. The shape is usually

ovoid in the men, 2 are noted as pyriform; 3 women have round heads.

FACE: The shape varies; it is oval in 4 men and 2 women, but owing to

the general moderate prominence of the cheek-bones and the smallness

of the chin, it becomes pentagonal (3 men) or even lozenge-shaped

or triangular (2 men); 1 woman has a broad face and 1 man a somewhat

square, while 2 men have long faces. Alveolar prognathism is noted in

1 case and superciliary ridges in 2. All are chamaeprosopic except 2

men, 1 being leptoprosopic in regard to both total facial and upper

facial indices, the other as to upper facial only. The forehead is

upright in 3 of each sex, full in 5 men and 1 woman. The cheek-bones

are prominent in 9 men, moderate in 6 men and 2 women, broad in

1 of each sex. The lips are moderately thin except in 2 men and 1

woman. The chin is usually fairly well formed; though small it is

not retreating in 5 men. NOSE: Eight men are mesorhine, 7 men and 3

women platyrhine, 4 men and 1 woman hyper-platyrhine. The profile

is straight in 10 men and 1 woman, slightly concave in 6 and 1;

the root is more or less depressed in 9 men and 2 women, fairly high

and narrow in 4 men; the base is slightly reflected in 9 men and 4

women, straight in 7 men, and slightly deflected in 2 men; the alae,

are usually moderately developed, rather thin in 4; the nostrils are

oval in 13 or rounded in 4. EYES: The aperture is moderate in 11 men

and 1 woman, small in 5 and 2; it is straight with no fold in 5 men,

slightly oblique with no fold in 3 men, slightly oblique with a slight

fold in 6 men and 3 women and with a more developed fold in 1 woman,

moderately oblique with moderate fold in 3 men and with slight fold

in 1 man. The colour is light brown in 2 men, medium in 8, dark in

6 and 1 woman. EAR: Type European in 8, European to Negroid in 4;

angle prominent in 6, more so in 2; lobule distended in 9, absent in

1, adherent in 2, being small in 1; descending helix absent in 3,

infolded less than 2 mm. in 6, rather more in 1, 2 -- 4 mm. in 2;

Darwin's point a distinct tip in 2, doubtful in 1, absent in the rest;

tragus under 3 mm. in 5, being double in 1, rather larger in 1, 3 --

5 mm. in 7, being double in 1; anti-tragus absent in 2, trace in 1,

under 3 mm. in 10; anti-helix below level of helix in 5, about at

the same level in 8.

HAIR: It is straight in 6 men and 3 women, straight to wavy in 2 men,

wavy in 8 men and 1 woman, wavy to curly in 1 man. The colour is

rusty black in 12 men and 1 woman, black in 5 men, and dark brown in

1 man. It is usually fairly long and abundant on the head, but in 6

men it is noted as thin; 7 have a slight amount of hair on the face

and 1 a moderate amount on the legs.

SKIN: Fifteen are light cinamon (14), 15 lightest cinamon (12),

11 pale fawn (pale 17), and 6 dull fawn or light brown (17).

STATURE: Two are of medium height, the rest short, 4 men being under

1.5 m.; the median is 1.55 m. (5 ft. 1 in.).

Three UKIT men were measured by Mr. Shelford. They are more

brachycephalic than the Punan, their median index being 83.3, but are

slightly less chamaeprosopic, 2 being leptoprosopic in regard to the

upper facial index. All 3 are mesorhine.

The Mongolian fold is very slight in 2. All have straight black

hair. One is tall, measuring 1.735 m. (5 ft. 8 1/4 in.), the other

2 are short.

[Fourteen PUNAN men were measured by Nieuwenhuis.

HEAD-FORM: The cephalic indices range evenly between 77.5 and 86.1,

the median being 81.3; all except 1 are brachycephalic.

FACE: It is broad in 5 and medium in the rest. The bi-zygomatic breadth

ranges from 132 to 145 mm., which is rather narrower than the range

obtained by us, 130 -- 154 mm. NOSE: the breadth varies between 37 and

43 mm., whereas in the Punans measured by us the range was between 34

and 44 mm. The shape is noted as concave in 4, broad and flat in 10,

I.E. 29 percent have "depressed," "sunken," or "hollow" noses. EYES:

the Mongolian fold does not occur. The iris is dark.

HAIR: It is uniformly straight and tends to be scanty. The colour

is black.

SKIN: The colour is light brown in 10, brown and yellow in 2, black

or blue-black in 2.

STATURE: None are tall, 4 are of medium height, the rest are short

1 being under 1.5 m.; the median is 1.569 m. (5 ft. 1 3/4 in.).]

IV. Kenyah Group

Twenty-six KENYAH men and 6 women were measured, consisting of 6

MADANG men, 9 Long Dallo men and 2 women, 9 Apoh men, 4 Long Sinong

women, and two other men. All these may be taken as pure Kenyahs,

and the following data are based thereon.

HEAD-FORM: THE cephalic indices of the three groups given on Table

A range from dolichocephaly to brachycephaly, and it is interesting

to note that the Madangs, with a median of 78.1, have distinctly the

narrowest heads, intermediate are the Long Dallo men, median 80.5,

while the Apoh men, with a median of 84, have distinctly the broadest

heads. The head in all is markedly hypsicephalic both as regards the

length-height and the breadth-height indices. The shape is described

as round in 8 men, oval in 2, ovoid in 3, square in 1, pyriform in 3,

and long in 2. The 4 Long Sinong women are distinctly brachycephalic,

the mean being 83.2, but the average is 85.1, owing to one having an

index 93.8. They also are very hypsicephalic.

FACE: Six men are recorded as having pentagonal faces, 3 broad and 3

long; alveolar prognathism is noted in 2. All are chamaeprosopic as

regards the total facial index, and all except 1 Madang and 2 Long

Dallo men as regards the upper facial index. The forehead is upright

in 10 men, 1 is noted as bulging and 1 as sloping. The cheek-bones are

moderate in 12 men, prominent in 6 men (1 very marked) and 2 women,

and broad in 1 of each sex. The lips are, as a rule, moderately full,

but are thin in 3. The chin is fairly well developed. NOSE: One man is

leptorhine, 6 are mesorhine, 13 platyrhine, 6 hyper-platyrhine. The 2

Long Dallo women are mesorhine, the 4 Long Sinong women are strongly

platyrhine. The profile is straight in 14 men, a few others varied. The

base is slightly reflected in 14 men, straight in 2; the alae are broad

in 5 men, small in 2, and the septum is disclosed in 2; the nostrils

are wide in 8 men, elongated in 1. EYES: The aperture is moderate in

10 men, wide in 6 men and 3 women, narrow in 7 men; it is straight with

no fold in 6 men and 1 woman and with a slight fold in 5 men, slightly

oblique with no fold in 5, and with a slight fold in 4 and 2 women,

oblique with no fold in 1. The colour is light in 2 men and 1 woman,

medium in 15 men and 1 woman, and dark in 7 men and 4 women. EARS: Data

were obtained only for the Madang. Type European in 3 (2 doubtful),

Negroid 1 (?); angle prominent 2 (?); lobule distended in 4, of medium

size in 1 (?); descending helix infolded less than 2 mm. in 2, rather

more in 1; tragus 3 -- 5 mm. in 5, being double in 1, 5 -- 7 mm. in 1;

anti-tragus absent in 1, trace in 1, under 3 mm. in 3, 3 -- 5 mm. in 1;

anti-helix below level of helix in 2, about at the same level in 1.

HAIR: It is straight in 7 men and 1 woman, wavy in 14 men and 2 women,

curly in 2 men. The colour is dark brown in 3 men, rusty black in 15

men and 5 women, black in 5 men and 1 woman. It is usually long and

moderately abundant on the head; face hair was observed in 2 men,

and a small amount on the body in 5.

SKIN: The average skin colour is various shades of cinamon; 11 are

cinamon (6), 16 are light cinamon (14), 14 are lightest cinamon (12),

9 pale fawn (pale 17), 3 dull fawn or light brown (17), 6 pale pinkish

buff (11).

STATURE: 7 men (3 Madangs, 3 Long Dallos, 1 Long Tikan) are of medium

height; the rest are short; the median is 1.61 m. (5 ft. 31 in.). The

stature of the 6 women ranges from 1.42 m. (4 ft. 8 in.) to 1.57

m. (5 ft. 1 3/4 in.).

V. Kayan Group

Twenty-one KAYAN men and 1 woman were measured.

HEAD-FORM: The cephalic index forms a gradual series with a median

of 79.8, all except 5 being brachycephalic. The head is distinctly

hypsicephalic, only 5 being mesocephalic as regards length-height. Five

were noted as oval, 2 ovoid, 1 square ovoid, 3 round.

FACE: The form varies, 3 being more or less pentagonal, 2 squarish,

2 round, and 5 oval. All are chamaeprosopic except 1 man in the total

facial and upper facial indices, and 1 of each sex in the upper

facial index. The forehead is upright in 6, and rounded and full

in 6. The cheek-bones are moderate in 14, and prominent in 3. The

lips are moderately full, being noted as thick in 2 men. The chin is

fairly well developed, with 3 exceptions. NOSE: Ten are mesorhine and

the remainder platyrhine, of whom 5 are hyper-platyrhine, 2 of these

latter are boys (aged 15); the excessive platyrhiny is due mainly to

the shortness of the nose in the three adults. The profile is straight

in 16 and moderately concave in 3; the root is slightly depressed in

11 and high in 6; the base is reflected in 11 and straight in 4; the

nostrils are transversely oval in 2, oval in 5, and round in 5. EYES:

The aperture is narrow in 12 and medium in 4; it Is straight with

no fold in 8 and with a slight fold in 2, slightly oblique with no

fold in 2 and with a slight fold in 6; 1 man with a straight eye and

no fold is noted as having a lash fold which is the character of a

Mongolian upper eyelid. The colour is light in 6, medium in 10, and

dark in 3. EARS: Type European in 2, European to Negroid in 3, orang

in 3; angle slightly prominent in 2; lobule distended in 5, perforated

in 2; descending helix absent in 1, infolded less than 2 mm. in 8;

Darwin's point absent; tragus under 3 mm. in 5, 3 -- 5 mm. in 4;

anti-tragus under 3 mm. in 8, 3 -- 5 mm. in 1; anti-helix below level

of helix in 4, about at the same level in 4, distinctly beyond in 1.

HAIR: It is straight in 6, wavy in 12, wavy to curly in 1, and curly

in 1 (Pl. 22); the colour is rusty black in 12, black in 6, and dark

brown in 1.

SKIN: The average skin colour is a light cinamon (14) or pale fawn

(pale 17).

STATURE: All but 3 of the men are of short stature, the median being

1.550 m. (5 ft. 1 in.).

[Forty-eight male and 30 female KAYANS were measured by Nieuwenhuis,

also 1 Mahakam Kayan of each sex. Of these 5 were boys under 16 and

5 girls under 16, who will be omitted from the description where it

is possible to distinguish them.

HEAD-FORM: The cephalic index of the men forms a gradual series from

75 to 85.4 with 6 higher indices; 8 are dolichocephalic, the median

of the whole series of adult men being 81.1; that of the women ranges

from 75 to 93.2, with a slight weakening in the series about where the

median 82.5 occurs; one index, 97, falls considerably outside; 4 are

dolichocephalic. The Mahakam man has an index of 78.3, the woman 74. 1.

FACE: One Kayan had a long face, 14 per cent (including children)

had broad faces, the rest were medium. In our and his Kayans the

bi-zygomatic breadth ranges from 132 to 150 mm., except that two of

his are narrower, 126 and 129 mm. NOSE: Breadth-measurements agree

with ours. Two males and 1 female are noted as having concave noses,

35 and 20 as broad and flat, 9 and 8 as straight, 1 of each sex

as narrow and straight. These characterisations are of course not

mutually exclusive. No convex noses were observed; 4 per cent are

concave ("depressed," "sunken," or "hollow"). EYES: The Mongolian

fold does not occur. The iris is always dark.

HAIR: 28 per cent of the males and 17 per cent of the females had

wavy hair, 1 man had curly hair, the rest straight. As a rule it is

rather scanty, but 30 per cent of the Kayans had a moderate amount. The

colour is black.

SKIN: The colour is brown or yellow.

STATURE: Two men are tall, 6 medium and the rest short, 6 being

below 1.5 m., of whom 2 are under 18 years old; the median is 1.572

(5 ft. 2 in.). The women over 23 average 14 cm. shorter than the men;

this is a large difference, as it is usually 10 -- 12 cm., as in our

Sarawak figures.]

VI. Iban (or Sea Dayaks) Group

Fifty-six IBAN men were measured by us.

HEAD-FORM: The cephalic index forms a gradual series, the median

being 83, and therefore shows brachycephaly. The head is usually

hypsicephalic, but 1 is platycephalic as regards breadth-height,

2 are mesocephalic both in length-height and breadth-height, 5 are

mesocephalic in length-height and 3 in breadth-height. Thirteen are

noted as round, 7 as ovoid, 4 as oval, several had broad parietal

and narrow frontal regions producing a pyriform norma verticalis.

FACE: The form is noted as pentagonal in 10, oval in 5, broad oval

in 4, the narrowness of the jaw producing the pentagonal shape. The

majority are chaniaeprosopic, but 1 is leptoprosopic in total facial

and upper facial indices, and 7 are leptoprosopic in upper facial

index. The forehead is generally full or slightly bulging, but may be

straight and vertical; 3 are noted as being sloped. The cheek-bones

are prominent in 20, and moderately so in 24. The lips are moderately

full. The chin is small and moderately prominent. NOSE: Sixteen are

mesorhine, 21 platyrhine, and 19 hyper-platyrhine. The profile is

concave in 23, straight in 18 and nearly so in 4; the root is more

or less high in 19, more or less depressed in 20, in most cases it is

broad or moderately so; the base is straight in 24, reflected in 25,

deflected in 3; the alae are wide in 8, moderate in 6, small in 9;

the nostrils are oval in 10, transversely oval in 8, round in 13,

wide in 9. EYES: The aperture is narrow in 13, medium in 18, wide

in 3; it is straight with no fold in 10 and with a slight fold in

11, slightly oblique with no fold in 10 and with a moderate fold in

21. The majority are normal as regards the eyelashes, but 3 have a

distinct Mongolian character and 5 have it slightly. The colour is

intermediate in 25, dark in 22, light in 5, 4 cases were noted with

a bluish margin to the iris. EARS: Type European in 31, European to

Negroid in 2, Negroid in 2, orang flattened above in 1; angle slightly

prominent in 22, rather more so in 1, prominent in 8, more so in 1,

very prominent in 1; lobule distended in 10 and perforated in 5,

very small in 1, small in 13, being adherent in 4, rather small in

1, medium in 10, 1 being adherent, 2 perforated, and 1 doubtful;

descending helix absent in 2, infolded less than 2 mm. in 23, 2 --

4 mm. in 13; Darwin's point an infolded tip in 1, an inrolled knob

in 2, absent in the rest; tragus under 3 mm. in 11, being double

in 1, slightly larger in 1, 3 -- 5 mm. in 25, being double in 3,

5 -- 7 mm. in 1; anti-tragus absent in 4, under 3 mm. in 24, 3 --

5 mm. in 8, 5 -- 7 mm. in 1; anti-helix below level of helix in 23,

about at the same level in 15.

HAIR: It is straight in 16, wavy in 26, curly in 2, 1 being described

as crisp. The colour is rusty black in 26, black in 17, and dark

brown in 1. Eight men had a slight amount of hair on the face; the

body hair is absent or very scanty, but one had a quantity on his legs.

SKIN: Five are dark warm cinamon, 27 cinamon (6), 5 light cinamon

(14), 11 dull fawn (17), 11 light brown (near 17), 5 various shades of

a light greenish sepia (light 3 1), 3 a still lighter greenish sepia.

STATURE: One man is tall, 11 are of medium stature, and the remainder

short, 2 being under 1.5 In.; the median is 1.585 m. (5 ft. 2 1/2 in.).

Thirteen SIBUYAU men were measured by Mr. Shelford and 1 by us.

HEAD-FORM: All but two are brachycephalic, the median being

83. Mr. Shelford did not measure the radii and so the height indices

cannot be given.

FACE: All are chamaeprosopic with regard to the total facial index

and all except 3 in the upper facial index.

NOSE: Two are leptorhine, 7 mesorhine, and 5 platyrhine.

STATURE: All the men are short, 3 being under 1.5 m.; the median is

1.535 m. (5 ft. 1 in.).

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Plates

Young Kayan Chief with middle-class Companion

Bruni, the pile-built Capital of the Sultans of Bruni

A Jungle Path near Marudi, Baram District

A Limestone Hill at Panga in Upper Sarawak

Old Beads Worn By Kayans

A. LUKUT SEKALA. -- Value formerly one healthy adult male slave

present value, from [pound sterling] 10 to [pound sterling] 15.

B. LABANG PAGANG. -- Value 5s. to 15s. Used chiefly at marriage

ceremony. Kayan value in brass-ware, one gong.

C. JEKOK0K. -- Value 15s. to 25s.; or in brass-ware, a small tawak.

D. KELAM WIT. -- Value 15s. to 30s.; or in brass-ware, a tawak which

measures from the base of the boss to the outer edge a span between

the first finger and the thumb. Also much used in marriage ceremony.

E. KELAM BUANG. -- Value about 15s.; much sought after and worn on

a girdle by Kayan girls. The bear bead.

F. KELAM BUANG BUTIT TELAWA. -- The name means the bear bead with

spider's belly. Value about 15s.

G. KAJA OBING. -- Value 15s. to 25s.

H. KELAM SONG. -- Value from [pound sterling]4 to [pound sterling]6;

or one adult female slave.

L KELAM. -- Kenyah. Value about 15s.

J. LUKUT. -- Kenyah. Value about 10s., or a gong; value about ten to

fifteen ingans of PADI, or about 7 bushels.

K. LUKUT MURIK. -- A bead used by the Murik tribe. Value about 10s.

L. INO KALABIT. -- A Kalabit necklace. Value about [pound sterling]5;

or an adult buffalo.

M. A single blue bead from the necklace "L."

The yellow beads in the necklace are known as LABANG, and the blue

ones as BUNAU. The beads in the necklace are all very old ones. The

beads A to H are chiefly, though not exclusively, found among Kayans;

I and J among Kenyahs; K among Muriks (Klemantans); and the necklace

L among Kalabits (Murut).

NOTES

[1] -- Published in the JOURNAL OF THE ANTHROPOLOGICAL INSTITUTE,

vol. xxxi.

[2] -- Within Borneo the distribution of the MAIAS seems to be largely

determined by his incapacity to cross a river, there being several

instances in which he occurs on the one but not on the other bank of

a river.

[3] -- See especially the recently published HISTORY OF SARAWAK

UNDER ITS TWO WHITE RAJAHS, by S. Baring-Gould and C. A. Bampfylde,

London, 1910.

[4] -- Crawfurd, DESCRIPTIVE DICTIONARY, p. 140.

[5] -- Despite Crawfurd's opinion this is now an accepted

fact. Raffles's HISTORY OF JAVA contains much interesting information

on the point, and there is a remarkable statement which has not

obtained the attention that it deserves, showing that the Chinese

recognised the similarity between the Java and Soli (Nagpur)

alphabets. -- Groeneveldt, NOTES ON MALAY ARCHIPELAGO AND MALACCA;

Trubner's ESSAYS RELATING TO INDO-CHINA, vol. i. p. 166.

[6] -- There is a Bruni still alive whose hands have been cut off

for theft.

[7] -- This account is taken from Groeneveldt (LOC. CIT.) who,

however, supposes Poli to be on the north coast of Sumatra. In this

he follows "all Chinese geographers," adding "that its neighbourhood

to the Nicobar Islands is a sufficient proof that they are right." But

Rakshas, which may have been "for a long time the name of the Nicobar

Islands, probably on account of the wildness and bad reputation

of their inhabitants," is merely Rakshasa, a term applied by the

Hindu colonists in Java and the Malay Peninsula to any wild people,

so that the statement that to the east of Poli is situated the land

of the Rakshas is hardly sufficient support for even "all Chinese

geographers." Trusting to "modern Chinese geographers," Groeneveldt

makes Kaling, where an eight-foot gnomon casts a shadow of 2.4

feet at noon on the summer solstice, to be Java, that is to say,

to be nearly 5[degree] south of the equator. Having unwittingly

demonstrated how untrustworthy are the modern geographers, he must

excuse others if they prefer the original authority, who states that

Poli is south-EAST of Camboja, the land of the Rakshas EAST of Poli,

to "all" geographers who state on the contrary that Poli is south-WEST

of Camboja, the Rakshas' country WEST of Poli. The name Poli appears

to be a more accurate form of Polo, the name by which Bruni is said

to have been known to the Chinese in early times.

[8] -- Rajah Charles Brooke, TEN YEARS IN SARAWAK, quoted in Ling

Roth's valuable work, THE NATIVES OF SARAWAK AND BRITISH NORTH BORNEO,

vol. ii. p. 279.

[9] -- E. H. Parker, CHINA, p. 33.

[10] -- Groeneveldt, LOC. CIT.

[11] -- Marsden, HISTORY OF SUMATRA, p. 383.

[12] -- Than camphor, tortoiseshell, ivory, and sandal woods.

[13] -- There is some doubt as to the date of the foundation of

Majapahit.

[14] -- According to a Malay manuscript of some antiquity lent to

us by the late Tuanku Mudah, one of the kings (BATARA) of Majapahit

had a beautiful daughter, Radin Galo Chindra Kirana. This lady was

much admired by Laiang Sitir and Laiang Kemitir, the two sons of one

Pati Legindir. On the death of the king, Pati Legindir ruled the land

and the beautiful princess became his ward. He, to satisfy the rival

claims of his two sons, promised that whoever should kill the raja

of Balambangan (an island off the north coast of Borneo), known by

the nickname of Manok Jingga, should marry the princess. Now at the

court there happened to be Damar Olan, one of the sons of Raja Matarem,

who had disguised his high descent and induced Pati Legindir to adopt

him as his son. This young man found favour in the princess's eyes,

and she tried to persuade her guardian to let her marry him. Pati

Legindir, however, declared that he would keep to his arrangement,

and roughly told the lover to bring Manok Jingga's head before thinking

of marrying the princess. So Damar Olan set out with two followers on

the dangerous mission, which he carried out with complete success. On

his return he met his two rivals, who induced him to part with the

head of the royal victim, and then buried him alive in a deep trap

previously prepared. Pati Legindir, suspecting nothing, ordered his

ward to marry Laiang Sitir, who brought the trophy to the palace; but

the princess had learned of the treachery from one of the spectators,

and asked for a week's delay. Before it was too late, Damar Olan, who

had managed to find a way out of what nearly proved a grave, reached

the court and told his tale, now no longer concealing his rank. He

married the princess and afterwards was entrusted by Pati Legindir

with all the affairs of state. Having obtained supreme power, Damar

Olan sent his treacherous rivals to southern Borneo, with a retinue

of criminals mutilated in their ear-lobes and elsewhere as a penalty

for incest. These transported convicts, the ancestors of the Kayans,

landed near Sikudana and spread into the country between the Kapuas

and Banjermasin. It is interesting to see how this tale agrees with

other traditions. The Kayans state that they came across the sea at no

distant date. Javan history relates that Majapahit was ruled during

the minority of Angka Wijaya by his elder sister, the princess Babu

Kanya Kanchana Wungu. A neighbouring prince, known as Manok Jengga,

took advantage of this arrangement by seizing large portions of the

young king's domains. One, Daram Wulan, however, son of a Buddhist

devotee, overthrew him and was rewarded by the hand of the princess

regent. When Angka Wijaya came of age he entrusted the care of a

large part of his kingdom to his sister and brother-in-law.

[15] -- SEJARAH MALAYA, edited by Shellabear, Singapore, 1896, p. 106.

[16] -- Whose descendants are the Malanaus.

[17] -- Cf. Low, JOURNAL STRAITS BRANCH ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY,

vol. v. p. 1, from whose article we have obtained much interesting

material.

[18] -- This is said to have been accomplished by Alak ber Tata's

brother, Awang Jerambok, the story of whose dealings with the Muruts

is well known both to Brunis and Muruts. He set out one day for

the head of the river Manjilin, but lost his way after crossing the

mountains. After wandering for three days he came upon a Murut village,

whose inhabitants wished to kill him. He naturally told them not to

do so, and they desisted. After some time, which he spent with these

rude folk, then not so far advanced into the interior, he so far won

their affections that they followed him to Bruni, where they were

entertained by the sovereign and generously treated. These Muruts

then induced their friends to submit.

[19] -- Founded after the capture of Malacca by the Portuguese,

1512 A.D. (Crawfurd, DESCRIPTIVE DICTIONARY). Sultan Abdul Krahar,

great-great-grandson of Sultan Mohammed's younger brother, died about

1575 A.D. From this fact and the statement that Mohammed stopped the

Majapahit tribute, we may infer that the latter sat on the throne of

Bruni in the middle of the fifteenth century; if this inference is

correct, the story of his visit to Johore must be unfounded.

[20] -- Some say he was never converted, others that he was summoned

to Johore expressly to be initiated into Islam.

[21] -- He is also alleged to have seized the lady in a drunken

freak. It is stated that the Sultan was so much enraged at this that

he proposed to make war on Bruni. His minister, however, suggested

that enquiries should be made into the strength of that kingdom before

commencing operations. He was accordingly sent to Bruni, where he was

so well received that he married and remained there, with a number

of followers. Word was sent to Johore that the princess was treated

as queen and was quite happy with her husband. This appeased the

Sultan's wrath. An old friend of ours belonging to the Burong Pingai

section of Bruni, that is to say, the old commercial class, says that

his people are all descended from this Pengiran Bandahara of Johore,

and that the name Burong Pingai is derived from the circumstance that

their ancestor bad a pigeon of remarkable tameness.

[22] -- Cf. with Dalrymple's account of the origin of the Sulu

Sultanate, JOURNAL INDIAN ARCHIPELAGO, iii. 545 and 564. See also

Lady Brassey's LAST VOYAGE, p. 165.

[23] -- He puts the longitude 30[degree] too far east; but in his day,

of course, there were no chronometers.

[24] -- Cited in full by Crawfurd, DESCRIPTIVE DICTIONARY OF THE

INDIAN ISLANDS. Article, "Brunai."

[25] -- Much of the following information is extracted from an article

by J. R. Logan on European intercourse with Borneo, JOURNAL INDIAN

ARCHIPELAGO, vol. ii. p. 505.

[26] -- The article in the JOURNAL INDIAN ARCHIPELAGO says 1702.

[27] -- Crawfurd, DESCRIPTIVE DICTIONARY, p. 37.

[28] -- 1811 to 1815.

[29] -- It seems not unreasonable to conjecture that the uniformly

high physical standard of the Punans and their seemingly exceptional

immunity from disease are due to their exposed mode of life, and to the

consequently severe selection exercised upon them by their environment.

[30] -- The Sea Dayak is exceptional in this respect; he wears a coat

of coloured cotton fibre woven in various patterns by the women.

[31] -- See Chap. XII.

[32] -- The turban is a head-dress which is copied from the Malays

and is rapidly spreading inland.

[33] -- This toy cross-bow is found among Kayans. Both it and the

arrow used are very crudely made.

[34] -- The war dress and accoutrements will be more fully described

in Chap. X.

[35] -- Accidental tearing of the lobe inevitably occurs occasionally;

and if this is attributed to the carelessness of any other person a

brass TAWAK or gong must be paid in compensation. Repair of a torn

lobe is sometimes effected by overlapping the raw ends and keeping

them tied in this position for some weeks.

[36] -- Some of the copper coins of Sarawak are perforated at the

centre.

[37] -- By the Kayans the heads are suspended in a single long row

from thelower edge of a long plank, each being attached by a rattan

passed through a hole in the vertex. Many of the Klemantans hang them

in a similar way to a circular framework, and the Sea Dayaks suspend

them in a conical basket hung by its apex from the rafters.

[38] -- The sub-tribes are the following: -- Uma Pliau, Uma Poh, Uma

Semuka, Uma Paku, and Uma Bawang, chiefly in the basin of the Baram;

in the Rejang basin -- the Uma Naving, Uma Lesong, Uma Daro; in the

Bintulu basin -- the Uma Juman; in the Batang Kayan -- the Uma Lekan;

in the Kapuas -- the Uma Ging; the Uma Belun, the Uma Blubo scattered

in several river-basins; and one other group in the Madalam river,

and one in the Koti.

[39] -- All the Kenyahs of the Baram are known as Kenyah Bauh. On

the watershed between the Batang Kayan and the Baram are the Lepu

Payah and the Madang. In the Batang Kayan basin are the Lepu Tau,

the Uma Kulit, Uma Lim, Uma Baka, Uma Jalan, Lepu Tepu. In the Koti

basin are the Peng or Pnihing; in the Rejang the Uma Klap. These are

the principal branches of the pure Kenyahs; each of them comprises a

number of scattered villages, the people of each of which have adopted

some local name. In addition to these there is a number of groups,

such as the Uma Pawa and the Murik in the Baram, and the Lepu Tokong

and the Uma Long in the Batang Kayan, the people of which seem to us to

be intermediate as regards all important characters between the Kenyahs

and the Klemantans. (For discussion of these relations see Chap. XXI.)

[40] -- For the marriage ceremony see Chap. XVIII.

[41] -- We take this opportunity of contradicting in the most emphatic

manner a very misleading statement which of all the many misleading

statements about the peoples of Borneo that are in circulation is

perhaps the most frequently repeated in print. The statement makes

its most recent reappearance in Professor Keane's book THE WORLD'S

PEOPLES (published in 1908). There it is written of the "Borneans"

that "No girl will look at a wooer before he has laid a head or two

at her feet." To us it seems obvious that this state of affairs could

only obtain among a hydra-headed race. The statement is not true of any

one tribe, and as regards most of the "Borneans" has no foundation in

fact. Applied to the Sea Dayaks alone has the statement an element of

truth. Among them to have taken a head does commonly enhance a wooer's

chances of success, and many Sea Dayak girls and their mothers will

taunt a suitor with having taken no head, but few of them will make

the taking of a head an essential condition of the bestowal of their

favour or of marriage. A mother will remark to a youth who is hanging

about her daughter, BISI DALAM, BISI DELUAR BULI DI TANYA ANAK AKU

(When you have the wherewithal to adorn both the interior and the

exterior of a room (I.E. jars within the room and heads without in

the gallery) you can then ask for my child).

[42] -- For the naming ceremony see Chap. XVIII.

[43] -- It is not rare to find that a child does not know the original

names of his parents, and even husbands may be found to have forgotten

the original names of their wives.

[44] -- We append to this chapter a table showing the names and

degrees of kinship of all the inhabitants of one Kenyah long house. At

the suggestion of Dr. W. H. R. Rivers, who has found this method

of great value in disentangling the complicated kinship systems

of some Melanesian and Papuan and other peoples, we have collected

similar information regarding Kayan, Sea Dayak, Klemantan, and Murut

villages. But in no case does the table discover any trace of any

elaborate kinship system.

[45] -- They are skilled woodmen, and know how to cut a tree so as

to ensure its falling in any desired manner; the final strokes cut

away the ends of the narrow portion of the stem remaining between

the upper and lower notches.

[46] -- See Chap. X.

[47] -- See Chap. XVII.

[48] -- The same connection of ideas is illustrated by the practice of

sterile women who desire children sleeping upon the freshly gathered

ears in the huts in the fields.

[49] -- See Chap. XVIII.

[50] -- See Chap. V.

[51] -- See Chap. XVII.

[52] -- See Chap. XV.

[53] -- There are said to be two other less common species of wild pig,

but probably there is only one other.

[54] -- A good account, taken mainly from Skertchly, of many traps may

be found in Mr. Ling Roth's well-known work, THE NATIVES OF SARAWAK

AND BRITISH NORTH BORNEO, London, 1896; and also in McPherson's work

on FOWLING.

[55] -- A stick of this kind is used in many rites. It is prepared by

whittling shavings from a stick and leaving them attached at one end;

so that a series of the shavings projects along one side of the stick.

[56] -- A similar practice prevails in the Malay Peninsula.

[57] -- On one occasion on which a race between twenty-two of these

war-boats was rowed at Marudi on the Baram river, we timed the

winning-boat over the down-stream course of four and half miles. The

time was twenty-two minutes thirteen seconds.

[58] -- There is no reason to suppose that the Kayan augurs have not

complete faith in the significance of the omens, and in the reality

of the protection afforded by the favourable omen-birds, which they

speak of as upholding them. Nevertheless, there can be no doubt

that the strong faith of the people in the omen-birds, and the awe

inspired by them, is very favourable to the maintenance of discipline

and obedience to the chiefs, and that this fact is appreciated by the

chiefs. The cult of the omen-birds, which hampers the undertakings of

these peoples at almost every turn, and which might seem to be wholly

foolish and detrimental, thus brings two great practical advantages:

namely, it inspires confidence, and it promotes discipline and a strong

sense of collective unity and responsibility. It is not improbable,

then, that the advantages of this seemingly senseless cult outweigh

its drawbacks, which in the shape of endless delays and changes of

plans are by no means small.

[59] -- So far as we know this is the only way in which the bow

and arrow is used in Borneo, although the principle of the bow is

frequently applied in making traps. It is perhaps worthy of remark

that the dense character of the jungle is probably more favourable

to use of the blow-pipe than to that of the bow and arrow.

[60] -- It is probable that the observation of this practice by

Europeans has given rise to the frequently published statements

that the tribes of the interior are cannibals. We affirm with some

confidence that none of the peoples of Borneo ever consume human

flesh as food. It is true that Kayans, Kenyahs, and Klemantans will

occasionally consume on the spot a tiny piece of the flesh of a

slain enemy for the purpose of curing disorders, especially chronic

cough and dysentery; and that Ibans, men or women, during the mad

rejoicings over captured heads will occasionally bite a head, or

even bite a piece of flesh from it. A third practice involving the

consumption of human flesh was formerly observed among the Jingkangs

(Klemantans of Dutch Borneo); when a son was seriously ill and the

efforts of the medicine-men proved ineffective, an infant sister of

the patient was killed and a small piece of the flesh given to the

patient to eat. It would, we think, be grossly unfair to describe

any of these peoples as cannibals on account of these practices.

[61] -- At one such feast eighty-five pigs and fifty-six fowls were

slaughtered.

[62] -- See footnote, vol. i., p. 76.

[63] -- The Malays of Bruni and the other coast settlements have, of

course, used iron, and perhaps to some small extent forged it, since

the time when they adopted Arab civilisation; but they have not at any

time practised the smelting of iron ore. Between three and five hundred

years ago the principal currency of the people of Bruni consisted

of small oblong flattened pieces of iron known as SAPANGGAL (about 2

[ERROR: unhandled ×] 1 [ERROR: unhandled ×] 1/4 inches)

bearing the Sultan's stamp. This iron was probably obtained from

Chinese and other foreign traders, and was worked up into implements.

[64] -- The convenience of thus floating the timber is one reason for

the general tendency shown by Kayans to migrate gradually down river.

[65] -- This is an example of a very common type of practice which

implies the belief that the attributes of any object will attach

themselves to any whole into which the object may be incorporated as

a part; thus a hunter who has shot dead a pig or deer with a single

bullet will cut out the bullet to melt it down with other lead, and

will make a fresh batch of bullets or slugs from the mixture, believing

that the lucky bullet will leaven the whole lump, or impart to all

of it something of that to which its success was due. Compare also

the similar practice in regard to the seed grain (vol. i., p. 112).

[66] -- The pair of centre columns and the main columns supporting the

roof back and front should have been drawn thicker than the accessory

columns supporting the floor, and the width of the roof-plates is

much greater than is indicated in the diagrams.

[67] -- Some Kayans habitually speak of most of the dog-patterns by

the term USANG ORANG (which means the prawn's head). This indicates

possibly some gradual substitution of designs of the one origin for

those of the other.

[68] -- "Materials for a Study of Tatu in Borneo," by Charles Hose

and R. Shelford, J.R.A.I. vol. xxxvi. Here also we have to thank

the Council of the Royal Anthropological Institute for permission to

republish part of this paper, and to reproduce the plates and figures

accompanying it. The reference figures of this section refer to the

bibliographical list at the end of this chapter.

[69] -- Since these pages were printed we have had to mourn the loss

of our friend and fellow-worker, cut off in the early summer of a

life strenuously devoted to scientific research.

[70] -- Nieuwenhuis also notes (9, p. 451) that men in the course

of their travels amongst other tribes permit themselves to be tatued

with the patterns in vogue with their hosts.

[71] -- These figures refer to the bibliography printed at the end

of this chapter, vol. i., p. 280.

[72] -- The Sea Dayaks often employ for the same reason a carpal bone

of the mouse-deer (TRAGULUS).

[73] -- See also Haddon (4, Fig. 2), and Nieuwenhuis (8, Pls. XXV. and

XXVI.); the designs figured in the latter work are not very easy to

interpret, the lower of the two rosette figures looks as if it was

derived from four heads of dogs fused together. See also Ling Roth

(7, p. 85).

[74] -- In ancient days when a great Kayan or Klemantan chief built

a new house, the first post of it was driven through the body of

a slave; this sacrifice to a tutelary deity is no longer offered,

but a human figure is frequently carved on the post of a house and

may be a relic of the old custom; the figure is called TEGULUN. Sea

Dayak anthropomorphs are termed ENGKRAMBA and appear in cloths and

bead-work designs, also in carvings on boundary marks, witch-doctor's

baskets, etc.

[75] -- We apply the term SERIAL to those designs in which the units

of the pattern are repeated, or in which the units follow each other

in serial order; the UDOH ASU on a Kayan man's thigh is an ISOLATED

design, but the design on his hands is a SERIAL design.

[76] -- Cf. Ling Roth (7, p. 34) and Nieuwenhuis (9, Pl. 32).

[77] -- The Sea Dayak word TELINGAI or KELINGAI has the same meaning.

[78] -- The prices in the Baram river are much higher than in the

Mendalam, where a gong can only be demanded by an artist of twenty

years' experience; less experienced artists have to be content with

beads and cloth (9, p. 452).

[79] -- The wooden block is carefully cut square, and the design

occupies the whole of one surface; this is characteristic of the

blocks of female designs, whereas designs for male tatu are carved

on very roughly shaped blocks and do not always occupy the whole of

one surface. Since the female designs have to be serially repeated it

is important that the blocks should be of the exact required size,

otherwise the projecting parts of the uncarved wood would render

the exact juxtaposition of the serially repeated impressions very

difficult, whilst the isolated male designs can be impressed on the

skin in a more or less haphazard way.

[80] -- The drawing is taken from a rubbing of a model carved by an

Uma Lekan; this will account for the asymmetry noticeable every here

and there throughout the design. A print from an actual tatu-block is

shown in Pl. 139, Fig. 7; this would be repeated serially in rows down

the front and sides of the thigh, so that absolute uniformity would be

attained; the carver of the model, which was about one-sixth life size,

has not been able to keep the elements of his design quite uniform.

[81] -- For other examples of modified ASU designs employed by Kenyah

tribes, see E. B. Haddon (4, pp. 117, 118).

[82] -- By this name we denote those Kenyah tribes which stand

nearest to the Klemantans and furthest from the Kayans in respect of

customs. Cf. Chap. XXI.

[83] -- The names of the designs are given in Kayan.

[84] -- The same author states that "a sometime headman of Senendan

had two square tattoo marks on his back. This was because he ran away

in a fight, and showed his back to the enemy." This explanation seems

to us most improbable.

[85] -- As an instance of a quite opposite effect produced by a mark

on the forehead, we may note here, that some Madangs who had crossed

over from the Baram to the Rejang on a visit, appeared each with a

cross marked in charcoal on his forehead; they supposed that by this

means they were disguised beyond all recognition by evil spirits. The

belief that such a trivial alteration of appearance is sufficient

disguise is probably held by most tribes; Tama Bulan, a Kenyah chief,

when on a visit to Kuching, discarded the leopard's teeth, which when

at home he wore through the upper part of his ears, and the reason

that he alleged was the same as that given by the Madang. These people

believe not only that evil spirits may do them harm whilst they are on

their travels, but also that, being encountered far from their homes,

the spirits will take advantage of their absence to work some harm

to their wives, children, or property.

[86] -- Dr. Schmeltz has kindly furnished us with an advance sheet

of his forthcoming catalogue of the Borneo collection in the Leyden

Museum; he catalogues these drawings as tatu marks, but in a footnote

records our opinion of them made by letter. Dr. Nieuwenhuis apparently

adheres to the belief that they really are tatu marks.

[87] -- Mr. E. B. Haddon (4, p. 124) writes: "The tattoo design used by

the Kayans and Kenyahs ... has been copied and adopted by the Ibans in

the same way as the Kalamantans have done, the main difference being,

that the Ibans call the design a scorpion. FOR THIS REASON THE PATTERN

TENDS TO BECOME MORE AND MORE LIKE THE SCORPION ... ." The italics are

ours. Is not this "putting the cart before the horse"? It is only when

the design resembles a scorpion that the term SCORPION is applied to

it; all other modifications, even though tending towards the scorpion,

are called DOG; PRAWN, or CRAB.

[88] -- The following statement, which was written by us of the Kenyahs

in a former publication, holds good also of the Kayans: "They may

be said to attribute a soul or spirit to almost every natural agent

and to all living things, and they pay especial regard those that

seem most capable of affecting their welfare for good or ill. They

feel themselves to be surrounded on every hand y spiritual powers,

which appear to them to be concentrated in those objects to which their

attention is directed by practical needs; adopting a mode of expression

familiar to psychologists, we may say that they have differentiated

from a 'continuum' of spiritual powers a number of spiritual agents

with very various degrees of definiteness. Of these the less important

are very vaguely conceived, but are regarded as being able to bring

harm to men, who must therefore avoid giving offence to them, and must

propitiate them if they should by ill-change have been offended. The

more important, assuming individualised and anthromorphic forms and

definite functions, receive proper names, are in some cases represented

by rude images, and become the recipients of prayer and sacrifice"

(JOURN. OF ANTHROP. INSTITUTE, vol. xxxi. p. 174).

[89] -- If the dead man possessed no sufficiently presentable

garments, these may be supplied by friends. This last act of respect

and friendship has not infrequently been permitted to one of us.

[90] -- See vol. ii. p. 29.

[91] -- See vol. ii. p. 61.

[92] -- See vol. ii., p. 137.

[93] -- For the views of an individual Kayan on Laki Tenangan, see

vol. ii., p. 74.

[94] -- See vol. ii., p. 53.

[95] -- See Chap. X.

[96] -- The idea of giving up a valued possession to the god or

spirit in order to appease or propitiate him seems to underlie

a curious rite formerly practised by the JINGKANGS, a Klemantan

sub-tribe living on the great Kapuas river. These people, like most

of the peoples of Borneo, value their male children more highly than

their female children. If a boy seems to be at the point of death,

and if all other efforts to restore him have proved unavailing, the

relatives would kill an infant sister of the boy, and would cause the

boy to eat a small bit of the roasted flesh. The intention seems to

be to appease some malevolent spirit that is causing the sickness;

and the eating of the flesh seems to be considered necessary in order

to connect the sacrifice clearly with the sick child.

[97] -- Cf. vol. ii., p. 75, for the statement of a Kayan on this

question.

[98] -- See vol. ii., p. 138.

[99] -- See vol. ii., p. 29, for usage of this word.

[100] -- This relation is illustrated by the fact that among the

charms and objects of virtue which the Kenyahs hang beside the heads

in the galleries of their houses, or over the fireplaces in their

rooms, are to be found in many houses one or two specimens of stone

axe-heads. The original use of these objects is not known to the

great majority of their possessors, who regard them as teeth dropped

from the jaw of the thunder-god, BALINGO. It is generally claimed

that some ancestor found these stones and added them to the family

treasures. A man who possesses such "teeth," carries them with him

when he goes to war. The Madang chief TAMA KAJAN ODOH, mentioned in

the following note as claiming descent from Balingo, possessed the

unusual number of ten such teeth. The credit of having first obtained

specimens of these stones from the houses belongs to Dr. A. C. Haddon,

who discovered a specimen in a Klemantan house of the Baram basin

in the year 1899. The existence of such Stones in native houses in

Dutch Borneo had been reported by Schwaner many years before that date.

[101] -- When questioned as to this claim, he gave us at once without

hesitation the names in order of the ancestors of nineteen generations

through whom he traces his descent from Balingo. It is perhaps

worth while to transcribe the list as taken down from his lips in

ascending order: -- KAJAN, TAMA KAJAN ODOH, SIGO, APOI, BAUM ([ERROR:

unhandled &female;]), ODOH SINAN ([female]), ALONG,

APOI, LAKING, LAKING GILING, GILING SINJAN, SINJAN PUTOH, PUTOH ATI,

ATI AIAI JALONG, BALARI, UMBONG DOH ([female]),

KUSUN PATU BALINGO. This succession of names, it will be noticed,

is consistent with the custom, common to the Kenyahs and Kayans,

of naming the father after his eldest child.

[102] -- There are four words used by the Kayans to express the notion

of the forbidden act, MALAN, LALI, PARIT, and TULAH. All these are

used as adjectives qualifying actions rather than things; but they

are not strictly synonymous terms. MALAN and PARIT seem to be true

Kayan words; LALI and TULAH to have been taken from the Malay, and to

be used generally by Kayans in speaking with Kenyahs or men of other

tribes to whom these words are more familiar than the Kayan terms.

MALAN applies rather to acts involving risks to the whole community,

PARIT to those involving risk to the individual committing the

forbidden act: thus, during harvest it is MALAN for any stranger to

enter the house, and the whole house or village is said to be MALAN;

but it is PARIT for a child to touch one of the images. Again, it is

not MALAN for the proper persons to touch the dried heads on certain

occasions, but it is always in some degree PARIT for the individual,

and for this reason the task is generally assigned to an elderly

man. LALI and TULAH seem to be the LINGUA FRANCA equivalents of MALAN

and of PARIT respectively.

[103] -- "The Relations between Men and Animals in Sarawak,"

J. ANTH. INST. vol. xxxi.

[104] -- We are not aware that the "bull-roarer" is put to any other

uses than this by any of the tribes.

[105] -- See Chap. XIII.

[106] -- Vol. ii., p. 120.

[107] -- The word BALI is used on a great variety of occasions,

generally as a form of address, being prefixed to the proper name

or designation of the being addressed or spoken of. The being thus

addressed is always one having special powers of the sort that

we should call supernatural, and the prefix serves to mark this

possession of power. It may be said to be an adjectival equivalent

of the MANA of the Melanesians or of the WAKANDA or ORENDA of North

American tribes, words which seem to connote all power other than

the Purely mechanical. It seems not improbable that the word BALI has

entered the Kayan language from a Sanskrit source; for in Sanskrit it

was prefixed to the names of priests and heroes. The word is even more

extensively used by the Kenyahs, who prefix it to the names of several

of their gods; and the Klemantans use the word VALI in the same way.

[108] -- This procedure seems to be one of the many varieties of

"crystal gazing" that are practised among many peoples; and it

seems probable that the DAYONG, in some cases at least, experiences

hallucinatory visions of the scenes that he so vividly describes as

he gazes on the polished metal. The sword so used becomes the property

of the DAYANG.

[109] -- These beads seem to be designed for use by the ghost in

paying for its passage across the river of death.

[110] -- Among some of the peoples it is customary to beat a big gong

while this operation is in progress, or, in the case of a woman, a

drum, in order to announce to the inhabitants of the other world the

coming of the recently deceased. The beating of gongs is in general

use for signalling from house to house.

[111] -- Small articles specially valued by the deceased are enclosed

in the coffin; thus, OYANG LUHAT, a Kayan PENGHULU (see Chap. XXII.),

who bled slowly to death from an accidentally inflicted wound, gave

strict instructions as he lay dying that his certificate of office

bearing the Rajah's signature and his Sarawak flag, the public badge

of his office, should be put in his coffin with his body; and there

can be no reasonable doubt that he hoped to display them, or rather

their ghostly replicas, in the other world. As a clear instance of

such belief it seems worth while to mention the following case. One

of us had given some coloured prints to a Kayan boy, an only son to

whom his parents were much attached. On a subsequent visit he was

told by the bereaved mother that the child had been very fond of the

pictures, and that she had put them in his coffin because she knew

that he would like to look at them in the other world.

[112] -- Among Klemantans it is usual to spoil all articles hung upon

a tomb; and they give the reason that in the other world everything

is the opposite of what it is here: the spoilt shall be perfect, the

new and unspoilt shall be old and damaged, and so on. It is probable

that the real or original motive for this practice is the desire to

avoid placing temptations to theft in the way of strangers.

[113] -- Among some of the Klemantan tribes the opposite practice of

shaving the whole scalp is observed in mourning.

[114] -- In some of the remoter forts of the Sarawak government old

heads that have been confiscated are kept, and are occasionally lent

for the purpose of enabling a village to go out of mourning without

shedding human blood.

[115] -- When pressed in private after a ceremony of this kind,

a certain DAYONG admitted to us that perhaps, if we should look

into the house, we should see the food apparently untouched; but he

maintained that nevertheless all the strength or essence of the food

would have been consumed, the husks merely being left.

[116] -- Apparently it is not that the DAYONG claims to be "possessed"

by the soul of the dead man; for from time to time he inclines his ear

again to the soul-house to catch the faint voice of the ghost. We know

of no cases in which it is claimed that the body of a living man is

"possessed" by a departed soul.

[117] -- Cases occur among the Kayans, though but rarely. The method

most employed is to stab a knife into the throat.

[118] -- In one such case the body was laid out in the gallery of the

house and preparations for the funeral were far advanced, when one of

us (C. H.) arrived. On glancing at the alleged corpse he suspected that

life was not extinct, and succeeded, by the application of ammonia

to the nostrils, in restoring the entranced Kayan to animation,

and shortly to a normal condition of health.

[119] -- The man mentioned in the foregoing footnote had given to a

DAYONG (no doubt in response to leading questions) a circumstantial

account of adventures of this kind, before we had an opportunity of

questioning him after an interval of some ten days. He then admitted

that he could remember nothing clearly.

[120] -- The cry of this species is peculiar; it terminates with an

interrupted series of cries that sound like mocking laughter.

[121] -- See below, vol. ii. p. 130.

[122] -- The incident was reported by Dr. Hose to the British Consul

at Bruni, who entered an effective warning against repetitions of

such acts.

[123] -- A dangerous madman is generally kept shut up in a large

strong cage in the gallery of the house.

[124] -- It is believed that the tatuing on the woman's hands and

forearms illuminates for the ghost dark places traversed on the

journey to the other world.

[125] -- Coco-nuts are commonly opened by two blows with a sword

struck upon opposite sides, and it seems probable that the method of

splitting the jar was suggested by this practice.

[126] -- In this chapter we have departed from our rule of describing

first and most fully the facts and beliefs of the Kayan people, because

before planning this book we had paid special attention to this topic,

and had obtained fuller information in regard to the Kenyahs than to

other peoples, and had published this in the form of a paper in the

JOURNAL OF THE ANTHROPOLOGICAL INSTITUTE ("The Relations between

Men and Animals in Sarawak," J. ANTH. INSTIT. vol. xxxi.). This

paper, modified and corrected in detail, forms the substance of this

chapter. We wish to epxress our thanks to the Council of the Royal

Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland for permission

to make use of this paper.

[127] -- We find that the practices of these people in connection with

omens or auspices so closely resemble those of the early Romans that

it seems worth while to draw attention to these resemblances, and we

therefore quote in footnotes some passages from Dr. Smith's DICTIONARY

OF CLASSICAL ANTIQUITIES, referring to the practice of the Romans:

"In the most ancient times no transaction, whether private or public,

was performed without consulting the auspices, and hence arose the

distinction of AUSPICIA PRIVATA and AUSPICIA PUBLICA."

[128] -- See Chap. XXII.

[129] -- "No one but a patrician could take the auspices."

[130] -- "Romulus is represented to have been the best of augurs,

and from him all succeeding augurs received the chief mark of their

office."

[131] -- "Hence devices were adopted so that no ill-omened sound

should be heard, such as blowing a trumpet during the sacrifice."

[132] -- "The person who has to take them (the auspices) first marked

out with a wand ... a division of the heavens called 'templum,'

... within which he intended to make his observations."

[133] -- "It was from Jupiter mainly that the future was learnt,

and the birds were regarded as his messengers."

[134] -- "The Roman auspices were essentially of a practical nature;

they gave no information respecting the course of future events, they

did not inform men what was to happen, but simply taught them whether

they were to do or not to do the matter purposed; they assigned no

reason for the decision of Jupiter, they simply announced -- Yes

or No."

[135] -- "It was only a few birds which could give auguries among

the Romans. They were divided into two classes: Oscines, those which

gave auguries by singing or their voice; and Alites, those which

gave auguries by their flight." "There were considerable varieties

of omen according to the note of the Oscines or the place from which

they uttered the note; and similarly among the Alites, according to

the nature of their flight."

[136] -- "They endeavoured to learn the future, especially in war,

by consulting the entrails of victims."

[137] -- This phrase as commonly used implies the exchange of

greetings.

[138] -- See Chap. XII.

[139] -- Of the Romans it is said: "When a fox, a wolf, a serpent,

a horse, a dog, or any other kind of quadruped, ran across a person's

path or appeared in an unusual place, it formed an augury."

[140] -- JOURN. OF STRAITS ASIATIC SOCIETY, Nos. 8, 10, and 14.

[141] -- See Chap. XXII.

[142] -- See Chap. XVII.

[143] -- In the paper from which the greater part of this chapter is

extracted this word was spelt NYARONG. It is now clear to us that it

should be spelt as above, with the initial NG, a common initial sound

in the Sea Dayak language. The most literal translation of the word

is, the thing that is secret, or simply, the secret, or my secret.

[144] -- Almost every Iban possesses and constantly carries with

him a bundle of such objects; they are regarded as charms and are

called PENGAROH; but few probably claim to enjoy the protection of

a secret helper.

[145] -- INTRODUCTION TO COMPARATIVE PSYCHOLOGY, and elsewhere.

[146] -- Now that the sacrifice of human victims is forbidden, Kenyahs

and Klemantans sometimes carve a human figure upon the first of the

main piles of a new house to be put into the ground.

[147] -- See vol. ii., p. 4.

[148] -- Quoted in Mr. Frazer's TOTEMISM, 1st ed., 1887, p. 8.

[149] -- Aban Jau possessed a large curiously shaped pig's tusk which

he wore on his person in the belief that any firearm fired at it would

not go off. It is probable that his belief in this charm was connected

with his belief in the dream-pig. The belief was very genuine, until

in a moment of excessive confidence he hanged the tusk upon a tree and

invited one of us to fire at it. The tusk was shattered. Aban Jau said

nothing; but presumably a process of disintegration began in his mind;

for after some hours he remarked that his charm had lost its power.

[150] -- Dr. Boas is of the opinion that the totems of the Indians

of British Columbia have been developed from the personal MANITOU,

the guardian animals acquired by youths in dreams. Miss A. C. Fletcher

is led to a similar conclusion by a study of the totems of the Omaha

tribe of Indians (IMPORT OF THE TOTEM, Salem, Mass., 1897). The facts

described above in connection with the NGARONG of the Ibans and similar

allied institutions among other tribes of Sarawak would seem, then,

to support the views of these authors as to the origin of totemism.

[151] -- Sixteen different methods, most of which combine the notion

of soul-catching with that of exorcism, are enumerated and described

by Mr. E. H. Gomes in his recent work, SEVENTEEN YEARS AMONGST THE

DAYAKS OF BORNEO.

[152] -- In a recent note in the JOURNAL OF THE SARAWAK MUSEUM,

Jan. 1911, Mr. W. Howell states that the power of TAU TEPANG is

supposed to be transmitted in certain families from generation to

generation; that the head of a TAU TEPANG man leaves his body at

night and goes about doing harm, especially to the crops; that the

power is passed on to a child of a TAU TEPANG family by the mother,

who touches the cut edge of the child's tongue with her spittle.

[153] -- Cf. BAWANG DAHA, the lake of blood of the Kayan Hades,

vol. ii., p. 40.

[154] -- The people are naturally reticent about this rite. The

facts were brought to our knowledge by a case which is instructive

in several ways. A Sebop had murdered a Chinese trader and taken

his head. He was ordered to surrender himself for trial at the fort

within the space of one month, and informed that he would be taken

alive or dead if he failed to present himself. He refused and took

to the jungle. Upon which one of the up-country chiefs (Tama Bulan)

was commissioned to arrest him. The murderer was found in the jungle

and called on to surrender, but refused, and died fighting. At this

his brother was enraged against the chief and made the TEGULUN against

him; and being at a distance from his victim, the man was at no pains

to keep the matter secret, and it came to the ears of the chief. He,

although the most enlightened native in the country, felt uneasy

under this terrific malediction and complained to the Resident,

who insisted on a public taking back or taking off of the curse.

[155] -- A free translation runs: --

"O holy DAYONG; thou who lovest mankind,

Bring back thy servant from Leman,

The region between the lands of life and death,

O holy DAYONG."

[156] -- See vol. ii., p. 11.

[157] -- Although breach of custom and of LALI by any individual may

bring misfortune on the whole household, the offending individual is

regarded as specially liable to wasting sickness with diarrhoea and

spitting of blood.

[158] -- We have a wooden image of this being. It is rudely

anthropomorphic, and is covered with fish-like scales. Its sex is

indeterminate. He is supposed to ascend the river from the sea,

kneeling on the back of a sting-ray.

[159] -- The sword handle is sometimes made of hard wood, but

generally of deer's horn, very elaborately carved (see Pl. 129). It

seems possible that this elaborate carving which, in spite of many

minor variations, is of only two fundamental types, is or was at one

time connected with this myth. But we have not been able to get any

statement to this effect.

[160] -- The creeper is here regarded as the male partner.

[161] -- Cf. an Iban story given in Perham's "Sea-Dayak Gods,"

J.S.B.R.A. SOC. ix. 236.

[162] -- This greeting of the passer-by and the charging him with

some commission is very characteristic of the Ibans.

[163] -- A form of trial by ordeal occasionally practised by Ibans

and other tribes.

[164] -- This refers to the difference of colour between the carapace

and the plastron.

[165] -- Refers to the flat under surface contrasting with the

rounded back.

[166] -- See vol. i. p. 139.

[167] -- This is the only mention of rain-making that has come to

our notice among any of the Borneans.

[168] -- This notion of an atmosphere or "odour" of virtue attaching

to material objects pervades the thought and practice of Kayans. As

another illustration of it, we may remark that a Kayan will wear for

a long time, and will often refuse to wash, a garment which has been

worn and afterwards given to him by a European whom he respects.

[169] -- We give the original and translation of one such lullaby: --

"Megiong ujong bayoh

Mansip anak yap -- cheep, cheep.

Lematei telayap,

Telayap abing,

Lematei Laki Laying oban,

Lematei Laki Punan oban."

The translation runs: --

"The branches of the bayoh tree are swaying

With the sound of little chicks-cheep, cheep,

The lizards are dead,

There are no lizards any more,

Gray-haired Laki Laying is dead,

The old jungle man is dead."

The reference to the Punan in this lullaby may be explained by saying

that the children are frightened sometimes by being told that the

jungle man will take them.

[170] -- The PENGHULU is the leading chief of a district;

cf. Chap. XXII.

[171] -- Even when in tatuing blood is drawn, as almost inevitably

occurs, beads are given the tatuer to indemnify her and make it clear

that the deed was not intended.

[172] -- It came into use, no doubt, through the hospitable offering

of cigarettes by the women of the household.

[173] -- The omen birds are not consulted in the hope of obtaining

favourable omens; but rather special events are regarded as of evil

omen; such are any outbreak of fire in the house, any fatal accident

to any member of the house, the repeated crying of the muntjac

(the barking deer) about the house. In one instance known to us the

attractive daughter of a Kenyah chief had three times been compelled

by series of bad omens to break off the betrothals.

[174] -- Some few communities of Punans live in the large caves of

the limestone mountains; it seems possible that this is a survival of

a very ancient custom that preceded the making of shelters, however

rude; but we know of no facts which can be regarded as supporting this

view, save that we have found human bones of uncertain age in several

caves. Some of these caves have undoubtedly been used as burial-places,

possibly during epidemics of cholera or smallpox.

[175] -- See Chap. XXI.

[176] -- Perhaps the most commonly used is a double-ended spatula. With

this the head of the family stirs the boiled sago, and then conveys

it to his own mouth on one end and to his wife's mouth on the other.

[177] -- Formerly, they say, they cooked in green bamboos; and this

is still done occasionally. They also occasionally boil their sago

in the large cups of the pitcher-plant (NEPENTHES).

[178] -- This occurrence of incest between couples brought up

in the same household is, of course, difficult to reconcile with

Prof. Westermarck's well-known theory of the ground of the almost

universal feeling against incest, namely that it depends upon

sexual aversion or indifference engendered by close proximity during

childhood. But medical men who have experience of slum practice in

European towns can supply similar evidence in large quantity. And the

medical psychologists of the school of Freud could cite much evidence

against this theory.

We cannot refrain from throwing out here a speculative suggestion

towards the explanation of the feeling against incest which seems

to find support in certain of the facts of this area. It seems to

us that the feeling with which incest is regarded is an example

of a feeling or sentiment engendered in each generation by law

and tradition, rather than a spontaneous reaction of individuals,

based on some special instinct or innate tendency. The occurrence

of incest between brothers and sisters, and the strong feeling of

the Sea Dayaks against incest between nephew and aunt (who often are

members of distinct communities), are facts which seem to us fatal to

Prof. Westermarck's theory, as well as to point strongly to the view

that the sentiment has a purely conventional or customary source. Now,

if we accept some such view of the constitution of primitive society as

has been suggested by Messrs. Atkinson and Lang (PRIMAL LAW), namely,

that the social group consisted of a single patriarch and a group of

wives and daughters, over all of whom he exercised unrestricted power

or rights; we shall see that the first step towards the constitution of

a higher form of society must have been the strict limitation of his

rights over certain of the women, in order that younger males might

be incorporated in the society and enjoy the undisputed possession

of them. The patriarch, having accepted this limitation of his rights

over his daughters for the sake of the greater security and strength

of the band given by the inclusion of a certain number of young males,

would enforce all the more strictly upon them his prohibition against

any tampering with the females of the senior generation. Thus very

strict prohibitions and severe penalties against the consorting of the

patriarch with the younger generation of females, I.E. his daughters,

and against intercourse between the young males admitted to membership

of the group and the wives of the patriarch, would be the essential

conditions of advance of social organisation. The enforcement of these

penalties would engender a traditional sentiment against such unions,

and these would be the unions primitively regarded as incestuous. The

persistence of the tendency of the patriarch's jealousy to drive his

sons out of the family group as they attained puberty would render

the extension of this sentiment to brother-and-sister unions easy

and almost inevitable. For the young male admitted to the group would

be one who came with a price in his hand to offer in return for the

bride he sought. Such a price could only be exacted by the patriarch

on the condition that he maintained an absolute prohibition on sexual

relations between his offspring so long as the young sons remained

under his roof.

It is not impossible that a trace of the primitive state of society

imagined by Messrs. Atkinson and Lang survives in the fact that a

Kayan chief may, if he is so inclined, temporarily possess himself

of the wife of any of his men without raising the strong resentment

and incurring the penalties which would attend adultery on the part

of any other man of the house; but the law against incest with his

daughters, whether natural or adopted, would be enforced against him

by the co-operation of the chiefs of neighbouring houses and villages.

[179] -- A limestone cliff whose foot is washed by the Baram river

and which contains a number of caves (known as Batu Gading, or the

ivory rock) is said by a Kayan legend to have been formed by a Kayan

house being turned into Stone owing to incestuous conduct within it.

[180] -- This would not be always true of similar cases among Sea

Dayaks.

[181] -- See vol. ii. p. 296 for a striking example of self-control

displayed by this great man under most trying circumstances.

[182] -- Only one evil effect of the success of these efforts for the

spread of peace has come under our notice, namely, a tendency in some

communities to economise labour by building flimsy houses in place

of the massive and roomy structures which were fortresses as well

as dwelling-places.

[183] -- The desire of the people inhabiting a branch of the river

to shut themselves off from all intercourse with the areas in which

an epidemic disease is raging, is sometimes disregarded by Malay or

Chinese traders; such disregard has sometimes led to trouble.

This desire for seclusion as a safeguard against epidemics is by no

means peculiar to the tribes of the interior of Borneo, but seems to

be shared by many savage and barbarous peoples. It is one that ought

to be strictly respected by all travellers; and we have no doubt that

the disregard of this desire by European explorers, ignorant, no doubt,

of its existence or of the practical and rational grounds on which it

is based, has been the cause in many cases of their hostile reception

by native tribes and potentates, and has led to bloodshed and punitive

expeditions which might have been wholly avoided if the explorers had

been equipped with some general knowledge of, and some respect for,

the principles of conduct of savage peoples.

[184] -- In view of the valuable properties now attributed to spermin

in some scientific quarters, it would be rash to assert that this

treatment can have no therapeutic value. It is of interest to note

that prolonged working of camphor in the jungle is said to produce

impotence and that, in order to avoid this, the workers make frequent

breaks and will not prolong a camphor-gathering expedition beyond a

limited period. For impotence is regarded by a young Kayan as a very

great calamity.

[185] -- It seems possible that the Punans acquire some degree of

immunity to the effects of the IPOH poison through constantly handling

it and applying it in the ways mentioned above. The only evidence in

support of this that we can offer is the fact that the Punans handle

their poisoned darts much more recklessly than the other peoples.

[186] -- There is current among the Klemantans a larger number of

such myths than among the Kayans.

[187] -- The second occurred during the residence of one of us

(C. H.) in the Baram, and the alarm of the people was largely prevented

by the issue to all the chiefs of TEBUKU (tallies) foretelling the

date of its incidence. Nevertheless one woman, at least, was so much

frightened by the spectacle that she ran into her house and dropped

down dead.

[188] -- See vol. ii. p. 272.

[189] -- The horn of the small and rare Bornean rhinoceros is the

most highly valued of the various substances out of which the sword

hilts are carved.

[190] -- Although it is impossible to form any estimate of the numbers

of such imported slaves of negroid type, it is, we assert, a fact

that some have been imported. We have trustworthy information of the

possession of two Abyssinian slaves in recent times by a Malay noble.

[191] -- In the course of measuring and observing the physical

characters of some 350 individuals of the various tribes, we recorded

in each case the eye characters. Of a group of 80 subjects made

up of Kenyahs, Klemantans, and Punans (who in this respect do not

differ appreciably from one another), we noted a moderately marked

Mongolian fold in 14 subjects, the rest having in equal numbers

either no fold or but a slight trace of it. As regards obliquity of

the aperture, in rather more than half it was recorded as slight,

in one quarter as lacking, and in the rest as moderate. As regards

the size of palpebral apertures, half were noted as medium, and

about one quarter as small, and the remaining quarter as large. In

the main, obliquity and smallness of aperture go with the presence

of the Mongolian fold. The most common form of eye in this group may

therefore be described as very slightly oblique, moderately large,

and having a slight trace of the Mongolian fold.

[192] -- THE RACES OF MAN, p. 486, London, 1900.

[193] -- OP. CIT. p. 392.

[194] -- MAN, PAST AND PRESENT, London, 1899, pp. 562 and 143.

[195] -- Prof. A. H. Keane (MAN, PAST AND PRESENT, p. 206), after

citing the statements of various observers to the effect that persons

of almost purely Caucasic or European type are not infrequently

encountered among several of the tribes of Upper Burma, Tonking,

and Assam, notably the Shans, and the allied peoples known as Chins,

Karens, Kyens, and Kakhyens, writes: "Thus is again confirmed by the

latest investigations, and by the conclusions of some of the leading

members of the French school of anthropology, the view first advanced

by me in 1879, that peoples of the Caucasic (here called 'Aryan')

division had already spread to the utmost confines of south-east Asia

in remote prehistoric times, and had in this region even preceded the

first waves of Mongolic migration radiating from their cradleland on

the Tibetian plateau." While we accept this view, so ably maintained

by Keane, it is only fair to point out that J. R. Logan, in a paper

published in 1850, had maintained that a Gangetic people (by WHICH

HE meant a people formed in the Gangetic plain by the blending of

Caucasic and Mongoloid stocks) bad wandered at a remote epoch into

the area that is now Burma, following the shore of the Indo-Malayan

sea; and that he recognised the Karens and Kakhyens as the modern

representatives of this people of partially Caucasic origin ("The

Ethnology of Eastern Asia," THE JOURNAL OF THE INDIAN ARCHIPELAGO,

vol. iv. p. 481, 1850).

[196] -- Nieuwenhuis publishes a photograph of such carvings found

in the Mahakan or Upper Kotei river. They included fragments of

a cylindrical column and what seems to be a caparisoned kneeling

elephant. QUER DURCH BORNEO, vol. ii. p. 116.

[197] -- "The Ethnology of Eastern Asia," JOURN. OF INDIAN ARCHIPELAGO,

vol. iv. p. 478.

[198] -- We have not been able to find any full and satisfactory

description of the Karens, but we have brought together whatever

statements about them and the tribes most nearly related to them seem

significant for our purpose from the

following sources. The figures in brackets in the text refer to

this list.

(1) J. R. Logan, "The Ethnology of Eastern Asia," LOC. CIT.

(2) Lieut.-Col. James Low on "The Karean Tribes of Martaban and Javai,"

JOURN. OF INDIAN ARCH., vol. iv.

(3) A. R. McMahon, THE KARENS OF THE GOLDEN CHERSONESE, London, 1876.

(4) E. B. Cross, "The Karens," JOURN. OF THE AMER. ORIENTAL SOC., 1854.

(5) T. Mason, "The Karens," JOURN. OF THE ASIATIC SOC., 1866, part ii.

(6) D. M. Smeaton, THE LOYAL KARENS OF BURMA, London, 1887.

(7) J. Anderson, FROM MANDALAY TO MOMIEN.

(8) Lieut.-Col. Waddell, "Tribes of the Brahmaputra Valley," JOURN. OF

THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOC., 1900.

(9) A. R. Colquhoun, AMONG THE SHANS, London, 1885.

(10) T. C. Hodson, NAGA TRIBES OF MANIPUR, London, 1911.

(11) T.C. Hodson, "The Assam Hills, " a paper read before the

Geographical Society of Liverpool in 1905.

(12) Sir J. G. Scott, BURMA.

(13) A. H. Keane, MAN, PAST AND PRESENT, London, 1899.

(14) J. Deniker, THE RACES OF MAN, London, 1900.

[199] -- The cross-bow is used as a toy by Kayan boys only.

[200] -- Cp. the Kayan APO LEGGAN, vol. ii. p. 40.

[201] -- This, however, is a statement which perhaps might loosely

be made of the Kayans. Cp. vol. ii. p. 34.

[202] -- [The Kuki's are normally not considered Nagas. They live

in the same area, but are far more recent immigrants from Burma,

and differ considerably from the Nagas. -- J.H.]

[203] -- It is worthy of note that the Kayans have long used and

highly prize for the decoration of their swords the hair of the

Tibetan goat dyed a dark red, and have continued to obtain this hair

at a great price from Malay and Chinese traders. The wild tribes of

the Chin hills, said to be closely akin to the Kukis, adorn their

shields with tassels of goat's hair dyed red (see THE CHIN HILLS,

by B. S. Carey and H. N. Tuck, Rangoon, 1896). According to the same

authorities, these Chins are inveterate head-hunters. They read omens

in the livers of pigs and other beasts, and in the cries of birds;

they wear a loincloth like the Kayan Bah; they scare pests from

their PADI fields by means of an apparatus like that used by Kayans

(vol. i. p. 102); they floor their houses with huge planks hewn out

with an adze very similar to the Kayan adze.

[204] -- Some communities of Malanaus never plant rice, but rely for

their principal food supply upon the numerous sago-palms which they

have planted round about their villages. It is doubtful whether these

have ever cultivated PADI on any considerable scale.

[205] -- Deniker (RACES OF MAN, p. 392) describes, under the name

MOIS, an aboriginal tribe of Annam in terms which show that they

present many points of similarity with the Muruts.

[206] -- The Malay does not, like the Iban, make use of the various

animal designs, but confines himself to simple geometrical patterns

-- but this difference is probably a result of the adoption of the

Moslem religion.

[207] -- Most Ibans now procure the PARANG ILANG of the Kayans and

copy their wooden shields.

[208] -- The fire-piston is found also in North Borneo, but with this

exception is peculiar to the Ibans among the pagan tribes. It has been

widely used by the Malays of the peninsula and those of Menangkaban

in Sumatra (see H. Balfour, "The Fire Piston," in volume of essays

in honour of E. B. Tylor).

[209] -- The general use of this mat is common to the Kenyahs, Punans,

and most of the Klemantans, but it is comparatively rare among the

Kayans; this is a significant fact, for such a mat is more needed by

a jungle dweller than by one whose home is a well-built house. We

have not met with any mention of such a mat among the tribes of

the mainland.

[210] -- See the vocabularies of the Kayan, Kenyah, and Kalabit

(Murut) languages recently published by Mr. R. S. Douglas, Resident

of the Baram district, in the JOURNAL OF THE SARAWAK MUSEUM, Feb. 1911.

[211] -- This is clearly shown in the article "BALI" of Monier

Williams's SANSKRIT DICTIONARY.

[212] -- For a full account of these transactions and for the later

history of Sarawak in general the reader may be referred to the

recently published SARAWAK UNDER TWO WHITE RAJAHS, by Messrs. Bampfylde

and Baring-Gould, London, 1909.

[213] -- The principles according to which the government has been

conducted cannot be better expressed than in the following words of

H. H. Sir Charles Brooke, the present Rajah. Writing in the SARAWAK

GAZETTE of September 2, 1872, he observed that a government such

as that of Sarawak may "start from things as we find them, putting

its veto on what is dangerous or unjust and supporting what is fair

and equitable in the usages of the natives, and letting system and

legislation wait upon occasion. When new wants are felt it examines and

provides for them by measures rather made on the spot than imported

from abroad; and, to ensure that these shall not be contrary to

native customs, the consent of the people is gained for them before

they are put in force. The white man's so-called privilege of class

is made little of and the rules of government are framed with greater

care for the interests of the majority who are not European than for

those of the minority of superior race."

[214] -- See pp. 417 -- 420 of Messrs. Bampfylde and Baring Gould's

TWO WHITE RAJAHS.

[215] -- These three masks were afterwards given to the Resident,

and are now in the British Museum.

[216] -- "A Savage Peace-Conference," by W. McDougall, THE EAGLE,

the magazine of St. John's College, Cambridge, 1900.

[217] -- The dollar is the Straits Settlements dollar; its value in

English money is two shillings and fourpence.

[218] -- This Company has enjoyed, for more than half a century, the

right to work minerals in Sarawak, paying royalty to the government;

it has been and is the principal channel through which the natural

products of the country have been brought into the world's markets. It

has always worked in harmony with the government, and to the judicious

conduct of its affairs the present material prosperity of the country

is largely due. An important development of the Company's activity

in recent years has been the planting of large areas with the Para

rubber-plant.

[219] -- The beneficent and active interest taken by the Rajah in

the prosperity of the natives, and the paternal character of his

government, are well illustrated by a recently issued order. It is

within the memory of all that in the years 1910 and 1911 occurred the

great rubber "boom" in the markets of Europe. With the hope of vast

profits, speculators hurried to every region where rubber was known

to grow. The seeds of the Para rubber-plant had been introduced to

Sarawak many years before; the suitability of the soil and climate

for the production of the best quality of Para rubber had been

abundantly demonstrated and the natives had been encouraged to

plant for their own profit the seeds and young plants which were

distributed to them from the government stations, so that when the

boom came many of them possessed small plantations of the trees that

"lay the golden eggs." The speculators were everywhere seeking to

buy these plantations at prices which, though they seemed handsome

to the natives, were low enough to provide a very large profit to the

buyers. The Rajah caused warnings to be published and brought to the

notice of the natives, and informed them that they were at full liberty

to appropriate jungle. land for the formation of rubber plantations,

and that their tenure of such lands would be secured to them so long

as they cared for the trees and worked the rubber properly. He further

ordered that no sales of rubber plantations should be effected without

the knowledge and approval of the government.

[220] -- The Rajahs of Sarawak have personally chosen and appointed

their white officers with the greatest care; and their good judgment

has secured for, their country the services of a number of Englishmen

of high abilities and sterling moral quality. Of those members

of the Sarawak service who have passed away, the following have

pre-eminent claims to be gratefully remembered by the people of the

country: James Brooke Brooke (nephew of the first Rajah), W. Brereton,

A. C. Crookshank, J. B. Cruickshank, C. C. de Crespigny, A. H. Everett,

H. Brooke Low, C. S. Pearse, and, above all, F. R. O. Maxwell.

[221] -- Crawford, a leading authority on the history of the East

Indian Islands, wrote of the Dutch in Borneo of the early times --

"Their sole object, according to the commercial principles of the

time, was to obtain, through arrangements with the native prince,

the staple products of the country at prices below their natural cost,

and to sell them above it... . The result of these (arrangements) was

the decline of the trade of Banjermasin; its staple product, pepper,

which had at one time been considerable, having become nearly extinct"

(DICTIONARY OF THE INDIAN ISLANDS, Lond., 1865, p. 65).

[222] -- 'QUER DURCH BORNEO,' by A. W. Nieuwenhuis.

[223] -- Dr. A. W. Nieuwenhuis, "Anthropometrische Untersuchungen bei

den Dajak." Bearbeitet durch Dr. J. H. F. Kohlbrugge, MITT. AUS DEM

NIEDERL. REICHSMUS. FUR VOLKERK. ser. ii. No. 5, Haarlem, 1903. Owing

to the inaccessibility of this memoir, I have incorporated his more

important observations in this essay.

[224] -- Swaving, G., NATUURK. TIJDSCHR. V. NED. IND., xxiii., 1861,

xxiv., 1862.

Hoeven, J. van der, CATALOGUS CRANIORUM DIVERSARUM GENTIUM.

Virchow, R., Z.F.E., xvii., 1885, p. (270), in which he states

that of 47 "Dayak" skulls in the museums of Paris, Amsterdam, and

the Royal College of Surgeons, London, 20 were dolichocephalic, 12

mesaticephalic, and 15 brachycephalic. Cf. also Z.F.E., xxiv., 1892,

p. (435).

Hagen, B., VERH. D. KON. AKAD. D. WETENSCH. NATUURKUND, xxviii.,

Amsterdam, 1890.

Waldeyer, W., Z.F.E., xxvi., 1894, p. (383).

Zuckerkandl, E., MITT. D. ANTHROP. GESELL. WIEN, xxiv., 1894, p. 254.

Kohlbrugge, J. H. F., L'ANTHROPOLOGIE, ix., 1898, p. 1.

Volz, W., ARCH. F. ANTHROP., xxvi., 1900, p. 719.

Haddon, A. C., ARCHIV. PER L' ANT. E L' ETNOL., xxxi., 1901, p. 341.

[225] -- Nieuwenhuis usually speaks of these as Ulu Ajar Dajak. I

have more than once deprecated this use of the term "Dayak" as it has

simply come to mean a non-Malayan inhabitant of Borneo, for example,

we find "Kenjah Dajak" on his map. In Sarawak this term is confined

to the Sea Dayaks and Land Dayaks, for the former I have suggested

that the native name Iban be adopted, but I have not been able to

find a suitable native name for the Land Dayaks of Sarawak who are

probably allied to the Ulu Ayars.

[226] -- The foregoing statement is taken from Nieuwenhuis, but

Dr. Hose sends me the following remarks:

"PARI is the word for PADI in both Kayan and Kenyah language.

"The Uma Timi and Uma Klap of the Upper Rejang are possibly Bahautribes

but the four Kayan tribes of the Upper Rejang, the Uma Bawang, Uma

Naving, Uma Daro and Uma Lesong say that they came from Usun Apo or

Apo Kayan as Nieuwenhuis calls it.

"The Kayans in the Kapuas are the Uma Ging, and the only Kayans that I

know of in the Bulungan river are the Uma Lekans: there are no Kayans

or Kenyahs in the Limbang river.

"Apo Kayan or Usun Apo is the country from which the Batang Kayan

river or Bulungan, the Kotei, and their great tributaries rise on

the one side, and the tributaries of the Rejang and Baram on the

other. It extends from the Bahau river in the north to the Mahakam

in the south. The Kenyahs of the Baram are spoken of by the people

of the Batang Kayan as Kenyah Bau."

[227] -- In order to make Kohlbrugge's data comparable with ours

I have in all cases grouped his youths and girls over 16 with the

adults, and have left those younger out of reckoning.

[228] -- I.E. having an index of 77.9 and under.

[229] -- This was drawn up by Dr. Hose from his general knowledge

of the people of Sarawak, and it will be found to agree very closely

with the anthropometric data, thus we may regard it as expressing the

present state of our knowledge of the affinities of the several tribes.

The Pagan Tribes of Borneo A Description of Their Physical Moral and Intellectual Condition, with Some Discussion of Their Ethnic Relations · 第 31 / 31 章

FACE: It is more or less pentagonal in 8 men and 1 woman, oval or ovoid