The PENGHULU is responsible also for the collection of the door-tax

from the chief of each house or village of his people and for

its delivery to the Resident. He is allowed to exercise a certain

discretion in the matter of remission of taxes to elderly or infirm

householders. He is responsible also for the transmission to the

Resident of all sums in payment of fines of more than five dollars,

imposed by himself or by his subordinate chiefs. On the happily

infrequent occasions on which it becomes necessary to organise a

punitive expedition, the PENGHULUS are expected to help in the raising

of the required force, and to accompany the expedition as commanders of

their own group of warriors, acting under the orders of the Resident.

A PENGHULU is punished for neglect of his duties by suspension from his

office for a definite period, or in more serious cases by dismissal

and the appointment of another chief Since the dignity and prestige

of the office are high, this punishment is deeply felt.

Among the Kayans and Kenyahs and most of the Klemantans, the PENGHULUS

exercise a very effective authority, and, since with few exceptions the

chiefs chosen to fill the office have been loyal, zealous, and capable,

they have rendered great services to the government. Among the Sea

Dayaks the lack of authority of the chiefs, which is a characteristic

feature of their social system, has rendered it impossible to secure

for their PENGHULUS the same high standing and large influence; the

result of which has been the creation of an unduly large number of

these officers and the consequent further depreciation of the dignity

of the office.

The PENGHULU is the link between the native system of government as

it obtained before the coming of the white man, and that established

and maintained by the Rajah and his white officers. The former

consisted of the exercise of authority by the several chiefs, each

over the people of his own village only, except in so far as a chief

might acquire some special prestige and influence over others through

his own reputation for wisdom and that of his people for success in

war. Among the Kayans and Kenyahs especially, the principal chiefs have

long aimed at extending their influence by marrying their relatives

to those of other powerful chiefs. In this way chiefs of exceptional

capacity, aided by good fortune, have achieved in certain instances

a very extended influence. Such a chief was Laki Avit, a Kenyah,

who, some twenty years before the Rajah's officers first entered

upon the task of administering the Baram, was recognised throughout

all the interior of the district as the leading chief, a position

which could only have been achieved by the consistent pursuit of a

wise policy of conciliation and just dealing between. Kenyahs and

Kayans. But the order and peace maintained by the influence of such

a chief depended wholly on his continued vigour, and they seldom or

never survived his death by more than a few years. In the case of Laki

Avit, for example, the Bruni Malays, jealous and afraid of the allied

Kayans and Kenyahs, soon succeeded by means of murderous intrigues

in bringing back the more normal condition of suspicious hostility

and frequent warfare. Thus, although several chiefs had endeavoured

to establish peace throughout wide areas, no one of them had achieved

any enduring success. For this end the unifying influence of a central

authority and superior power was necessary, and this was supplied by

the Rajah. We may liken the whole system of society as now established

to a conical structure consisting of a common apex from which lines of

authority descend to the base, branching as they go at three principal

levels. If we imagine the upper part of this structure cut away at

a horizontal plane just above the lowest level of branching, we have

a diagrammatic representation of the state of affairs preceding the

Rajah's advent -- a large number of small cones each representing

a village unified by the subordination of its members to its chief,

but each one remaining isolated without any bond of union with its

neighbours. At the present time the base of the cone remains almost

unchanged, but the Rajah's government binds together all its isolated

groups to form one harmonious whole, by means of the hierarchy of

officers whose authority proceeds from the Rajah himself, the apex

of the system.

The establishment of the Rajah's government has thus involved no

breaking up of the old forms of society, no attempt to recast it

after any foreign model, but has merely supplied the elements that

were lacking to the system, if it was to enable men to live at peace,

to prosper and multiply, and to enjoy the fruits of their labours. But

though we describe the society of Sarawak as being now a completed

structure, the simile is inadequate and might mislead. The structure

is not that of a rigid building, but of a living organisation; and

its efficiency and permanence depend upon the unceasing activities of

all its parts, each conscious of the whole and of its own essential

role in the life of the whole, and each animated by a common spirit

of unswerving devotion to, and untiring effort in the cause of, the

whole. The Rajah's power rests upon the broad base of the people's

willing co-operation; he in turn is for them the symbol of the whole,

by the aid of which they are enabled to think of the state as their

common country and common object of devotion; and from him there

descends through his officers the spirit which animates the whole,

a spirit of reciprocal confidence, justice, goodwill, and devotion to

duty. The system is in fact the realisation of the ideal of monarchy

or personal government; its successful working depends above all on

the character and intellect of the man who stands at the head of the

state; and the steady progress of all better aspects of civilisation

in Sarawak, a progress which has evoked the warm praise of many

experienced and independent observers,[214] has been due to the fact

that the resolution, the tact and sympathy, the wisdom and high

ideals which enabled the first of its English Rajahs to establish

his authority, have been unfailingly displayed in no less degree by

his successor throughout his long reign.

It is obvious that this permeation of the whole system of government

by the spirit of its head can only be perpetuated by constant personal

intercourse between him and his officers and between the officers of

the various grades. This has been a main principle observed by the

Rajah. He has frequently visited the district stations, to spend a

few days in consultation with his white officers, and to renew his

personal acquaintance with the local chiefs, who spontaneously assemble

to await his arrival. Such visits to any station have seldom been

made at greater intervals than one year; and these annual meetings

at the district stations between the Rajah and his officers of all

grades have been of the utmost value in preserving the profound and

personal respect with which he is regarded throughout the land and

which is in due measure reflected to his representatives, both white

and native. The Rajah has also kept himself in close touch with the

Residents and the affairs even of the remotest districts by encouraging

the Residents to write to him personally and fully on all important

matters, and by writing with his own hand full and prompt replies.

The foregoing brief account of the system of government will have

accentuated its essentially personal character; and it will have

made clear the necessity for constant personal intercourse between

the officers of various grades, and for the long excursions of the

Residents into the interior parts of their districts, one of which

we propose to describe as an illustration of the intimate working

of the administrative system. For in the larger and wilder districts

the Resident's station may be separated from populous villages by a

tract of wild jungle country, the return journey over which cannot

be accomplished in less than a month or even more.

The journey we are about to describe, as illustrative of the

administrative labours of the Resident of one of the wilder districts,

was made in the Baram in the year 1898 by one of us (C. H.) in the

course of his official duties and in part only by the joint-author

of this book. A slight sketch of the political history and condition

of the Baram is required to render intelligible the objects of the

journey and the course of events. The Baram was added to Sarawak

territory, under the circumstances described above (vol. ii. p. 261),

in the year 1882. At that time it enjoyed the reputation of a wild

and dangerous region, owing to the strength of the Kayans, who,

dwelling in all the middle parts of the rivers, had made a number

of bold raids as far as the coast and even to the neighbourhood of

Bruni. The Sea Dayaks had obtained no footing in the river, and the

Klemantans, who dwelt in the lower reaches, had proved quite incapable

of withstanding their formidable neighbours. The latter had driven them

out of the more desirable parts of the river, had made many slaves,

and had appropriated many of the valuable caves in which they had

gathered the edible nests of the swift. But considerable numbers of the

Klemantans remained in the lower reaches and in some of the tributary

rivers. The upper waters of the Baram were occupied mainly by Kenyah

communities; and about the watershed in which the Baram, the Rejang,

and the Batang Kayan have their sources (a mountainous highland,

geographically the very centre of the island, known as Usun Apo), were

the Madangs, a powerful sub-tribe of the Kenyahs, whose reputation as

warriors was second to none. In 1883 a fort was built at Marudi (now

officially known as Claudetown), a spot on the river-bank some sixty

miles from the sea, the first spot at which in ascending the river a

high bank suitable for a settlement is encountered. Here Mr. Claude

de Crespigny, assisted by two junior officers, a squad of some thirty

rangers, and a few native police, began the task of introducing law and

order into these 10,000 square miles of dense jungles, rushing rivers,

and high mountains, the scene for unknown ages of the hard perpetual

struggle of savage man with nature, and of the fierce conflict of

man with man. At first the interior tribes remained aloof, and the

little outpost of civilisation was frequently threatened by them

with extermination. But after some few years the Kayans of the lower

villages became reconciled to the new state of affairs, recognised

the authority of the Rajah and of the Resident, and consented to pay

the small annual door-tax amounting to two dollars per family or door.

These were the Kayans of villages that were readily accessible

because seated on reaches of the river navigable by the Resident's

steam-launch, that is, not more than seventy miles above Claudetown. It

was soon realised that the people of the remoter parts were only to

be brought under the Rajah's government by means of friendly visits

of the Resident to their villages. This policy was actively pursued

by Mr. Charles Hose, who had become assistant to the Resident in 1884,

officer in charge in 1888, and Resident in 1890; some four or five long

journeys were made each year, each occupying several weeks. During

these journeys, which were necessarily made in the native boats,

the Resident would spend the nights, whenever possible, in the native

houses, sometimes whiling away several days in friendly intercourse

with his hosts, and thus acquiring much useful information as well

as more intimate understanding of their characters, languages, and

customs. In this way the area of government control was extended step

by step, until about the year 1891 practically all the inhabitants of

the Baram had accepted the Rajah's government and acknowledged it by

the payment of some tax, however small. The chiefs of the Klemantans

and their people were for the most part very glad to place themselves

under the protection of this new government; but the Kayans and

Kenyahs, not feeling themselves to be in need of any such protection,

were less ready to accept the Resident's proposals. Two considerations

mainly induced them to take this course: first, they desired peace,

or at any rate less warfare, and it was possible to convince them that

this result might be achieved by pointing to other districts such as

the Rejang, with whose affairs they had some acquaintance. Secondly,

they found that a Chinese bazaar had sprung up at Claudetown, and that,

as soon as they accepted the Rajah's government, they would obtain

greatly increased facilities for driving the highly profitable trade

in jungle produce; for, before they had come under the government,

the Chinese and Malay traders had hardly ventured to penetrate to

their remote villages with their cloths and lucifer matches, hardware,

steel bars, and other much-coveted goods.

Several of the most influential chiefs who had early showed themselves

staunch friends of the government were made PENGHULUS, and have long

continued by their example and influence energetically to support the

Resident, notably the Kayan, Tama Usong, and the Kenyah, Tama Bulan

(see Pls. 49, 27). The latter especially, though not one of the first

to come in, exercised his great influence consistently, wisely, and

energetically, in support of the Resident and in the establishment

of peace and order throughout the district and even beyond its

boundaries. But he was only one of several chiefs who have displayed a

high degree of enlightenment and moral qualities of a very high order.

The hostility of the Kalabits on the north-eastern border, who

persistently raided those villages of their fellow-tribesmen that had

come under the government, had necessitated an expedition against

them in 1893. And Sea Dayak parties of jungle workers had on more

than one occasion stirred up serious trouble. But, in spite of these

difficulties, by the year 1898 all the inhabitants of the district

were paying the regular door-tax, crimes of violence had been almost

abolished, trade was everywhere increasing, and peace was assured,

save for the threat to it from one quarter, namely, the Madangs of Usun

Apo and the neighbouring powerful settlements of Kenyahs across the

water-parting in the head-waters of the Batang Kayan. It had always

been a weakness of the Rajah's government that it could assure to

the Baram people no protection against attack from those regions,

the latter of which, though nominally Dutch territory, was not yet

controlled by the Dutch government. In the year 1897 a numerous band

of Madangs had migrated into the extreme head of the Baram from the

corresponding and closely adjoining part of the Rejang, largely owing

to the pressure put upon them by the ever roving and meddlesome Sea

Dayaks. Neither these Madangs nor the Kenyahs of the Batang Kayan

had entered into friendly relations with the Sarawak government, and

they had preserved a hostile attitude towards the Baram tribes. The

Resident therefore determined to visit the Madangs, and to invite

Kenyah chiefs from the Batang Kayan to meet him on the extreme edge

of the Sarawak territory, in order to open friendly intercourse

with them, and to persuade them if possible to attend a general

peace-meeting at Claudetown, at which the outstanding feuds between

them and the Baram folk might be ceremonially washed out in the blood

of pigs. For, if this attempt could be carried to a successful issue,

it would go far to assure the peace of the whole district, and would

add considerably to the volume of trade descending the Baram River:

An additional feature of the programme was that the Resident should

take with him on his visit a number of the Baram chiefs, and should in

the course of the journey make arrangements with the largest possible

number of chiefs for their attendance at the proposed peace-making.

Accordingly, on the 9th of October 1898, we started from Claudetown

in the Resident's launch with a retinue of half a dozen Sea Dayak

rangers and two policemen, and towing some half a dozen boats,

including one for our own use up-river. After spending a day in

visiting villages in the lower Tinjar, the largest tributary of the

Baram, we resumed the journey up-river and reached the village of

Long Tamala. There we were joined by the chiefs of the two houses Tama

Aping Nipa and Tama Aping Kuleh, and were most hospitably entertained

by the former. On the following morning we again steamed up-river,

having added to our train these two Kenyah chiefs, each with a boat's

crew of fighting men, they having agreed to make the whole journey

with us. After stopping at several villages at which the Resident's

services were in request for the settlement of disputed questions,

in the afternoon we reached Long Tajin, a big Kayan village, and

were welcomed by Juman, the chief, and his wife Sulau, a woman of

strikingly handsome and refined features and graceful aristocratic

manner (Pl. 31). She is the daughter of the late Aban Jau, who was

for many years the most powerful chief of the Tinjar Sebops. He had

long resisted the advances of the Resident, and had submitted to the

Rajah's government only after a long course of patient persuasion. He

had regarded himself as the up-river Rajah, and had never ceased to

regret the old state of affairs. "I'm an old man now," he told the

Resident, "but if I were as salt as I used to be, the Rajah would not

have taken possession of the Baram without a struggle." Another of

his many picturesque sayings seems worth recording: "Your Rajah may

govern the down-river people; they are inside the Sultan's fence and

he had the right to hand them over. But over us he had no authority;

we are the tigers of the jungle and have never been tamed." He had

frequently threatened to attack the fort; and when he had sent to the

Resident a message to that effect in the usual symbolic language,

the latter's only reply had been to go up to his house with two or

three men only, and to spend five days there as Aban Jau's guest,

and to persuade him to come down to Claudetown to meet the Rajah.

The evening was spent in discussing the prospects of the expedition

with Juman and other chiefs, some of whom took a gloomy view. The

following morning the steam-launch was sent downriver, and we took to

the boats and paddled a short stage to Bawang Takun, another large

Kayan village, where we stayed over-night to give the people time

to prepare their boats and the Resident the opportunity for some

judicial inquiries. There was heavy rain throughout the night,

and in the morning the river, which in this part of its course

runs between limestone cliffs, was rushing so rapidly that we

could only make progress by repeatedly crossing the river to seek

the slack-water side of each reach. Failing to reach any village,

we passed the night in rude shelters on the bank. On the following

day the river was still in flood, but we reached Long Lawa, a Kayan

village, and decided to wait there until the river should subside to

a more normal condition. Here a party of Kenyahs met us, sent by Tama

Bulan to conduct us to his house some two or three days' journey up

the Pata tributary. On the morning of the 16th the river had fallen

ten feet, and starting at daybreak we reached the mouth of the Pata,

and camped on a KERANGAN or pebble-bed beautifully situated among

the forest-clad slopes a little way up the Pata. In the course of the

day a boatful of Kayans from the Apoh had joined us. On the 17th we

had an exciting day working up the rapids and waterfalls of the Pata,

and reached Long Lutin, a very large Kayan village of many long houses,

most pleasantly situated and surrounded by hills clothed with the rich

green of the young PADI crop. Here we spent the night in the house of

the principal chief, Laki Lah, a quaint old bachelor, whom we greatly

astonished by eating plum-pudding with burning brandy upon it.

Another day's journey over a long series of rapids brought us to the

house of Tama Bulan, at that time the most influential chief of the

Baram. We found there a number of Kenyah chiefs from the upper reaches

of the Pata awaiting our arrival. Tama Bulan, who was strongly in

favour of carrying through the Resident's plan, eloquently supported it

during the hospitable procedures of the evening, assuring the assembled

chiefs that the journey would finally resolve the troubles of the

Baram. As usual there was no lack of enterprise and "go" among the

Kenyahs, and they were all keen to make the venture; while the Kayans

on the other hand were, as always, more cautious, more inclined to

dwell on the possibilities of failure, and slower to take up the plan

and make it their own. The Kenyahs had not yet completed the taking

of omens for the expedition, and the following days were devoted to

this process (see vol. ii. p. 52), Tama Bulan and his people taking

omens for the whole of the Kenyah contingent, while Juman went on to

prepare the people of the Akar. In the course of the day Tama Bulan

accompanied us on visits to several neighbouring Kenyah villages

situated a little farther up the river. In the evening we had another

convivial meeting with great flow of oratory and rice-spirit. On the

third day, favourable omens having been observed, sacrifices of pigs

and fowls were offered before the altar-posts of the war-god, and the

various rites needful to complete the preparation for a long journey

were performed (see Pl. 157). In the afternoon the Resident inspected

the site for a bungalow or block-house which the Kenyahs proposed to

make (and have since erected) for the use of the government's officers.

On October 23rd we left Tama Bulan's house with a party of about one

hundred all told, in several boats. We were joined at Long Lutin by

Laki Lah and a boatful of his Kayans, made a rapid passage to Long

Pata (the spot where the Pata joins the Baram), and resumed the

toilsome ascent of the main river to reach the Akar. That evening

we reached a Kenyah village at Long Lawan, and as usual we were

hospitably entertained with the fatted pig and brimming cups of

rice-spirit. The weather was now brilliantly fine and the river of

only normal swiftness, and we passed the night in a Kenyah house in

the Akar. Here we spent two days awaiting the arrival of a party

of Kayans from the upper Akar. The Kayans having arrived, another

general discussion of the plan of operations was held; and on the

third day the expedition returned to the Baram, and after surmounting

the difficulties presented by many rapids and a narrow gorge at Batu

Pita, entered the Silat on the 28th. The Silat is the uppermost of the

large tributaries of the Baram (Pl. 200). It descends from the Madang

country, winding round the foot of the Batu Tujoh, a limestone mountain

of 5000 feet. All this country is at a considerable height above

sea-level (1000 feet and more), and the climate is much cooler and more

bracing than that of the lower levels. It is a land of many streams

and hills. All the lower slopes have been cleared and cultivated by

the Kenyahs, so that it presents a more open and smiling aspect than

the lower country, where the clearings are but tiny islands in the

vast ocean of gloomy forest. The river itself is even more beautiful

than the other tributaries of the Baram, lovely as all these are in

their upper reaches. This was not the first exploration of the Silat,

for the Resident had twice before journeyed up its lower reaches;

but on this occasion it was necessary to penetrate to its very head,

in order to reach the villages of the principal Madang chiefs, Saba

Irang and Tama Usun Tasi. So for five days the expedition toiled up

the Silat, and during these days Juman, Laki Lah, and most of the

Kayans turned back, their confidence being shaken by the unfamiliar

aspect of the country, by the neighbourhood of the hitherto hostile

Madangs, and by the bad dream of one of their chiefs and the illness

of another. On the fifth day the diminished fleet of boats entered the

Lata, a tributary coming down from the Mudong Alan and Saat mountains,

from the slopes of which the water runs also to the Rejang River and

the Batang Kayan. Here the boats were left behind and the expedition

went forward on foot, making but slow progress in the rocky river-bed.

Near the mouth of the Lata the expedition was met by a large party of

Kenyahs -- men, women, and children -- the whole population of a Kenyah

village of the Batang Kayan, Lepu Agas by name, who had just arrived

with the intention of making their home in that neighbourhood. These

people had been the greatest enemies of Tama Bulan, and the feud had

only been healed in the previous year.

A curious custom, which seems at the present time to be peculiar to the

Kenyahs and rapidly dying out among them, was observed by the Lepu Aga

people on this occasion. As the Resident's party approached the spot

where they awaited its arrival, they sent out three men to establish

the first contact. It was the function of these three men to make

sure of the friendly intentions of the approaching party (Pls. 201,

202). They wore large wooden masks elaborately carved, and bearing

great lateral projections like horns or antlers, in addition to full

war dress.[215] They advanced down a long pebblebank, keeping step and

making grotesque movements with heads and arms, which seemed to imply

a mixture of caution and curiosity. After dodging about for some time,

they came near and inquired: "Who are you? Whence do you come? What

is your business?" Having obtained satisfactory assurances, they

retreated, stepping backwards with the same grotesque gestures, and

returned to report the results of their investigations to their chief.

Before friendly intercourse between the parties could begin it was

still necessary, in view of the recent feud between them, that

they should engage in a sham fight (JAWA). When this boisterous

ceremony had been accomplished, the Resident presented to the Lepu

Agas a number of presents, calculated to whet their appetite for the

products of civilised industry to be found in the Baram bazaar. Very

soon all suspicion and reserve were overcome, and all the men of the

Resident's party turned to with hearty goodwill to help build a house

for their former enemies. So well did they work that between sunrise

and sunset a house of forty doors was hewn out of the forest, solidly

constructed, and roofed; so that when night fell the new-comers were

able to move in and to invite their helpers to a convivial meeting

in its long gallery. The Resident made a speech in native fashion,

saying that his party had ventured to build a rude hut in order

to provide a night's shelter for their new friends, and hoped that

they would find it sufficient for the moment. Tama Bulan also spoke,

saying how now the old troubles were over, never to come again. Aban

Jalong, the old chief of the Batang Kayan people, was so touched by

these unwonted demonstrations of goodwill, that he wept and could

with difficulty find words in which to express the gratitude of

himself and his people. Through these people messages of goodwill and

invitations to the proposed peace-making at Claudetown were sent to

their former neighbours in the Batang Kayan, and these in due time

bore good fruit. For in the course of the next few years several

communities followed the example of the Lepu Agas, and moved over from

the Batang Kayan to the Baram. It may be of interest to add that the

Lepu Agas still inhabit the house built under these extraordinary

circumstances. After some few more days of travelling up-river, we

were met by a party of Madangs who had been sent down to meet the

Resident; while awaiting his arrival they had hewed out a small boat,

and in this, which served almost as much the purposes of a sledge as

of a boat, they hauled him over rocks and rapids and still pools until,

having outpaced the rest of the party, they brought him, on the eighth

day from leaving the Silat, to their village at the foot of Mudong

Alan. It was a large village comprising nine long houses disposed in

a circle and containing probably not less than 2000 persons. Here he

was received on the bank of the stream by a large body of Madangs

headed by Tama Usun Tasi, who at once offered him the hospitality

of his roof. The incidents of the visit have been described by the

Resident, and passages from his account may here be transcribed: --

My Kenyah friends had not arrived yet, but I thought it best to go

with him (Tama Usun Tasi) at once; afterwards I congratulated myself

on my decision, when I found that, according to custom, Tama Bulan

and his followers (being unable to enter the house until all cases

of blood-money between his people and the Madangs had been settled)

were obliged to camp near the river for one night. The Madangs

assisted in making huts for my followers, gave them several pigs,

and sent down their women laden with baskets full of rice; so no

want of hospitality marred our reception. In the evening I took a

walk round the village, followed by a crowd of women and children,

who appeared greatly pleased to find that the white man was able to

converse with them in the Kenyah tongue. Then, as the crowd increased,

I sat down on a log and produced a few pounds of tobacco, and the

whole party was soon chatting and laughing as if they had known me

for years. I have often noticed that the women of the Kenyah tribe

in the interior are far more genial and less shy than those of other

communities, and I believe that the surest sign of the good faith of

natives such as these is that the women and children come out to greet

one unattended by the men. The sounds of our merriment soon attracted

the attention of the men, and as they strolled over and joined us in

gradually increasing numbers, the possibility of any disturbance taking

place between these people and mine quickly vanished from my mind.

On the following morning several parties of Madangs from other villages

came in, numbering in all about 600, and exchanged presents of weapons

with my people. It was necessary that the gods should be consulted as

to whether the meeting was really in the interests of peace or not. So

a pig was caught and tied by the legs, and when all the Madangs were

assembled in Tama Usun Tasi's house, the pig was brought in and placed

in front of the chiefs. Then one of the head men from a neighbouring

village took a lighted piece of wood and singed a few of the bristles

of the pig, giving it a poke with his hand at the same time, as if

to attract its attention, and calling in a loud voice to the supreme

being, "Bali Penyalong." Then, talking at a great rate and hardly

stopping for a moment to take breath, he asked that, if any one

had evil intentions, the truth might be revealed before the evilly

disposed one was allowed to enter the Madang houses, and that, if any

Madang, whether related to him or not, wished to disturb the peace

which was about to be made with the Baram people, his designs should

be revealed. The old man stood waving his hands as if to sweep within

the circle of his influence the whole of the assembled crowd, and then,

jumping into the air with great violence, brought both feet down on the

plank floor with a resounding thump; then, spinning round on one foot

with his arm extended, he quickly altered the tone of his voice to a

more gentle pitch, and, quivering with excitement, quietly sank down

into his place amid a dead silence. The speech was a stirring one,

and created an impression. Others spoke a few words to the pig, and

it was then taken to one side and stabbed in the throat with a spear,

after which the liver was taken out and examined. I should mention that

a pig intended to serve the same purpose was provided by the Madangs

for our people, who were still waiting to be invited to the house.

Having years before studied the beliefs of the natives with regard to

divination by pigs' livers, and knowing the great importance attached

to it, I was as anxious as any one to see the liver. I saw at a glance

that the omen was good, and seized the opportunity to make the most

of it. I quickly called the chiefs' attention to all the good points

before they had given their own opinion, and at once saw that their

interpretation was the same as my own, and that they were somewhat

surprised to find it so.

Thereupon two messengers were sent backwards and forwards to discuss

the number of people killed on either side from time to time,

and big gongs, shields, and weapons of all kinds changed hands

as blood-money. When all had been settled, notice was given to our

people that the Madangs were ready to receive them into their houses,

and the Baram people sent a message back that they were prepared to

accept the invitation. When Kayans and Kenyahs who have been at feud

desire to meet peaceably, it is necessary to go through a sort of

sham fight, called JAWA, so that both parties can, as it were, blow

off steam. As this ceremony is generally executed with much vigour by

fully armed parties, it often happens that some people are badly hurt;

and I was half afraid that such an accident might check the progress of

our negotiations. But the omens had been favourable, and the implicit

belief in such omens goes far to prevent bad feeling. About midday

Tama Bulan and his followers, in full war costume, announced their

intention of moving by bursting into the war-cry, a tremendous roar

which was immediately answered by the people in the houses. The noise

and excitement increased as the Baram people neared the house of Tama

Usun Tasi, and guns with blank charges were fired. On came the Baram

people, stamping, shouting, and waving their weapons in defiance, the

Madangs in the houses keeping up a continuous roar. When the Baram

people first attempted to enter the house, they were driven back,

and a tremendous clashing of shields and weapons took place; then the

Madangs retreated from the entrance in order to allow their visitors

to come in, stamping and making the most deafening noise. When the

Baram people had all entered, the Madangs once more rushed at them,

and for some two minutes a rough-and-tumble fight continued, in which

many hard blows were given. No one received a cut, however, except

one man who, running against a spear, was wounded in the thigh;

but the affair was quickly settled by the payment of a pig and a

small spear to the wounded person; so the ceremony may be said to

have ended without a mishap. When quiet had been restored, we all sat

down and rice-spirit was produced, healths drunk, and speeches made;

food was brought out and given to the visitors in the long verandah,

as, on first being received, visitors are not allowed to enter the

rooms; and the convivialities were prolonged far into the night.

In the evening of the following day the Madangs prepared a feast for

all present, and afterwards a great deal of rice-spirit was drunk

and some very good speeches made, former troubles and difficulties

being explained and discussed in the most open manner. Each chief

spoke in turn, and concluded his speech by offering drink to another

and singing a few phrases in his praise, the whole assembly joining

in a very impressive chorus after each phrase and ending up with a

tremendous roar as the bamboo cup was emptied.

The following day the Madangs collected a quantity of rubber for their

first payment of tribute to the government, namely, $2.00 per family,

and as we had no means of weighing it except by guesswork, it was

decided that Tama Bulan and two Madang headmen should act as assessors,

and decide whether the piece of rubber brought by each person was

sufficiently large to produce $2.00. It took these men the whole day

to receive it all, and much counting was done on the fingers and toes.

On taking our departure from the Madang country, most of the women

presented us with a small quantity of rice for food on our homeward

journey, but as each little lot was emptied into a large basket, the

giver took back a few grains so as not to offend the omen-birds, who

had bestowed on them a bounteous harvest, by giving the whole away to

strangers. Presents of considerable value were given on both sides,

and all parted the best of friends. The two principal Madang chiefs

accompanied us for a day's journey, their followers carrying the whole

of our baggage. On parting I promised to arrange a similar peace-making

at Claudetown, at which most of the Baram chiefs would be present.

We add an account of the peace-making previously published by one

of us.[216]

The peace-making that I am going to describe was organised in order to

bring together on neutral ground, and in presence of an overwhelming

force of the tribes loyal to the government, all those tribes whose

allegiance was still doubtful, and all those that were still actively

hostile to one another, and to induce them to swear to support the

government in keeping the peace, and to go through the formalities

necessary to put an end to old blood-feuds. At the same time the

Resident had suggested to the tribes that they should all compete

in a grand race of war canoes, as well as in other races on land

and water. For he wisely held that in order to suppress fighting

and head-hunting, hitherto the natural avenues to fame for restless

tribes and ambitious young men, it is necessary to replace them by

some other form of violent competition that may in some degree serve

as a vent for high spirits and superfluous energy; and he hoped

to establish an annual gathering for boat racing and other sports,

in which all the tribes should take part, a gathering on the lines

of the Olympic games in fact. The idea Was taken up eagerly by the

people, and months before the appointed day they were felling the

giants of the forest and carving out from them the great war canoes

that were to be put to this novel use, and reports were passing from

village to village of the many fathoms length of this or that canoe,

and the fineness of the timber and workmanship of another.

In order to make clear the course of events, I must explain that

two large rivers, the Baram and the Tinjar, meet about one hundred

miles from the sea to form the main Baram river. Between the peoples

living on the banks of these two rivers and their tributaries there

is a traditional hostility which just at this time had been raised to

a high pitch by the occurrence of a blood-feud between the Kenyahs,

a leading tribe of the Baram, and the Lirongs, an equally powerful

tribe of the Tinjar. In addition to these two groups we expected a

large party of Madangs, a famous tribe of fighting men of the central

highlands whose hand had hitherto been against every other tribe,

and a large number of Sea Dayaks, who, more than all the rest, are

always spoiling for a fight, and who are so passionately devoted

to head-hunting that often they do not scruple to pursue it in an

unsportsmanlike fashion. So it will be understood that the bringing

together in one place of large parties of fully armed warriors of all

these different groups was a distinctly interesting and speculative

experiment in peace-making.

The place of meeting was Marudi (Claudetown), the headquarters of the

government of the district. There the river, still nearly a hundred

miles from the sea, winds round the foot of a low flat-topped hill, on

which stand the small wooden fort and court-house and the Resident's

bungalow. Some days before that fixed for the great meeting by the

tokens we had sent out, parties of men began to arrive, floating down

in the long war canoes roofed with palm leaves for the journey. On the

appointed day some five thousand of the Baram people and the Madangs

were encamped very comfortably in leaf and mat shelters on the open

ground between our bungalow and the fort, while the Sea Dayaks had

taken up their quarters in the long row of Chinamen's shops that form

the Marudi bazaar, the commercial centre of the district. But as yet no

Tinjar folk had put in an appearance, and men began to wonder what had

kept them -- Were the tokens sent them at fault? Or had they received

friendly warnings of danger from some of the many sacred birds, without

whose favourable omens no journey can be undertaken? Or had they,

perhaps, taken the opportunity to ascend the Baram and sack and burn

the Kenyah houses now well nigh empty of defenders? We spent the time

in foot-racing, preliminary boat-racing, and in seeing the wonders

of the white man. For many of these people had not travelled so far

downriver before, and their delight in the piano was only equalled by

their admiration for that most wonderful of all things, the big boat

that goes up stream without paddles, the Resident's fast steam-launch.

At last one evening, while we were all looking on at a most exciting

practice-race between three of the canoes, the Lirongs, with the main

mass of the Tinjar people, came down the broad straight reach. It

was that most beautiful half-hour of the tropical day, between the

setting of the sun and the fall of darkness -- the great forest stood

black and formless, while the sky and the smooth river were luminous

with delicate green and golden light. The Lirongs were in full war

dress, with feathered coats of leopard skin and plumed caps plaited

of tough rattan, and very effective they were as they came swiftly

on over the shining water, sixty to seventy warriors in each canoe

raising their tremendous battle-cry, a deep-chested chorus of rising

and falling cadences. The mass of men on the bank and on the hill

took up the cry, answering shout for shout; and the forest across

the river echoed it, until the whole place was filled with a hoarse

roar. The Kenyahs ran hastily to their huts for their weapons, and by

the time they had grouped themselves on the crest of the hill, armed

with sword and shield and spear and deadly blowpipe, the Lirongs had

landed on the bank below and were rushing up the hill to the attack. A

few seconds more and they met with clash of sword and shield and a

great shouting, and in the semi-darkness a noisy battle raged. After

some minutes the Lirongs drew off and rushed back to their boats as

wildly as they had come; and, strange to say, no blood was flowing,

no heads were rolling on the ground, no ghastly wounds were gaping,

in fact no one seemed any the worse. For it seems that this attack

was merely a well understood formality, a put-up job, so to say. When

two tribes, between whom there is a blood-feud not formally settled,

meet together to make peace, it is the custom for the injured party,

that is the tribe which has last suffered a loss of heads, to make an

attack on the other party but using only the butt ends of their spears

and the blunt edges of their swords. This achieves two useful ends-it

lets off superabundant high spirits, which, if too much bottled up,

would be dangerous; and it "saves the face" of the injured party by

showing how properly wrathful and bellicose its feelings are. So when

this formality had been duly observed everybody seemed to feel that

matters were going on well; they all settled down quietly enough for

the night, the Resident taking the precaution to send the Lirongs to

camp below the fort; and the great peace-conference was announced to

be held the following morning.

Soon after daybreak the people began to assemble beneath the great

roof of palm-leaf mats that we had built for a conference hall. The

Baram chiefs sat on a low platform along one side of the hall, and

in their midst was Tama Bulan, the most famous of them all, a really

great man who has made his name and influence felt throughout a very

large part of Borneo. When all except the Tinjar men were assembled,

of course without arms, the latter, also unarmed, came up the hill

in a compact mass, to take their places in the hall. As they entered,

the sight of their old enemies, the chiefs of the Baram, all sitting

quietly together, was too much for their self-control; with one

accord they made a mad rush at them and attempted to drag them from

the platform. Fortunately we white men had placed ourselves with a

few of the more reliable Dayak fortmen between the two parties, and

partly by force and partly by eloquence we succeeded in beating off

the attack, which seemed to be made in the spirit of a school "rag"

rather than with bloody intent. But just as peace seemed restored,

a great shout went up from the Baram men, "Tama Bulan is wounded";

and sure enough there he stood with blood flowing freely over his

face. The sight of blood seemed to send them all mad together; the

Tinjar people turned as one man and tore furiously down the hill to

seize their weapons, while the Baram men ran to their huts and in a

few seconds were prancing madly to and fro on the crest of the hill,

thirsting for the onset of the bloody battle that now seemed a matter

of a few seconds only. At the same time the Dayaks were swarming out

of the bazaar seeking something to kill, like the typical Englishman,

though not knowing which side to take. The Resident hastened after

the Tinjars, threw himself before them, and appealed and threatened,

pointing to the two guns at the fort now trained upon them; and Tama

Bulan showed his true greatness by haranguing his people, saying his

wound was purely accidental and unintended, that it was a mere scratch,

and commanding them to stand their ground. Several of the older and

steadier chiefs followed his example and ran to and fro holding back

their men, exhorting them to be quiet.

The crisis passed, the sudden gust of passion slowly died away,

and peace was patched up with interchange of messages and presents

between the two camps. The great boat race was announced to take

place on the morrow, and the rest of the day was spent in making

ready the war canoes, stripping them of their leaf roofs and all

other superfluous gear.

At daybreak the racing-boats set off for the startingpost four miles

up river. The Resident had given strict orders that no spears or other

weapons were to be carried in the racing-boats, and as they started

up river we inspected the boats in turn, and in one or two cases

relieved them of a full complement of spears; and then we followed

them to the post in the steam-launch. There was a score of entries,

and since each boat carried from sixty to seventy men sitting two

abreast, more than a thousand men were taking part in the race. The

getting the boats into line across the broad river was a noisy and

exciting piece of work. We carried on the launch a large party of

elderly chiefs, most. of whom were obviously suffering from "the

needle," and during the working of the boats into line they hurled

commands at them in language that was terrific in both quality and

volume. At last something like a line was assumed, and on the sound

of the gun the twenty boats leaped through the water, almost lost

to sight in a cloud of spray as every one of those twelve hundred

men struck the water for all he was worth. There was no saving of

themselves; the rate of striking was about ninety to the minute, and

tended constantly to increase. Very soon two boats drew out in front,

and the rest of them, drawing together as they neared the first bend,

followed hotly after like a pack of hounds. This order was kept all

over the course. During the first burst our fast launch could not keep

up with the boats, but we drew up in time to see the finish. It was

a grand neck-and-neck race all through between the two leading boats,

and all of them rowed it out to the end. The winners were a crew of the

peaceful down-river folk, who have learnt the art of boat-making from

the Malays of the coast; and they owed their victory to their superior

skill in fashioning their boat, rather than to superior strength. When

they passed the post we had an anxious moment -- How would the losers

take their beating? Would the winners play the fool, openly exulting

and swaggering? If so, they would probably get their heads broken,

or perhaps lose them. But they behaved with modesty and discretion,

and we diverted attention from them by swinging the steamer round and

driving her through the main mass of the boats. Allowing as accurately

as possible for the rate of the current as compared with the rate of

the tide at Putney, we reckoned the pace of the winning boat to be

a little better than that of the 'Varsity eights in racing over the

full course.

The excitement of the crowds on the bank was great, but it was entirely

good-humoured -- they seemed to have forgotten their feuds in the

interest of the racing. So the Resident seized the opportunity to

summon every one to the conference hall once more. This time we settled

down comfortably enough and with great decorum, the chiefs all in one

group at one side of a central space, and the common people in serried

ranks all round about it. In the centre was a huge, gaily painted

effigy of a hornbill, one of the birds sacred to all the tribes,

and on it were hung thousands of cigarettes of home-grown tobacco

wrapped in dried banana leaf. Three enormous pigs were now brought

in and laid, bound as to their feet, before the chiefs, one for each

of the main divisions of the people, the Barams, the Tinjars, and

the hill-country folk. The greatest chiefs of each of these parties

then approached the pigs, and each in turn, standing beside the pig

assigned to his party, addressed the attentive multitude with great

flow of words and much violent and expressive action; for many of

these people are great orators. The purport of their speeches was

their desire for peace, their devotion to the Resident ("If harm come

to him, then may I fall too," said Tama Bulan), and their appreciation

of the trade and general intercourse and safety of life and property

brought them by the Rajah's government; and they hurled threats and

exhortations against unlicensed warfare and bloodshed.

As each chief ended his speech to the people he turned to the pig

at his feet, and, stooping over it, kept gently prodding it with

a smouldering fire-brand, while he addressed to it a prayer for

protection and guidance -- a prayer that the spirit of the pig,

soon to be set free by a skilful thrust of a spear into the beast's

heart, should carry up to the Supreme Being. The answer to these

prayers might then be read in the form and markings of the underside

of the livers. So the pigs were despatched, and their livers hastily

dragged forth and placed on platters before the group of chiefs. Then

was there much anxious peering over shoulders, and much shaking of

wise old heads, as the learned elders discussed the omens; until at

last the Resident was called upon to give his opinion, for he is an

acknowledged expert in augury. He was soon able to show that the only

true and rational reading of the livers was a guarantee of peace and

prosperity to all the tribes of the district; and the people, accepting

his learned interpretation, rejoiced with one accord. Then the Resident

made a telling speech, in which he dwelt upon the advantages of peace

and trade, and how it is good that a man should sleep without fear

that his house be burnt or his people slain; and he ended by seizing

the nearest chief by the hair of his head, as is their own fashion,

to show how, if a man break the peace, he shall lose his head.

This concluded the serious part of the conference, and it only

remained to smoke the cigarettes of good fellowship, taken from

the hornbill-effigy, and to drink long life and happiness to one

another. So great jars of "arack" were brought in and drinking

vessels, and each chief in turn, standing before some whilom enemy,

sang his praises in musical recitative before giving him the cup;

and after each phrase of the song the multitude joined in with a

long-drawn sonorous shout, which, while the drink flowed down, rose

to a mighty roar. This is a most effective way of drinking a man's

health, and combines the advantages of making a speech over him and

singing "For he's a jolly good fellow"; moreover, the drink goes to

the right party, as it does not with us. It should be adopted in this

country, I think. By many repetitions of this process we were soon

reduced to a state of boisterous conviviality; and many a hard-faced

old warrior, who but the day before had drawn his weapons against

his enemy, now sat with his arms lovingly thrown about that same

enemy. When this state of affairs was reached, our work seemed to be

accomplished, and we white men retired to lunch, leaving one chief in

the midst of a long-winded speech. As soon as the restraint of the

Resident's presence was removed, the orator began to utter remarks

of a nature to stir up the dying embers of resentment; at least so

it seemed to one wily old chief, a firm supporter of the government,

who bethought him to send one of his men to pull away the palm-leaf

mats from above the indiscreet orator, and so leave his verbosity

exposed to the rays of the mid-day sun. No sooner said than done,

and this was the beginning of the end; for others following suit made

a rush for the mats that would be so useful in making their camps

and boats more rain-proof. There was a mighty uproar that brought

us headlong to the scene, only to see the big hall melt away like

a snowflake as hundreds of hands seized upon the mats and bore them

away in triumph. So the great peace conference was brought to an end

amid much laughter and fun.

It only remained for the chiefs to pay in the taxes for the year --

the two dollars per family which it is their business to collect from

their people, and which is the only tax or tribute claimed by the

Rajah. This business was got through on the following morning; and

then we said many kind farewells, as the various parties set out one

after another in the great war canoes on their long up-stream journey;

some of them to battle for many days against the swiftly flowing river,

and after that again for many days to pole their boats through the

flashing rapids and over the lovely quiet reaches, where the rare

gleams of sunlight break through the overarching forest; until,

coming to their own upland country, where anxious wives and children

are waiting, they will spread even in the remotest highlands the news

of the white man's big boat that goes of itself against the stream,

of the great boat-race, and of how they came wellnigh to a fearful

slaughtering, and how they swore peace and goodwill to all men, and

how there should be now peace and prosperity through all the land,

for the great white man who had come to rule them had said it should

be so, and the gods had approved his words.

The foregoing account of the journey to the Madang country and

of the subsequent events would constitute the last chapter of any

history of the pacification of the Baram. Since the time of those

incidents, there has been no serious disturbance of the peace; and

there seems to be good reason to hope that, so long as the Rajah's

government continues to be conducted along the same lines, there

will be no recrudescence of savagery. The last case of fighting on

any considerable scale occurred in 1894, when Tama Bulan's people,

resenting the offensive conduct of bands of Sea Dayaks who had

penetrated to their neighbourhood in search of jungle-products,

turned out and took the heads of thirteen of the Dayaks. It was only

after prolonged negotiation that the Dayaks were persuaded to resign

their hopes of a bloody revenge and to accept a compensation of 3000

dollars, which was paid by the Kenyahs at the Rajah's order.

It has not always been possible to make peace prevail by wholly

peaceable procedures. The Baram was fortunate in that the Sea Dayaks

had not established themselves anywhere within its borders. In the

Rejang, on the other hand, large numbers of them were allowed to

settle, coming in from the Saribas and the Batang Lupar in the early

days of the Rajah's government. And since the Kayans and Kenyahs were

already in possession of the upper river and considered themselves

the dominant tribes and lords of the land, it was inevitable that

there should grow up a keen rivalry which could hardly fail to

lead occasionally to armed conflict. For the Sea Dayaks had been

accustomed to adopt a somewhat swaggering and domineering attitude

towards the Klemantan tribes, and could not easily learn to modify

it when they came in contact with the prouder and less submissive

Kayans and Kenyahs. This rivalry has been the source of most of the

troubles of the Rejang, where, since the big expedition of 1863, the

Rajah and his officers have on several occasions found it necessary

to subdue recalcitrant tribes or communities by leading armed forces

against them.

As an illustration of these sterner methods we add a brief account

of one such expedition led by one of us (C. H.) in the year 1904, in

his capacity of Divisional Resident of the several Rejang districts;

an expedition which, there is reason to hope, may prove to be the

last of the series. The purpose of this expedition was to reduce

to order a small community of Sea Dayaks that was established upon

Bukit Batu, an almost impregnable mountain which rises up almost

perpendicularly on all sides at the head of the Bali, one of the

eastern tributaries of the Rejang. This community had been formed in

the manner to which legend assigns the foundation of ancient Rome,

namely, by the gathering together in this strong place of various

outlaws and violent characters who for one reason or another had

quarrelled with and defied the government. The same spot had been

similarly occupied many years before; and though it had been forcibly

cleared of its defenders, its natural advantages had, in the course

of years, led to the growth of a new community of the same kind.

This band had raided the surrounding country, slaying and robbing

people of several tribes, and generally had been having a "gorgeous

time." They had repeatedly refused to yield even when threatened by

armed force. And when the Resident sent them a peremptory message,

commanding them to appear to surrender themselves at the nearest

government station within one month, they returned an impudent

answer, saying that they had so far accepted orders from no one,

and asking -- Who was he that they should obey him? Steps were at

once taken to enforce obedience. Since to storm the hill might well

cost many lives, it seemed preferable to try to lure its defenders

from their stronghold. The Resident, without giving the brigands

further warning, went up the Rejang with a single boat's crew to a

point about 150 miles above the mouth of the Bali, the tributary

that flows past Bukit Batu. At this point another tributary, the

Bukau, coming from near the opposite side of Bukit Batu, joins the

Rejang. Here he collected a force of some 200 Kayans and Klemantans,

and led them up to the head of the Bukau and then on foot through

the jungle to the neighbourhood of Bukit Batu. The route by which

the brigands usually passed to and from their fastness was at a spot

near the river, where rude ladders of wood and rattan had been fixed

to facilitate the ascent and descent of the precipitous foot of the

hill. Near this spot the force was divided into two parties, which

were stationed in the jungle at some little distance from the ladders,

right and left of the path to the river; and a party of ten active men

was detached, with instructions to hang about the foot of the ladders

and to retreat along the path to the river if they were attacked. On

the second day the Ibans on the mountain snapped at the bait. About

forty of them descended stealthily and then rushed upon the small

party, hoping to hunt down in the jungle all whom they could not

strike down on the spot, and thus to secure ten heads and enjoy the

frenzy of slaughter. The ten decoys fled swiftly down the path, and

the supporting parties, guided by the yells of the Ibans, closed in

from both sides and fell upon them. A few of the rebels were killed,

without any fatal casualties to the Resident's party. The rest fled

through the jungle and many of them were afterwards arrested. Those

who remained on the hill promptly drew up the ladders and hurled down

rocks. To have carried the hill by storm would still have been most

difficult and costly, and, as it proved, a needless feat. The Resident

therefore contented himself with destroying all the property of the

brigands that was within reach, including a number of valuable jars

and gongs which they had secreted in a cave at the foot of the hill,

and the fields of young PADI on which they were largely dependent

for their food-supply. For he well knew that this procedure would

render the spot hateful to the Ibans; for the scene of a disaster,

especially one where they have been worsted in fight, becomes an

object of superstitious dread. The Resident therefore led back

his party by the way they had come, dismissed them to their homes,

and returned down river to Sibu, after sending a command to those

remaining on the hill that they should present themselves forthwith

at Kapit. The order was obeyed; fines, pledges, and compensations to

relatives of their victims were paid in; and the principal men were

ordered to reside for a year in the neighbourhood of Sibu Fort and

afterwards to return to their native districts.

It should be added that these Ibans frankly acknowledged that the

Resident had been too clever for them, and that they bore him no

ill-will; and that some of them, accompanying him on later excursions,

proved themselves willing helpers and agreeable companions.

Other and larger expeditions of armed forces have in the past been

led against tribes or villages, generally on account of their having

refused to surrender to the government members guilty of taking heads

or of attacking other villages wantonly and without permission. In

all cases the government officers have relied almost exclusively

upon the services of bodies of natives under the immediate charge of

their own chiefs and armed only with their native weapons. In some

cases the offending parties have fled from their villages without

offering active resistance; and in these cases the government force

has usually been content to inflict punishment by burning down their

houses and taking what property was left in them.

It is perhaps too much to hope that no cases of taking heads or of

wanton attack on jungle parties or on weak villages will ever again

occur. But such incidents have become very infrequent and the offenders

have seldom escaped punishment; for, unlike our own population, many

thousands of whom live detached from all local bonds as isolated

floating units unknown to the government and to those among whom

they dwell, every man in Sarawak, with the partial exception of the

nomad jungle-dwellers, is a member of some local group which is held

responsible by the government for his good behaviour; thus in every

district every man is known, if not as an individual, at least as a

member of some community; and every stranger (or party of strangers)

is expected to be able to give a satisfying account of himself; and

any who wish to work in the jungle of any district other than their

own are required to have government permission. It is thus impossible

for any criminal to conceal himself for any length of time from the

government; and so sure is it of effecting arrest, when necessary,

that accused persons are frequently allowed to attend to their farms

and follow their ordinary occupations pending the time of their

trial. Even when a man accused of a serious offence flees across the

border to Dutch territory, he is generally apprehended by the Dutch

officers sooner or later and sent round to Kuching by sea.

The raising of the taxes from the people to defray the expenses of

government has raised no difficulties. The door-tax of two dollars[217]

per door (I.E. per family or household) is the only direct tax laid

on the tribes. When once the initial reluctance has been overcome,

this has been collected and regularly paid in by chiefs and PENGHULUS,

including the headmen of the nomad groups. In times of misfortune,

whether individual or collective, such as the loss of crops or of a

house by fire, the tax is remitted; and no tax is expected from men

over sixty years of age, from cripples or invalids, or from widows.

The Sea Dayaks alone pay a door-tax of one dollar only, it having been

understood from the early days, when they were the only fighting tribe

with which the Rajah was intimately acquainted, that they are liable

at any time to be called upon by the government to render assistance

in punitive expeditions or in other public works, such as procuring

timber for government buildings. But this holds good only for those

who remain in the districts in which they have long been settled.

The sum raised by direct taxation forms now but a small part of the

total revenue of the State of Sarawak; for the development of trade

and agriculture, especially the cultivation of pepper and sago and

rubber, and the growing capacity and facilities for the purchase of

imported goods by the people even of the remotest parts, enable the

government to raise a considerable revenue by indirect taxation in

the form of customs duties.

The minerals, worked in the main by the Borneo Company,[218]

principally gold, antimony, and mercury, have also been an important

source of revenue. The recent discovery of supplies of petroleum

promises to result in an important addition to the wealth of the

country.[219] But these various commercial and industrial developments

affect hardly at all the lives of the pagan tribes, So far as they

are concerned, the work of the government may be summed up by saying

that it has suppressed the chronic warfare which kept them all in a

state of armed hostility and uneasy distrust of one another; that it

has suppressed head-hunting and crimes of violence, has rendered life

and property secure, and has administered justice with a firm hand

and a strict regard to the customs and traditional sentiments of the

people; that it has wellnigh extinguished slavery; that it has opened

the whole country to trade, and, by thus improving the facilities for

sale of the jungle produce, has increased the purchasing power of the

people, while bringing within the reach of all of them the products of

civilised industry that they most value; and that while it has strictly

regulated the sale of those products, such as fire-arms and strong

liquor, which have proved detrimental to so many other peoples of the

lower culture, it has encouraged the people to cultivate a greater

variety of vegetable products, especially sago, coconuts, pepper, and

rubber, and to improve the methods of cultivation of PADI. Lastly,

the government has rendered possible the establishment of a number

of excellent mission schools in older stations, where considerable

numbers of children of the pagan tribes have been made Christians and

trained to fill subordinate posts in the administrative service, or

to return to leaven the native villages with a wider knowledge and a

better understanding of the principles which underlie the white man's

conduct and culture. The missionaries have exerted also among the Sea

Dayaks a strong influence making for peace and order; but they have

hardly yet come into contact with Kayans or Kenyahs. Mention must also

be made of the Malay schools which the government has instituted and

supported in the principal stations, and in which many young Malays

receive the elements of a useful education.

In all its undertakings the success of the government has only been

rendered possible by the high prestige that the white man everywhere

enjoys; and this in turn has been acquired and maintained, not so much

by his command of the mechanical resources of western civilisation,

as by the fact that, with very few exceptions, the white men with

whom the natives have had intercourse have been English gentlemen,

animated by the spirit and example of the two white Rajahs, and

keenly conscious of their individual and collective responsibility

as representatives of their race and country in a foreign land.[220]

We have dwelt at some length on the government of the Rajah of Sarawak

in its relation with the pagan tribes, and, if we dismiss in a few

words the administrative labours of the Dutch and of the British North

Borneo Company in their respective territories, it is not because we

regard those labours as of less interest and importance or as less

successful, but because in the main they have run on similar lines and

have achieved similar results to those of the government of Sarawak, of

which alone we have intimate knowledge. Dutch Borneo comprises roughly

two-thirds of the whole island, a very large territory which comprises

the basins of the largest rivers and hence, the rivers being the only

highways, the most inaccessible parts of the island. The Kapuas River,

for example, is estimated to be nearly 700 miles in length; and the

necessity of ascending these hundreds of miles of river-way, much of

it difficult and dangerous, has rendered the process of establishing

control over the tribes of the interior slow and laborious. For this

reason the process is not yet completed; although the Dutch have had

stations in Borneo since the early years of the seventeenth century,

when they expelled the Portuguese from Bruni and Sambas. But it was

not until 1785 that they came into possession of any considerable

territory, namely, the Sultanate of Banjermasin, and not till after the

return to them of their East Indian rights in 1816 that they extended

their territorial possessions to their present large proportions.

The Dutch settlement and possessions in Borneo were for many years

administered by traders and a trading company whose prime object was,

of course, profitable trade. The problems of native administration no

doubt seemed to them at first of minor importance and interest, and

they made many mistakes.[221] But, as with our own great company in

India, it became increasingly necessary, if only for the sake of trade,

to study the art and policy of administering the affairs of the native

population. This has now been done to good effect, and, stimulated

possibly by the example of wise paternal government afforded by the

Rajahs of Sarawak, the Dutch have established a system of Residents or

district officers who have successfully invoked the co-operation of

the native chiefs in a manner very similar to that practised in the

neighbouring state. And the Dutch officers have of late years shown

themselves willing and able effectively to co-operate with those of

Sarawak in all matters of common interest, especially in the settlement

of troubles on the boundary between their territories. The enlightened

interest of the Dutch Government in the welfare of the tribes of the

far interior and in the promotion of ethnographical knowledge has

been strikingly manifested in the opening years of this century by

the despatch of two successive expeditions, under the leadership of

Dr. Nieuwenhuis, to study the people, their customs and conditions,

and by its generous expenditure upon the publication of the handsome

volumes in which he has embodied his valuable reports.[222] On the

second journey this intrepid traveller penetrated to the head of the

Batang Kayan, and there made the acquaintance of the same Kenyahs

who had recently visited the Resident of the Baram. In this way the

spheres of Dutch and of British influence have been made to overlap

in these central highlands.

The Physical Characters of the Races and Peoples of Borneo

A. C. Haddon

Introduction

The following sketch of the races and peoples of Borneo is based

upon the observations of the Cambridge Expedition to Sarawak in 1899

and those of Dr. A. W. Nieuwenhuis in his expeditions to Netherlands

Borneo in 1894, 1896 -- 1897, and 1898 -- 1900 (QUER DURCH BORNEO,

Leiden, vol. i., 1904, vol. ii., 1907).

It is generally acknowledged that in Borneo, as in other islands of

the East Indian Archipelago, the Malays inhabit the coasts and the

aborigines the interior, though in some these reach the coast while

Malayised tribes have pushed inland up the rivers, a sharp distinction

between the two being frequently obliterated where they overlap. The

condition, however, is much more complicated as we can now distinguish

at least two main races among the aborigines.

We have no evidence as to who were the primitive inhabitants of

Borneo. One would expect to find Negritos in the interior, as these

black, woolly-haired pygmies inhabit the Andamans, parts of the

Malay Peninsula, Sumatra, the Philippines, New Guinea, and possibly

Melanesia. No authoritative evidence of their occurrence in Borneo

is forthcoming, and one can confidently assert that there are no

Negritos in Sarawak. Nor are there any traces of Melanesians. It is

generally admitted that, assuming the Australians to be mainly of

that race, a Pre-Dravidian element should occur in the Archipelago,

and the cousins Sarasin have noted this strain among the Toalas of

Celebes and Moszkowski among the Batins of Sumatra; in this connection

it is of interest that Nieuwenhuis discovered ten Ulu Ayars and two

Punans with straight hair and a "black or blue-black" skin colour;

Kohlbrugge,[223] who records this observation, offers no explanation.

Dr. E. T. Hamy in 1877 recognised a primitive element in the Malay

Archipelago, for which he adopted the term Indonesian, a name

previously invented by Logan for the non-Malay population of the

East Indian Archipelago. De Quatrefages and Hamy further established

this stock in their CRANIA ETHNICA (1882), and de Quatrefages in

his HISTOIRE GENERALE DES RACES HUMAINES (1889) boldly states that

these high- and narrow-headed peoples are "un des rameaux de la

branche blanche allophyle" (L.C. pp. 515, 521). Keane terms the

Indonesians "the pre-Malay Caucasic element in Oceania" (MAN PAST

AND PRESENT, 1899, p. 231). Various investigators[224] have studied

skulls obtained from this region which prove the wide extension of

dolichocephaly. Kohlbrugge (1898), who investigated the Teriggerese,

Indonesian mountaineers of Java, says: "Les Indonesiens sont

dolichocephales, les Malais brachycephales ou hyperbrachycephales. Le

sang indonesien se decele donc par la longueur de la tete: plus

celle-ci se rapproche du type dolichocephale, plus pur est le sang

indonesien." Volz confirms Hagen's observations of the existence

among the Battak of North Sumatra of two types, a dolichocephalic

Indonesian and a brachycephalic type.

The term Indonesian may now be regarded as definitely restricted to

a dolichocephalic, and the term Proto-Malay to a brachycephalic race,

of which the true Malays (Orang Malayu) are a specialised branch.

The next point to discuss is the presence of these two races in

Borneo. The Dutch Expedition found three distinct types in the interior

of Netherlands Borneo, the Ulu Ayars (Ulu Ajar)[225] or Ot Danum of the

upper Kapuas, the Bahau-Kenyahs (Bahau-Kenja) of the middle or upper

Mahakam (or Kotei) and the upper waters of the rivers to the north,

and the Punans, nomadic hunters living in the highlands about the

head-waters of the great rivers. The first of these may be classed

as predominantly Indonesian and the others as mainly Proto-Malay in

origin. According to Nieuwenhuis the Bahaus and Kenyahs both remember

that they came from Apo Kayan at the headwaters of the Kayan river;

they were formerly known as the Pari tribes. In all the tribes of this

group the social organisation is in the main similar, and this affinity

is borne out by their material culture, thus they may be regarded as

originally one people. Tribes calling themselves Bahau now live along

the Mahakam above Mujub and include one Kayan group; on the upper

Rejang are Bahau tribes under the name of Kayan, and a small section

has advanced into the Kapuas area and settled on the Mendalam which

again includes Kayans and kindred tribes. All the tribes still in Apo

Kayan call themselves Kenyah, as also those of the eastward flowing

Tawang, Berau and Kayan (or Bulungan) rivers and those of the upper

Limbang and Baram flowing northwards. The Kenyahs of Apo Kayan live

along the Iwan, a tributary of the Kayan river (or Bulungan); to the

north-east is another tributary called the Bahau which seems to have

been the original home of the Bahau people since the tribes of Borneo

habitually take their names from the rivers along which they live.[226]

Nieuwenhuis came to the conclusion that the three chief tribes

measured by him represented three main groups of the population of

Central Borneo, physically and culturally. Mr. E. B. Haddon drew

attention (MAN, 1905 No. 13, p. 22) to the close similarity of the

results published by Kohlbrugge (1903) with those published by me

(1901). I recognised five main groups of peoples in Sarawak: Punan,

Klemantan (or, as Dr. Hose and I then spelled it, Kalamantan),

Kenyah-Kayan, Iban or Sea Dayak, and Malay. The Ibans are not

referred to by either of the Dutch ethnologists, who, like myself,

merely alluded to the Malay element. Kohlbrugge and I included the

Bakatan or Beketan and the Ukit or Bukat in the Punan group, and

also bracketed together the Kayans and Kenyahs. In Sarawak there

are numerous and often small tribes which it is frequently very

difficult or quite impossible to differentiate from one another,

although the extremes of the series can be distinguished; we therefore

decided to comprehend them under the non-committal term of Klemantan

(p. 42). I showed that they were of mixed origin, and stated that,

"It is possible that the Kalamantans were originally a dolichocephalic

people who mixed first with the indigenous brachycephals (Punan group)

and later with the immigrant brachycephals (Kenyah-Kayan group)

or the Kalamantans may have been a mixed people when they first

arrived in Borneo and subsequently increased their complexity by

mixing with these two groups" (L.C. p. 352). I also made it clear

that I regarded the dolichocephalic element as of Indonesian stock

and the brachycephalic of Proto-Malayan origin. It was with great

satisfaction that I found Kohlbrugge had come to similar conclusions

and that the Ulu Ayars exhibit such strong traces of an Indonesian

origin, stronger perhaps than those of any tribe in Sarawak, with the

possible exception of the scarcely studied Muruts and allied tribes.

Kohlbrugge states (1903, p. 2) that he has shown for the interior

of Sumatra, Java, and Celebes that there are mesaticephalic

peoples distinct in other respects from the coast peoples, but not

dolichocephalic. He concludes that the (Ulu Ayar) Dayaks, being the

only dolichocephals, are the only pure Indonesians, and the rest

(Kayans and Punans) are more or less mixed with Malays. The mean

cephalic index of 130 Tenggerese of the interior of Java is 79.7,

but the Ulu Ayars constitute a uniform group which ranges from 7 1

to 81.4, of which 9 are 74 or under and 9 are between 74.1 and 76

inclusive, the median of 26 adult males being 74.7.[227] [Although

the median Kalabit index in the living subject is somewhat higher,

that of the skulls, as well as the cranial index of Muruts and Trings

(Table C), is very similar in this respect to that of the Ulu Ayars.]

According to Nieuwenhuis' statistics, as given by Kohlbrugge, there is

in the brachycephalic group (Kayans and Punans) a greater range (75 to

93.3, and 1 Kayan woman reaches 97) than in the Ulu Ayars; most fall

between 78 and 85, the medians of both being just over 81. There are 8

dolichocephals[228] out of his 43 Kayan men and 4 out of his 25 women,

but only I Punan out of 14. In his curve of the Kayan indices there is

a drop at 82 [a curve of my data shows a similar drop]. "I leave it an

open question," he says (p. 13), "whether this break indicates mixture

of a dolichocephalic and brachycephalic group; this can only be decided

by the study of more abundant material, and requires confirmation from

the geographical and ethnographical standpoint. At all events it may

be assumed A priori that if long-headed and broadheaded peoples occur

in the interior of Borneo, then mixed peoples will also be met with,

and the Kayans might be such." [An examination of my data will show

that there is practically no difference between the Kayans and Kenyahs

in this respect.]

A comparison is also possible between the bi-zygomatic breadths made

by Nieuwenhuis and ourselves. The figures are those of the minimum,

median, and maximum. KAYANS (43 [male], N) 126,

139, 153 ; (25 [female], N) 125, 132, 141; (21

[male], H) 132, 141, 150. PUNANS (14 [ERROR:

unhandled ♂], N) 132, 138, 145; (19 [male],

H) 130, 142, 154. ULU AYARS (26 [male], N) 12 5,

136, 145. LAND DAYAKS (42 [male], S) 122, 136, 145.

Kohlbrugge points out that there seems to be no ground for dividing the

"Indonesians" into a taller and shorter group since the differences

are slight. If this distinction were drawn, the Ulu Ayars (av. 1.571

m., med. 1.551 m.) would belong to the shorter group as would the

Enganese (av. 1.570 m.). His 34 Kayan men (av. 1.584 m., med. 1.582

m.) and 14 Punan men (av. 1.583 m., med. 1.569 m.) and the Gorontalese

(1.584 m.) are intermediate between these and the Tenggerese (1.604

m.) and Battak (1.605). I also find this distinction untenable, as

our Kayans (av. 1.559 m., med. 1.550 m.) and Punans (av. 1.555 m.,

med. 1.550 m.) are of the same stature or even possibly shorter than

his Ulu Ayars, whereas our 16 Kenyah men (av. 1.597 m., med. 1.608)

are taller than his Kayans. He adds that the shorter "Indonesians"

live in the plains, the taller in the mountains, but he cannot say for

certain whether a mountain climate affects stature as many believe. It

is to be regretted that Kohlbrugge extends in this instance the term

Indonesian to the Kayans and Punans. Taking our measurements I find

that the Kenyahs and the Muruts (av. 1.601 m., med. 1.590 m.) are

the tallest groups, then come the Iban (av. 1.590 m., med. 1.585 m.),

the Kayan and Punan medians come about half-way between the tallest

Klemantans (Long Pokun, med. 1.590 m.) and the shortest (Lerong,

med. 1.520 m). The above figures refer to men only, the women are

markedly shorter.

Kohlbrugge gives the following information with regard to body

measurements: the Kayan women are 14 cm. shorter than the men, usually

the difference is 10 -- 12 cm. The span is greater than the stature,

the proportion is 105.2 : 100 in Kayans, 1034: 100 in Ulu Ayars and

106.5 : 100 in Punans and Tenggerese. In youths it is rather higher

than in men. The difference between Tenggerese and Ulu Ayars is due

to the latter having shorter arms, especially the upper arms, and

the chest of the Bornean peoples is 2 cm. narrower. Other Indonesian

peoples have a longer upper arm than the Ulu Ayars, who also have

the tibia shorter in proportion to the femur. Kayan and Ulu Ayar men

have a comparatively shorter femur than the Punan. The latter thus

resemble the Tenggerese, the others have the same relative length

as many other peoples of the Archipelago; there is no difference

between the Malays and Indonesians in this respect. The Kayan women

have relatively a much longer femur than the men. The shorter tibia

makes the whole leg of the Bornean peoples shorter than in others --

except that the Punans make it up with a longer femur. Women and young

people have longer legs than men. The Punans have the fattest calves

approximating to the Tenggerese, the other Bornean tribes are more

like the Gorontalese. The chest girth of Ulu Ayars and Tenggerese is

almost the same, despite the difference in the breadth of the chest,

in which the Ulu Ayars resemble the inhabitants of Atchin measured by

Lubbers. The proportion of the length of the foot to the stature is

16 : 100 in Kayans of both sexes, 154 : 100 in Ulu Ayars, and 15.2 in

Punans. But the Kayan feet are shorter than those of the Gorontalese,

who have the longest feet in the Archipelago. The other Bornean

peoples are the same as Indonesians who resemble the Malays in this

respect. The pelvic breadth of the Kayan men and women is equal (26

cm.), though men have the wider chest; the Punan pelvis is narrower

than in the other two tribes; but in all three the pelvis is broader

than in the Tenggerese.

We must now turn to the evidence of the crania, of which only a very

brief account need be presented here. Owing to the fact that the

people are head-hunters the skulls obtained by a traveller in any

house are necessarily those of another community, group, or tribe

than that to which the occupants of the house belong. Consequently

it is necessary for a traveller to learn from the inhabitants the

provenience of each cranium, and every one in the house knows it. It

is useless for analytical purposes to deal with skulls of which

the tribe is not accurately known; the information that a skull was

obtained in a certain village or on a particular river is, as a rule,

of very little value.

In Table C I give particulars of three head indices of 83 crania, of

which the history is known in each case. Fifty-eight of these have

been presented by Dr. Hose to the University of Cambridge. I have

added to these 5 Murut, 1 Lepu Potong, 1 Kalabit, 1 Tring, 1 Bisaya,

and 1 Orang Bukit, which Dr. Hose presented to the Royal College of

Surgeons, London, 1 Ukit skull in the same museum, 3 Dusun in the

British Museum, and 5 Murut, 3 Maloh, and 3 Kayan, which I measured

in Sarawak. I have chosen the cranial length-breadth, length-height,

and breadth-height indices, as these are more directly comparable with

the corresponding cephalic indices of Table A. A detailed account of

these crania must await a more suitable occasion.

The dolichocephalic crania are, as a rule, distinctly akrocephalic,

that is, the length-height index is superior to the length-breadth

index, but this is not the case with the brachycephals. I find the

average length-height index in the living subject of a dozen inland

tribes is 72.5 for 131 males and 78.2 for 40 females. That is, so far

as our measurements go, the women are more akrocephalic than the men,

which is unusual.

The conclusions to be drawn from a somatological investigation are

necessarily limited. In my introductory remarks I stated that one could

distinguish two main races among the principal groups of the peoples of

Sarawak, a dolichocephalic and a brachycephalic, and that the former

might be termed Indonesian and the latter Proto-Malay; further, no

one group is probably of pure race, though it appears that some may be

predominantly Indonesian and others Proto-Malay. I do not for a moment

suggest that there was one migration of pure Indonesians and another

of pure Proto-Malays which flooded Borneo and by various minglings

produced the numerous tribes of that island, though I do suggest that

there have been throughout the whole Archipelago various movements

of peoples, some of which may have been relatively pure communities

of these two races. There can be little doubt that we must look to

the neighbouring regions of the mainland of Asia for their immediate

point of departure southwards, for we now know that two similar races

have inhabited this area from a remote antiquity. The light- (or

light-brown) skinned dolichocephals of south-east Asia, assuming for

the present that they are all of one race, have frequently been termed

Caucasians -- for the present I prefer to speak of them as Indonesians

-- and of these there are doubtless several strains. The light- (or

light-brown) skinned brachycephals are usually grouped as Southern

Mongols. In the south-east corner of Asia there are probably several

strains of these brachycephals which hitherto have been insufficiently

studied. Even when an Indonesian element has been recognised in

the population of the Archipelago there has been too persistent a

practice of terming the brachycephalic element "Malay." The true Malay,

Orang Malayu, is merely a specialised branch of a stock for which I

prefer the non-committal name of Proto-Malay, even "Southern-Mongol"

is preferable to "Malay." The Proto-Malay race has its roots on the

mainland. It has yet to be shown how far the brachycephals of this

region belong to what is here termed the Proto-Malay race or to what

extent other, and doubtless allied, stocks are implicated. If, as is

very probable, there have been migrations of differentiated peoples

from the mainland into the islands, the Bornean peoples may be of more

complex origin than the earlier generalisations might suggest. The

dissecting out and the tracing of the migrations of these peoples

is the work of ethnography, somatology can be of little assistance;

all that I have done is to provide a certain amount of material for

the use of students in the future. It must also be remembered that

the immigrants from the mainland may have had at one time infusions

of Negrito or Pre-Dravidian (Sakai) blood, not to speak of Tibetan,

Chinese, or other mixtures. Similarly when the first migrations from

the mainland took place the fairer-skinned immigrants probably found

an indigenous population of Negritos, Pre-Dravidians, and possibly

to some extent of Papuans in various parts of the Archipelago. We

know that many of the islands, including Borneo, have been subject to

direct migrations from India and China, and there has doubtless been

a certain amount of movement of peoples from island to island. The

racial history of this region is therefore extremely complex.

Dr. Hose has suggested the following classification[229] of the

peoples of Sarawak (exclusive of the Malays), which I have followed

in arranging the descriptions given below. For the sake of comparison

I have recast the data published by Kohlbrugge concerning the three

types studied by Nieuwenhuis; it is unfortunate that our several

results cannot be more closely correlated.

A Classification of the Peoples of Sarawak

1. Murut Group:

Murut, Pandaruan, Tagal, Dusun;

Kalabit, Lepu Potong;

Adang, Tring.

II. Klemantan Group:

1. South-western Group:

Land Dayaks;

[Certain tribes of Netherlands Borneo];

Maloh.

2. Central Group:

A. Baram sub-group: Bisaya, Tabun, Orang Bukit,

Kadayan, Pliet, Long Pata, Long Akar.

B. Barawan sub-group: Murik, Long Julan, Long Ulai,

Batu Blah, Long Kiput, Lelak, Barawan, Sakapan,

Kajaman.

C. Bakatan sub-group: Seping, Tanjong, Kanawit,

Bakatan, Lugat.

3. Sebop Group:

Malang, Tabalo, Long Pokun, Sebop, Lerong;

Milanau (including Narom and Miri).

III. Punan Group:

Punan, Ukit, Siduan, Sigalang.

IV. Kenyah Group:

Madang, Long Dallo, Apoh, Long Sinong, Long Lika Bulu,

Long Tikan.

V. Kayan Group.

VI. Iban Group: Iban (Sea Dayaks) and Sibuyau.

Descriptions of Peoples

General Remarks on the Methods of Taking Observations

The physical characters and measurements of each individual were noted

on a separate card, and the bulk of them have been embodied in the

following synopses. As my object has been to give a general impression

of each group, I have not burdened the descriptions with superfluous

scattered observations. The original records are available in Cambridge

for any desirous of consulting them. The statistics given refer to

the several recorded observations; where these fall short of the total

number it may be taken for granted that as a rule the remainder did not

depart markedly from the normal standard of the group in question --

the presence of salient characters would be noted, not their absence.

In Table A certain measurements and indices are given of the more

important groups in order to facilitate comparisons. Very small

groups and half-breeds have been omitted, the object being to

summarise the characters of the adults of the larger groups. The

median in most cases is practically identical with the average,

but where a difference occurs, the median more nearly represents the

central type. The indices are based on a calculation to two decimal

places; where the second decimal place is under five it is left out of

account, and where five or over the first decimal place is augmented

by one. This table should be compared with Table C.

In the other tables all the measurements and indices are given.

HEAD: LENGTH, from glabella to most prominent point of occiput;

BREADTH, maximum at right angles to above; BI-AURIC BREADTH, from base

of the tragus, pressing firmly; CIRCUMFERENCE, greatest circumference

immediately above the glabella; AURICULAR VERTICAL ARC, from base

of tragus over the vertex; AURICULAR RADII taken with a Cunningham's

radiometer from the ear-hole. FACE: TOTAL LENGTH, from nasion to chin;

UPPER LENGTH, from nasion to alveolus; BI-ZYGOMATIC BREADTH, from

greatest prominence of cheek arches, pressing firmly; INTER-OCULAR

WIDTH, between inner angles of the eyes; BI-GONIAL BREADTH, from the

angle of the lower jaw, pressing firmly. NOSE: LENGTH, from nasion

to angle with lip; BREADTH, between outer curvature of alae, without

pressure; BI-MALAR BREADTH, from the outer upper corner of the margin

of the orbit, pressing firmly (this was usually marked with a soft

pencil); NASO-MALAR LINE, between these points over the bridge of

the nose.

The term DOLICHOCEPHALIC is used to designate a cephalic index of

77.9 and under, and BRACHYCEPHALIC one of 78 and over. Heads with a

length-height index of 66.9 and under are PLATYCEPHALIC, those of 67 --

69.9 are MESOCEPHALIC, and those of 70 and over are HYPSICEPHALIC. The

breadth-height limits are 82.9, 83 -- 84.9, and 85. The term

CHAMAEPROSOPIC is used where the total facial index is 89.9 and under,

and LEPTOPROSOPIC where it is 90 and over, the corresponding limit for

the upper facial index is -49.9 and 50+. Owing to the character of the

nose it was not easy in most cases to ascertain the exact upper limit

of the length, and it is probably owing to this that the indices show

such marked platyrhiny. Unfortunately these indices cannot be compared

with those obtained by Nieuwenhuis, as he measured to the tip of the

nose and not to its angle with the lip as we did. The term LEPTORHINE

is used for noses with an index of 69.9 and under, MESORHINE for

70 -- 84.9, PLATYRHINE for 85 -- 99.9, and HYPER-PLATYRHINE for 100

and over. The profiles of the nose were compared with the figures in

NOTES AND QUERIES (1892). In speaking of the EYE, by fold is meant

the Mongolian fold which covers the caruncle. All the irises have a

brown colour, being either light, medium, or dark. The observations

on the EARS were made by means of MS. notes and diagrams drawn up

for me by Prof. A. Keith. He recommended that persons under fifteen

years of age or over sixty should not be noted, and that as there is

a very marked sexual difference, observations on men and women should

be kept quite separate. Variations in every race are, within certain

limits, so numerous that he suggested that at least a hundred of each

sex should be observed; although the numbers examined of the several

tribes is usually very small, their total number will probably be found

sufficient to give a fair idea of the more common types of ears. The

TYPES of ears suggested by Dr. Keith are (1) "European": this applies

only to the general shape; the folding, etc., varies enormously. (2)

"Negroid": this resembles the "Orang type" but differs in being

two-thirds of a circle; that is to say, the Negroid ear has a much

greater breadth relative to its height than the ears of Europeans. (3)

"Orang": this is the smallest and most degenerate form of ear, seen

in its most typical form in the orang utan; it is the common female

type. (4) "Chimpanzee": this is the largest and most primitive form

of ear, and is found in its typical condition in the chimpanzee;

it is commonly, but not always, set at a considerable angle to the

head. ANGLE: The ear may be appressed (0), or it may stand out from

the head at an angle of less than 30[degree] (1), between 30[degree]

and 60[degree] (2), or over 60[degree] (3). LOBULE: This is never

totally absent, but when it is 3 mm. or less from the middle of the

curved base of the anti-tragus it may be called approximately so

(0), when 3 -- 10 mm. it is small (1), 10 -- 15 mm. medium (2),

over 15 mm. long (3). The lobule may be free or adhere partially

or totally to the side of the face. DESCENDING HELIX: The degree of

folding varies; there may be none (0), under 2 mm. (1), between 2 and

4 mm. (2), between 4 and 6 mm. (3). DARWIN'S POINT: It may be absent

(0), or present as a distinct tip (1), as an infolded tip (2), as an

inrolled knob (3), or as a slight thickening of the infolded part

of the helix (4); the position is constant in the upper posterior

segment. TRAGUS: This may be absent (0), otherwise it varies in size

measured from base to apex, under 3 mm. (I), between 3 and 5 mm. (2),

or 5 to 7 mm. (3). Sometimes it has two apices. ANTI-TRAGUS: This

also may be absent (0), or if present the size from base to apex

measures as in the tragus under 3 mm. (1), between 3 and 5 mm. (2),

or 5 -- 7 mm. (3). ANTI-HELIX: It is bent into an angle slightly or

not at all (0), the angle does not reach the level of the helix (1),

the angle is a little within or a little beyond the level of the helix

(2), it is very prominent, distinctly beyond the level of the helix

(3). Its prominence is a human feature.

As regards the HAIR, in all cases where there were a number of

observations one or two of the oldest men had grizzled or even grey

hair. The hair of the head is usually worn long and often attains

a length of about two feet, but it is sometimes cut shorter and is

occasionally very short. It is usually fairly abundant, but in all

groups a few persons have scanty hair. The hair of the face is in

all groups either absent or very scanty; the same applies to the body

hair. The only scale of SKIN colours we had was that given in the NOTES

AND QUERIES ON ANTHROPOLOGY (2nd ed., 1892), but as this was obviously

inadequate for the purpose, Dr. Hose prepared a scale for our use

in the field, the shades of which have subsequently been as far as

possible equated with those of Prof. von Luschan's Hautfarben-Tafel

(Puhl and Wagner, Rixdorf); it is these numbers which appear in

brackets in the following descriptions, and I have also attempted

to describe them in English; the term cinamon is based on the colour

of the stick cinnamon of commerce. The colours were usually matched

from the inner aspect of the upper arm so as to avoid the darkening

caused by the burning of the sun. Besides the information recorded

on the cards, a number of additional data on skin colour collected

by Dr. Hose are included in the synopses. As regards STATURE the

subject is described as SHORT when he measures less than 1.625 m. (5

ft. 4 in.), MEDIUM 1.625 -- 1.724 m. (5 ft. 4 in. to 5 ft. 8 in.),

and TALL 1.725 m. and over; the subject had his eyes looking towards

the horizon.

With the exception of the observations by Mr. R. Shelford, mainly on

the Land Dayaks and Iban, which are duly noted, all the data on the

living were collected by Dr. W. McDougall and myself, either separately

or conjointly, and I have to thank him for permitting me to work up

the results. Our thanks are due to Dr. Hose, at whose invitation we

went to Sarawak, and without whose zeal, knowledge of the country,

and wonderful influence over the natives this work could not have

been accomplished. Mr. S. H. Ray also assisted us as amanuensis. Most

of the figures were tabulated for me by Miss Barbara Friere-Marreco

and the remainder by Miss Lilian Whitehouse, who also has greatly

assisted me in drawing up this memoir.

I. Murut Group

Seven KALABIT men and 3 women and 4 MURUT men were measured. No

descriptive details of the Muruts are available.

HEAD-FORM: The cephalic indices show 7 to be dolichocephalic and 7

brachycephalic; the 3 women are slightly more dolichocephalic than

the men, for whom the median is 78.5. One Kalabit is platycephalic,

1 mesocephalic, and 8 hypsicephalic as regards length-height, and

all are hypsicephalic as regards breadth-height. Four Kalabits were

noted as having oval heads, in 1 the occiput was prominent, 1 ovoid,

and 1 woman ellipsoidal.

FACE: Five Kalabits have pentagonal faces, being rather broad in 3,

2 were long and rather narrow, the jaws are narrow in 2. They show

a marked tendency to prognathism, especially dental prognathism. The

Kalabits are chamaeprosopic as regards both the total facial and the

upper facial indices, with one exception in both respects. The forehead

has a slight tendency to be narrow and high. The cheek-bones are

moderately prominent in 5 men and 1 woman and not prominent in 2 men

and 1 woman. The lips are moderately full. The chin is rather small,

and retreating in 3. NOSE: One Murut is leptorhine, 2 Kalabit men are

mesorhine, 6 are platyrhine, and 5 hyper-platyrhine. The root is high

in 4 Kalabit men, narrow in 3, broad in 4 and 1 woman, and flat in 3

and 1 woman; the base is reflected in 3 of each sex, and straight in

2 men; the alae are small in 4 men and 3 women, moderate in 3 men,

and round in 1 of each sex; the nostrils are rounded in 5 men and

3 women, and wide in 2 men. EYES: The aperture is narrow in 1 man,

moderately open in 5 men and 1 woman, wide in 1 man and 2 women; it

is straight with no fold in 5 men, straight with slight fold in 1 man,

more or less oblique with slight fold in 1 man and 2 women, in 1 woman

it is straight and the fold is more developed in the right eye than

in the left; the colour is medium in 1 man, dark brown in 5 men and

3 women. EARS: Type European in 3 of each sex, Negroid in 1 man, and

intermediate in 2 men; angle prominent in 5 men and 3 women, slightly

prominent in 2 men; lobule always distended, in 2 men it is adherent;

descending helix infolded under 2 mm. in all but 1 man in whom it is

under 4 mm.; Darwin's point absent in 3 men and 1 woman, doubtful in

2 men, infolded in 1 man, inrolled in 2 women; tragus under 3 mm. in 2

men, 3 -- 5 mm. in the rest; anti-tragus absent in 4 men, and 1 woman,

under 3 mm. in 3 men and 2 women; anti-helix below level of helix in

2 of each sex, about at the same level in 5 men and 1 woman.

HAIR: It is straight to wavy in 1 of each sex, wavy in 3 men and 1

woman, wavy-curly in 1 man. The colour is rusty black in 7 men and

3 women. It is moderately abundant and long.

SKIN: Four are lightest cinamon (12), 1 light cinamon (14), 1 cinamon

(6), 2 pale fawn (pale 17), 2 dull fawn (17).

Stature: All but 1 Murut man are of short stature, 1 Kalabit man being

only 1.485 m. (4 ft. 10 1/2 in.), the 3 women are still shorter,

1 being 1.410 m. (4 ft. 7 1/2 in.), the median for the Kalabits is

1.565 (5 ft. 1 1/2 in.).

II. Klemantan Group

1. South-western Group

(A) Forty-two LAND DAYAK men were measured by Mr. Shelford.

HEAD-FORM: The cephalic indices range fairly evenly from 73.5 to 86.9,

19 men being dolichocephalic; the median is 78.4.

FACE: One is noted as very broad and 2 as prognathous. All but 1 are

chamaeprosopic as regards the total facial index and all but 6 as

regards the upper facial. NOSE: Nineteen are mesorhine, 17 platyrhine,

and 6 hyper-platyrhine; 1 is noted as aquiline, 3 as straight but

flat, and 2 have a low bridge; 2 have broad alae, 1 having a very

concave nose, broader than long with an index of 116.2, and wide

nostrils, it is evidently abnormal. Byes: A fold is mentioned in 18,

of which 3 are slight and 2 pronounced, its absence is noted in 3;

5 have medium brown irises.

HAIR: It is noted as straight in 6 and wavy in 2; it is black in 8,

and 24 have abundant hair; the hair of the face is absent in 7 and

sparse in 8, 1 had a stubbly beard.

SKIN: The colour of the skin is darker than that of other inland

tribes, 19 being of a very dark warm cinamon (25) and 4 cinamon

(6). It is noted in 1 as much darker when uncovered.

STATURE: None are tall, 7 are medium, the rest short, 4 being under

1.5 m. (4 ft. 11 in.), the median is 1.577 m. (5 ft. 2 in.).

[Thirty-one male and 4 female Ulu Ayar Dayaks were measured by

Nieuwenhuis, of these 5 were boys under 17, and all 4 females were

girls of 17 and under. See vol. ii., p. 315, note 1.

HEAD-FORM: The cephalic indices range fairly evenly between 71 and

81.4, all but 5 are dolichocephalic, the median being 74.7.

FACE: It is usually of medium breadth; 2 (I.E. 6 per cent) have

broad faces. The bi-zygomatic breadth ranges from 125 to 145 mm.,

the median being 136 mm. NOSE: The breadth-measurements range from 36

to 46 mm., the length-measurements being taken from root to tip are

therefore not comparable. Eighteen males and 3 females are noted as

having concave noses, 13 and 1 as having broad flat noses, none as

straight or narrow, I.E. 60 per cent of the Ulu Ayars have concave

("depressed," "sunken," or "hollow") noses. EYES: The Mongolian fold

does not occur. The colour is dark.

HAIR: All had straight hair except 1 man; it is generally rather

scanty. The colour is black.

SKIN: The colour is noted as black or blue-black in 10, brown and

yellow in 5, light brown in 20.

STATURE: None are tall, 3 are medium, and the rest short, 2 being

under 1.5 m. (4 ft. 11 in.); the median is 1.551 (5 ft. 1 in.).]

(B) Seven MALOH men were measured by us.

HEAD-FORM: The cephalic index is essentially dolichocephalic,

3 being low brachycephals, the median 76.8. Two are mesocephalic

in the length-height index and none in the breadth-height, all the

remainder are hypsicephalic in both respects; 4 are pyriform, 2 oval,

and 1 ellipsoidal in shape.

FACE: Two are pentagonal, 2 rather broad, and 2 long; alveolar

prognathism is noted in 3, 1 of which has also general prognathism. Two

only are leptoprosopic in their total and upper facial indices. The

forehead is somewhat narrow and high, the cheek-bones more or

less prominent, the lips are usually moderately full, and the chin

fairly well developed. NOSE: One is mesorhine, 4 platyrhine, and 2

hyper-platyrhine; the profile is equally divided between straight

and concave; the base is reflected in 5, deflected in 2; the alae are

rather small and the nostrils wide and rounded. EARS: Type European in

5 (1 doubtful), Negroid in 2; angle prominent in 5, slightly prominent

in 2; lobule distended in all; descending helix infolded under 2

mm. in 5, 2 -- 4 mm. in 2; Darwin's point absent in 5, inrolled in 2

(1 doubtful); tragus 3 -- 5 mm. in 5 (2 doubtful), rather less in 2;

anti-tragus absent in 1, doubtful in 1, under 3 mm. in 5 anti-helix

below level of helix in 4, about at the same level in 3.

HAIR: The hair is distinctly wavy and long; it is rusty black in 5

and black in 2. There is a moderate amount on the face and none on

the body.

SKIN: SIX are dull fawn (17).

STATURE: ALL are short, 1 being 1.47 m. (4 ft. 9 3/4 in.); the median

is 1.585 m. (5 ft. 2 1/2 in.).

2. Central Group

BARAWAN SUB-GROUP -- This consists of 1 Murik man, 1 Long Ulai man and

1 woman, 8 Long Kiput men, 3 Lelak men, 12 Barawan men and 5 women,

2 Sakapan men, 1 Kajaman, and 4 mixed breeds (I.E. mixed with other

Klemantan blood).

HEAD-FORM: Of the longer series the Barawans are the more

dolichocephalic, 6 men and 3 women have an index below 78, 1 Long Kiput

man and only 4 others being dolichocephalic; the median of the whole

series, excluding women, is 79. Most of the men and all the women

are hypsicephalic; but 2 Barawans are platycephalic, and 1 Barawan

and 2 mixed breeds are mesocephalic in length-height; 1 Long Kiput is

platycephalic in length-height and breadth-height, 2 are mesocephalic

in both respects, and 1 in length-height only; 1 Lelak is platycephalic

in length-height and mesocephalic in breadth-height. The shape is noted

as oval in 5 men and 3 women, ovoid in 1 of each sex, round in 3 men.

FACE: Nine men and 3 women have a pentagonal face; it is oval in 1 man

and 2 women, rather long in 5 men, square in 2 men, broad in 1 of each

sex. All are chamaeprosopic in both respects except 1 Barawan man as

regards total facial index and 2 in the upper. The forehead is rounded

or prominent in 8 men and 6 women, upright in 4 men and 1 woman, more

or less sloping in 4 men, broad and low in 5 men, narrow in 4 men. The

cheek-bones are large in 6 men and 1 woman, more or less prominent

in 10 men and 3 women, moderate in 11 men and 2 women. The lips vary

in thickness, 10 being thin and 7 more or less thick. The chin is

fairly well developed except in 6 men. NOSE: One Lelak is leptorhine,

2 Long Kiputs) 3 Barawan men and 2 women and 2 Barawan mixed breeds

are mesorhine; 5 Long Kiputs, 2 Lelaks, 6 Barawan men and 1 woman and 1

mixed breed, 1 Long Ulai man and woman and 2 Sakapans are platyrhine;

1 Long Kiput, 3 Barawan men and 2 women, 1 Murik and 1 Kajaman are

hyper-platyrhine. The profile is straight in 10 men and 1 woman, more

or less concave in 13 men and 5 women, slightly aquiline in 4 men;

blunt tips were noted in 2 cases. The root is more or less depressed

in 12 men and 4 women, not depressed in 7 men, broad and high in 3,

high in 3, narrow in 3. The base is reflected or slightly so in 16

men and 4 women, straight in 9 and 1, slightly deflected in 1 woman;

the alae are small in 3 men and 4 women, moderate in 4 men, and wide

in 5; the nostrils are round in 7 men and 5 women, oval in 10 and 1,

and transversely oval in 2 men. EYES: Aperture is moderate in 11 men

and 2 women, small in 10 men, large in 1 man. It is straight with no

fold in 3 men and 2 women, straight with a slight fold in 1 woman,

slightly oblique with no fold in 8 men and 1 woman, slightly oblique

with slight fold in 8 men and 2 women, in 1 Barawan man it is slightly

oblique with a very marked fold, 11 Barawans have more or less oblique

eyes of which 7 have a fold, 4 are straight, 1 of which has a slight

fold. Four men have light brown irises, 2 of each sex dark brown,

the remainder are medium. EARS: Type European in 5 Long Kiputs,

2 Lelaks, 8 Barawans and 2 mixed breeds, 1 Kajaman; Negroid in 1

Barawan mixed breed; orang in 2 Barawans. Angle slightly prominent in

1 Long Kiput, 2 mixed breeds and 1 Kajaman, rather more so in 1 Long

Kiput, prominent in 1 Lelak, 5 Barawans. Lobule distended throughout,

perforated in 2 Barawans, adherent in 1 mixed breed. Descending helix

absent in 1 Long Kiput, infolded less than 2 mm. in 4 Long Kiputs,

1 Lelak, 11 Barawans and 2 mixed breeds, 1 Kajaman; 2 -- 4 mm. in 1

Lelak, 1 Barawan mixed breed. Darwin's point absent in all except

1 Barawan and 1 mixed breed where it is an infolded tip. Tragus

under 3 mm. in 4 Long Kiputs, 1 Lelak, 1 Barawan and 1 mixed breed,

slightly more in 1 Lelak, 1 Barawan; 3 -- 5 mm. in 1 Long Kiput,

9 Barawans and 2 mixed breeds, 1 Kajaman. Anti-tragus absent in 1

Long Kiput, 3 Barawans; under 3 mm. in 3 Long Kiputs, 2 Lelaks,

7 Barawans and 3 mixed breeds, 1 Kajaman; 3 -- 5 mm. in 1 Long

Kiput, 1 Barawan. Anti-helix below level of helix in 2 Long Kiputs,

5 Barawans and 1 mixed breed; about at same level in 3 Long Kiputs,

2 Lelak, 6 Barawans and 2 mixed breeds, 1 Kajaman. The 5 Barawan

women have ears of European type; angle slightly prominent in 2,

prominent in 3; lobule distended in all; descending helix infolded

less than 2 mm. in 4, 2 -- 4 mm. in 1; Darwin's point absent in all;

tragus 3 -- 5 mm. in all; anti-tragus absent in 2, under 3 mm. in 3;

anti-helix below level of helix in 2, about at same level in 3.

HAIR: Seven men and 2 women have straight hair, 17 and 3 wavy, and

2 men curly hair; the colour. is rusty black in 13 men and 3 women,

black in 12 and 3, brown in 1 man. It is generally abundant and long.

SKIN: Three are cinamon (6), 6 light cinamon (14), 15 lighter still

(12), 3 dull fawn (17), 3 pale fawn (pale 17), 4 pale pinkish buff

(11).

STATURE: Four men are of medium stature, 30 are short, of whom 2

men and all 6 women are below 1.5 m., 1 Barawan woman being only

1.395 m. (4 ft. 7 in.); the Barawans as a whole are shorter than

the others. The median for the whole series of men is 1.54 m. (5

ft. 1/2 in.).

3. Sebop Group

Sixteen MALANG men and 4 women were measured.

HEAD-FORM: The indices show 10 men and 3 women to be dolichocephalic,

6 men and 1 woman brachycephalic; the median is 76.9 for the men. All

are hypsicephalic, except 2 men in respect to length-height. The shape

is described as ovoid in 7 men, oval in 2, round oval in 1 of each sex,

and ellipsoidal in 4 men.

FACE: IT is pentagonal in 10 men and 3 women, ovoid in 1 woman, and

lozenge-shaped in 1 man; 6 men have long faces and 2 broad. Alveolar

prognathism is noted in 3 men, and superciliary ridges in 3. All are

chamaeprosopic except 1 of each sex in regard to the upper facial

index. The forehead is full in 9 men and 1 woman, broad in 3 men and 1

woman, narrow in 4 and 1, low in 4 and 2, high in 4. The cheek-bones

are more or less prominent in 12 men and 2 women, moderate in 2 men,

and not prominent in 2 of each sex. The lips are moderately thin. The

chin is rather small in 6 men; it is fairly well developed in 7 men and

4 women. NOSE: 2 men and 1 woman are mesorhine, the rest platyrhine,

2 men being hyper-platyrhine. The profile is straight in 8 men and 1

woman, more or less concave in 4 men and 3 women, slightly aquiline

in 2 men, high-bridged in 1, and slightly sinuous in 1; blunt tips

are noted in 4 men and 3 women. The root is moderately high in 10 men

and 1 woman, low in 6 and 3; it is narrow in 3 men and broad in 9 men

and 3 women. The base is reflected in 12 men and 4 women, straight in

3 men; the aloe are small in 11 men and 4 women, and moderate in the

remaining men; the nostrils are round in 9 men and 1 woman, wide in 4

and 1, long oval in 2 men and round oval in 1, narrow and elongated

in 1 woman, large in 1 man, they are nearly or quite horizontal in

3 men. EYES: The aperture is small or narrow in 7 men and 2 women,

moderately open in 5 men and 1 woman; it is straight with no fold in

8 men and 1 woman, straight with a slight fold in 4 men, slightly

oblique with no fold in 2 men and 1 woman, slightly oblique with

fold in 2 of each sex, the fold being slight in 1 man. The colour

of the iris is dark brown in 8 men and 4 women, medium in 7 men and

light in 1. EARS: Type European in 13 men and 4 women (1 doubtful),

approximately Negroid in 2 men, chimpanzee in 1 man; angle prominent

in 11 men and 3 women, rather less in 3 men, slightly prominent in

2 men; lobule distended in all but 1 man; descending helix absent in

2 women, infolded less than 2 mm. in 12 men and 1 woman (doubtful),

2 -- 4 mm. in 4 men and 1 woman; Darwin's point absent in 15 men and

3 women, doubtful in 1 man, infolded in 1 woman (?); tragus under 3

mm. in 2 men, 3 -- 5 mm. in 14 men and 4 women (1 doubtful), double in

3 men and 1 woman of these latter; anti-tragus absent in 6 men and 1

woman, trace in 2 men, under 3 mm. in 7 men and 2 women (1 doubtful),

3 -- 5 mm. in 1 of each sex; anti-helix below level of helix in 11 men

and 3 women (1 doubtful), about at the same level in 5 men and 1 woman.

HAIR: It is wavy in character; the colour is rusty black in 14 men and

4 women, black in 2 men. It is usually long and abundant on the head;

4 men have slight moustaches.

SKIN: Fourteen are lightest cinamon (12), 2 light cinamon (14), 9

pale fawn (pale 17), 2 light brown (near 17), 5 pale pinkish buff (11).

STATURE: One man is tall, the rest are short, 2 men and all the women

being under 1.5 m.; the median for the men is 1.535 m. (5 ft. 1/2 in.).

Eight LONG POKUN men and 10 women were measured.

HEAD-FORM: The cephalic indices show 5 men and 4 women to be

dolichocephalic, 3 men and 6 women brachycephalic; the median for

the men is 76.9, for the women 79.4. One man is platycephalic, 3

men and 1 woman mesocephalic and the rest hypsicephalic as regards

length-height, all are hypsicephalic as regards breadth-height, in

each respect the women being markedly more hypsicephalic than the

men. The shape is noted as oval in 1 man and 9 women, round oval in

1 of each sex, ellipsoidal in 1 man and pyriform in 4 men.

FACE: In 5 men and 6 women it is more or less pentagonal, in 1 man

and 2 women lozenge-shaped. All are markedly chamaeprosopic both in

total facial and upper facial indices. The forehead is narrow in 3

men and 1 woman, broad in 2 and 1, small in 2 women, high or moderate

in 2 men and 6 women, fairly prominent in 1 and 2, low in 3 men. The

cheek-bones are moderately prominent in 8 of each sex, very prominent

in 1 woman, and not prominent in 1 woman. The lips are moderately thin

in most cases, but are rather thick in 2 men and 1 woman. The chin

is small in 3 men and 6 women (noted as not retreating in 2 women),

but is fairly well formed. NOSE: Four men and 5 women are mesorhine,

the rest platyrhine, 1 of each sex having an index of 100. The profile

is straight in 7 men and 4 women (the tip being blunt in 4 men and 2

women, and depressed in 3 men), concave in 4 women, "Chinese" in 1 man

and 2 women. The root is broad in 4 men and 9 women (flat in 4 of the

women), low in 3 men and 2 women, moderately high in 4 of each sex,

moderately narrow in 2 men; the base is more or less reflected in 8

men and 6 women, very much reflected in 1 woman, and nearly straight

in 3; the alae are small in 6 men and 8 women, moderate in 1 of each

sex and wide in 1 of each sex; the nostrils are round in 3 men and

7 women, more or less widely open in 6 men and 5 women and small in

3 women. EYES: The aperture is moderately open in 6 men and 7 women,

wide in 1 of each sex and rather narrow in 1 man and 2 women; it is

straight with no fold in 4 men and 6 women, straight with fold more

or less developed in 2 men and 1 woman, slightly oblique with no fold

in 2 men, slightly oblique with slight fold in 2 women, and oblique

with a trace of fold in 1 woman. The colour is light brown in 1 man,

medium in 6 men and 7 women, dark in 1 and 3. EAR: Type European in 7

men (2 doubtful) and 3 women, intermediate between European and Negroid

in 1 man; angle prominent in 6 men and 1 woman; lobule distended, right

adherent in 1 woman; descending helix infolded less than 2 mm. in 7

men and 1 woman, 2 -- 4 mm. in 1 of each sex; Darwin's point absent

in 2 men and 1 woman, doubtful in 2 men, distinct tip in one man;

tragus under 3 mm. in 3 of each sex, being double in 1 man and 3 women,

slightly larger in 2 men, being double in 1, 3 -- 5 mm. in 3 men and

7 women, being double in 4 women; anti-tragus absent in 2 men and 5

women (1 doubtful), trace in 2 men and 1 woman, under 3 mm. in 4 men

and 1 woman; anti-helix below level of helix in 6 men and 1 woman,

about at the same level in 2 men (1 doubtful) and 1 woman.

HAIR: It is straight in 1 man, straight to wavy in 1 man and 5 women,

wavy in 5 and 3, wavy to curly in 1 man. The colour is rusty black

in 7 of each sex and dark brown in 3 women. It is long and fairly

abundant on the head; 2 men have beards, one only on the right side.

SKIN: Seven are lightest cinamon (12), 1 with a trace of green,

5 are dull fawn (17), 2 pale fawn (pale 17), 3 pale pinkish buff (11).

STATURE: TWO men are of medium height, the rest short, the median

being 1.59 m. (5 ft. 21 in.); only 2 women are over 1.5 m. and 2 are

under 1.4 m. (4 ft. 7 in.), the median being 1.47 m. (4 ft. 10 in.).

Five SEBOP men were measured.

HEAD-FORM: All but 1 are dolichocephalic, the median, being 75.3)

1 is platycephalic in regard to length-height, and 1 mesocephalic,

the rest are hypsicephalic in both respects. The shape is pyriform

in 2, oval to roundish in the remainder.

FACE: It is pentagonal in 4, and narrow with rather prominent

brow-ridge in 1. All are chamaeprosopic in both respects. The forehead

is full in 2 and low in 2. The cheek-bones are more or less prominent

in 4, 1 is not prominent. The lips are thin in 3 and moderate in 2. The

chin is fairly well developed. NOSE: Three are mesorhine, 1 platyrhine,

and 1 hyper-platyrhine. The profile is concave in 2, straight in 1, and

intermediate in 2; a blunt tip is noted in 1. The root is narrow and

moderately high in 2, moderately broad in 2, moderately high in 1, and

2 are fairly broad and flat. The base is reflected in 3 and straight

in 2; the alae are small in 3, moderately large and rounded in 1,

and wide and horizontal in 1. EYES: The aperture is fairly open in 4,

rather narrow in 1; it is straight with no fold in 3, and slightly

oblique with a slight fold in 2. The colour is medium brown. EARS:

Type European in 2, European to Negroid in 1; angle prominent in 2;

lobule distended in 1, trace in 1, 3 -- 10 mm. in 2, 10 -- 15 mm. in

1; descending helix infolded less than 2 mm. in 2, 2 -- 4 mm. in 3;

Darwin's point absent in 2; tragus under 3 mm. in 1, rather larger

in 1, 3 -- 5 mm. in 3; anti-tragus under 3 mm. in 4, 3 -- 5 mm. in 1;

anti-helix below level of helix in 2, about at the same level in 3.

HAIR: It is wavy in 3, straight to wavy in 1, curly in 1; the colour

is rusty black in 4, dark brown in 1. It is fairly long and moderately

abundant on the head; 1 man has a small moustache at angles of mouth,

and 1 has a fairly good moustache and beard.

SKIN: Two are lightest cinamon (12), 1 light brown (near 17).

STATURE: All are short, 1 being under 1.5 m.; the median is 1.54

m. (5 ft. 1/2 in.).

Ten LERONG men and 5 women were measured.

HEAD-FORM: The cephalic indices show 4 men and 1 woman to be

dolichocephalic, 6 men and 4 women brachycephalic, the median being

78.5 for the men and 81 for the women. Three men are mesocephalic as

regards length-height, otherwise both sexes are hypsicephalic both in

length-height and breadth-height, the women being more so than the

men. The shape is noted as ovoid in 5 men, pyriform in 3 men, oval

in 3 of each sex, and round oval in 2 women (1 with vertical occiput).