CHAPTER XV.

THE CLOSING SCENE.

[1572–1574.]

Reaction--Tolerant Protestations of Government--Walsingham’s

disbelief and caution--Renewal of Civil War--Mission

of Cardinal Orsini--Siege of Rochelle--Honorable terms

of Capitulation--Siege of Sancerre--Famine--Horrible

scenes--Capitulation--Meeting at Montauban--Troubled state of

France--Intrigues of Alençon--Shrove-Tuesday plot--La Mole

and Coconnas executed--Charles falls ill--Conversation with

Henry of Navarre--Charles’s visions--His Huguenot nurse--Her

exhortations--The King’s remorse--His dying words--Suspicions of

Poison--His character--His married life--Judgment of Posterity.

The story of the massacre has been told, but this history would be

incomplete if it were not continued to the death of the principal

character in that memorable tragedy. As kings are esteemed great and

glorious by the noble deeds done in their reigns, so must they bear the

odium of the crimes perpetrated under the cloak of their authority. A

few pages will suffice for a brief record of the last twenty months of

the life of the most wretched Charles.

The court had gained nothing by their treachery. The German Protestant

powers were alienated, and the English nation shrank in horror from the

French alliance. Charles must now conciliate Spain, a power which he

had always disliked, and which he now hated with all the intensity of

impotence. Besides which, a reaction had set in: the influence of the

Moderate party once more began to be felt. “This manner of proceeding,”

wrote Walsingham, on the 13th September, “is by the Catholics

themselves utterly condemned.” Cardinal Fabio Orsini (Des Ursins),

whom the pope had sent to congratulate the king on the massacre, and

urge him to accept the decrees of the Council of Trent, was surprised

to find that the atrocities of August were not thought of so highly

in France as at Rome. The general feelings of the people, which had

been surprised, had recovered their sway, and they were ashamed of

themselves and of their rulers, who had played upon their loyalty.

Catherine had gained nothing. She was so entirely at the mercy of the

Guise faction, which consisted of all that was most violent in France,

that she was forced to follow where they led. She was fully conscious

of the terrible mistake she had made, and bitterly must she have

repented it in after years; but now her sole aim was to re-assure the

disheartened Huguenots, and soften the impression which the news of the

massacre had created in foreign courts. Her embassador in London was

instructed to make the most lavish protestations of tolerance; and in

Paris both Catherine and Charles tried to convince Walsingham that they

were hurried away to the committal of a deed necessary to their safety,

but entirely unconnected with religion. The far-seeing Englishman was

not to be deceived by their fair professions; but wrote home again

and again, that “now there is neither regard had to word, writing, or

edict,” and that “nothing is meant but extremity toward those of the

religion.”[743]

During the massacre and for some time after it, the Huguenots were so

panic-stricken that they seemed incapable of the commonest actions

for preserving their lives. But as soon as they recovered from their

consternation, they once more ran to arms, and France was again exposed

to the very evils which the massacre was intended to make impossible.

Civil war now became justifiable in the eyes of the Reformed party;

for horrible as it might be to draw the sword against a brother, it

seemed less horrible than to sit still and suffer that brother to cut

your throat. They were not fighting against the crown, but against a

tyrant who had stained his hands with the blood of his people. It was

a nice distinction, but distinctions equally nice were drawn at the

commencement of our Great Rebellion. Each party strove to justify their

appeal to arms by showing that law and justice were on their side. When

the citizens of Nismes were summoned to admit the royal troops, they

were told that firmness alone could save them, and they kept their

gates shut. Rochelle and Sancerre, Aubenas, Sommières, Milhaud, Anduze,

and scores of other towns, large and small, did the same, so that in

a short time the whole country from the Channel to the Mediterranean

was again divided into two hostile camps. The Protestants were so

exasperated and so desperate, that compromise seemed impossible.

Unhappily, most of their leaders had perished in the massacre. La Noue

was still left them--himself a host; but Henry of Navarre and the

Prince of Condé were prisoners at court. Still there was no shrinking

from the unequal strife: the Huguenot veterans left their farms and

their shops, and rallied round the gentry of their neighborhood. But

their force was small, while the king was soon able to put four armies

in the field, one of which was marched against Sancerre, and another

against Rochelle. Biron, and afterward Anjou, commanded the latter,

which was by far the best appointed. It was composed of veteran troops,

and counted the Dukes of Guise and Alençon, Henry and Condé, among its

officers.

Rochelle was admirably adapted for a place of refuge where the

Huguenots could make a last stand in defense of religious freedom.

On the land side it was protected by marshes, which allowed of only

one narrow approach from the north. Toward the sea it was hardly more

accessible. The stormy nature of the coast prevented a successful

blockade, and the gales that drove off a hostile fleet were favorable

to the entrance of friends. The city itself was fortified according to

the best rules of the military art of that day, with broad ditches,

thick ramparts, and threatening bastions. But strong as it was by its

position among the marshes of Poitou, it had been made stronger still

during the interval left its inhabitants by the tardy and irresolute

movements of the court. The garrison consisted of 1500 veteran soldiers

and 2000 well-trained citizens, the stores of all kinds were ample, and

aid was coming from England. The commander of the city was the brave

and upright La Noue--the _chevalier sans peur et sans reproche_ of

the Huguenot party, and not unworthy successor of the great Coligny.

Being a prisoner in the hands of Alva at the time of the massacre,

he fortunately escaped death; and, on his restoration to liberty, he

went to court, where the king received him with open arms and gave him

the confiscated estates of Teligny. When the Rochellers closed their

gates, he was commissioned by Charles IX. to treat with them and try to

procure their submission. The result was not what the king expected,

for La Noue joined the citizens, and was made governor. Here, while

fighting bravely and doing his best to preserve the city, he never lost

an opportunity of recommending conciliatory measures.

The Catholic party made it a point of honor to reduce the capital of

Protestantism. The siege was begun with a vigor that would have honored

a better cause. From the hills which commanded the defenses a continual

storm of fire was poured upon the devoted city. Assault after assault

was gallantly made and repelled with equal spirit and determination.

Even the women mounted the walls, cheering the combatants, tending

the wounded, carrying ammunition, water and food to the soldiers, and

sometimes with a boldness beyond their sex wielding the weapons that

had fallen from dying hands. These alone, occasionally aided by the

ministers, hurled from huge caldrons floods of boiling water and melted

pitch upon the assailants in the breach. For five months Anjou attacked

the place in vain--each month diminishing the ardor of the besiegers.

The siege would probably have been more closely pressed (instead of

being relaxed) as time went on, had there been unity of purpose in the

royal army. Cabals were formed among the officers, some of whom refused

to obey the orders of a man who was openly charged with the murder of

the admiral. Strange stories circulated through the camp. Men told one

another with a shudder how one day, when the Duke of Guise was playing

at hazard, blood dropped from his hand as he threw the dice on the

table.[744] But there was perfect harmony among the besieged, although

La Noue had quitted the city where his courage, military ability, and

simple character had been poorly appreciated. The pastors and he were

constantly at variance; they thwarted his plans and excited the people

against him. Brave as were the Rochellers, they must have yielded at

last but for the election of Anjou to the crown of Poland. This made

him listen readily to pacific counsels, and on the 11th July, 1573,

a treaty was concluded by which the inhabitants surrendered on the

following conditions: That there should be a complete amnesty for the

past; that the cities of Montauban, Nismes, and La Rochelle should

retain their old privileges; that the Reformed should enjoy freedom

of worship, provided they met in small numbers and unarmed; that the

gentry might celebrate marriages and baptisms in their own houses,

provided not more than ten persons were present; that all prisoners for

religious offenses should be set at large; and that all who desired

to leave the kingdom might sell their goods freely and go where they

pleased, except into enemy’s country. Such good terms might not have

been obtained but for two things: the siege had cost 40,000 men in

battle or by disease, and the king had neither money nor credit to pay

his troops.

When the inhabitants of Sancerre heard that they were not included

in the treaty of Rochelle, they determined to perish rather than

surrender. The little town was excepted, because the Catholics imagined

its fall to be near and inevitable; but another motive was assigned,

namely, that as the city belonged to a particular seigneur, the king

(who had suddenly become scrupulous) would not prejudice the rights

of the superior lord. In January, 1573, an army of 5000 infantry, 500

horse, and 1600 sappers sat down before this petty town, whose garrison

consisted of about 800 men. After summoning the place to surrender,

La Châtre opened the trenches, and from two batteries of sixteen guns

discharged 2000 shot in two months. By the middle of March he had made

a breach 300 paces wide, but failed to carry it by storm. Drawing his

lines still closer, he entirely cut off all external relief, so that

in the beginning of April the towns-folk began to run short of food.

They eat the asses and mules, and afterward fell to horses, dogs,

cats, mice, moles, and leather, and, sinking lower still, tried horns,

harness, wild roots, and parchment. “I have seen some served up,”

writes an eye-witness, “on which the writing was still visible, and one

might read from the pieces placed upon the table to be eaten.” By the

end of June, three-fourths of the inhabitants had no bread to eat. Some

attempted substitutes of flax-seed, others of all kinds of herbs, mixed

with bran, others even tried straw, nut-shells, and slate, by which

the stomach was distended and the pangs of hunger were temporarily

assuaged. Grease and tallow served for soups and for frying: “Yea,

some (a strange thing and never heard of) labored to encounter the

cruelty of their hunger by the excrements of horses and men.” But

there is worse to be told. On the 19th June a laboring man and his

wife “satisfied their hunger with the head and entrails of their young

daughter, about three years old.” They were tried and executed for the

murder, for which there was the less excuse, as that very day they had

been “relieved with a pottage made of herbs and wine.”[745] The young

children under twelve almost all died. A boy only ten years old, seeing

his parents weeping over him, said: “Mother, why do you cry because

I am hungry? I do not ask you for bread, for I know you have none.

But as it is God’s will that I should die, I must be content. Did not

holy Lazarus suffer hunger?” And with these words, adds De Serres, “he

gave back his soul to God.” The historian sums up in this short but

pregnant sentence: “During the siege, fourscore men died by the sword,

but of starvation above five hundred.” On the 19th August, through

the intervention of the Polish deputies, the inhabitants were granted

honorable terms of capitulation.[746]

But the Huguenots were not intimidated. On the anniversary of the

massacre in Paris, they assembled at Montauban, and demanded the strict

fulfillment of the treaty of St. Germains. They went farther, indeed,

and required, among other things, that the open exercise of their

religion should be permitted everywhere in France; that they should

pay tithes to their own ministers only; that such of the clergy as

had embraced the Reformed doctrines and married should be allowed the

privileges of citizenship; that the authors and perpetrators of the

August massacres should be punished; and that a parliament or supreme

court of justice, composed of Huguenots only, should be appointed to

try all causes in which they were concerned.

When their petition was presented to the king, he listened and made

no remark; but Catherine haughtily replied: “If Condé were alive and

in the heart of France with 100,000 horse and foot, he would not ask

one-half of what these people demand.” Their prayer was refused;

and had it been granted, we may doubt whether the condition of the

Huguenots would have been much improved. France seemed to be given over

to all the evils that misgovernment, which is rarely unaccompanied

with other and more damning vices, can bring upon a nation. Although

the Duke of Anjou had been elected King of Poland, and had departed

for his kingdom, his evil influence remained behind. The court was the

arena of the most disgraceful intrigues: honor among men, chastity

among women, had become unmeaning words. The Duke of Alençon, a poor

weak fool, gaining courage by the absence of the more resolute Anjou,

entered into all sorts of schemes to prevent his brother’s return

to France and secure the reversion of Charles’s throne to himself.

Two parties looked up to him as their head; the Politicians and the

Huguenots. The threads of the intrigues, in which he was a mere

stalking-horse, are difficult to unravel, and it is scarcely within

the scope of this history to make the attempt. It is sufficient to

say that the result was a plot for a general rising of the Huguenot

party on Shrove-Tuesday, 22d February, 1574, with the object of

driving Catherine from court, excluding Anjou from the succession, and

making Monsieur--as Alençon was now called--lieutenant-general of the

kingdom and heir to the throne. Great was the consternation at St.

Germains when the news arrived that La Noue had surprised Lusignan;

that Fontenay, Royau, Talmont, Coulombier, and other places had opened

their gates to the Huguenots; and that a body of cavalry under Guitry

was almost at the palace gates. All fled; Charles alone refusing to

move: “Why could they not have waited for my death?” he asked, as

he lay on his sick-bed--to him the bed of death. The ministers and

their followers hurried away as soon as possible, some in disguise,

some by land, others by the river, others by circuitous routes.

Agrippa d’Aubigné gives an amusing though exaggerated description of

the “flight of the courtiers.” It was a race who should reach Paris

first, he says. “Half-way from St. Germains, the cardinals of Bourbon,

Lorraine, and Guise, with Birague the chancellor and Morvilliers, were

met mounted on spirited chargers, grasping the pommels of their saddles

to keep themselves steady; and feeling as much affrighted at their

horses as they did at the enemy. They were followed by two retainers

only of all their sumptuous trains.” The movement ended in complete

failure, and cost the lives of several persons, the best known being

La Mole and Coconnas, whose fate alone has rescued them from oblivion.

Joseph Boniface, Lord of La Mole, was a vain, frivolous intriguer, whom

Charles IX. so detested that he is reported to have twice commanded

Anjou to strangle the wretched sycophant who preyed upon the weakness

of Alençon.[747] He is said also to have been in the good graces of

Queen Margaret, who desired his bleeding head to be brought to her.

On seeing the hideous sight, she burst into a violent transport of

rage and grief, kissing the lifeless features and bathing them with

her tears.[748] Coconnas was a Piedmontese noble and captain of the

guard to Monsieur. When on the scaffold, he stamped with vexation,

exclaiming to the spectators: “You see how it is; the little ones are

caught, and the big ones are left.” There was an attempt to implicate

Henry of Navarre in the plot; and though it failed,[749] he was still

kept prisoner at the court. Marshals Montmorency and Cossé were in like

manner detained in the Bastile for many months. The charlatan Ruggieri,

who lent himself to any vile scheme, was sent to the galleys, but was

soon released by Catherine, and rewarded by the gift of the rich abbey

of St. Mahé.

But the end was at hand. Charles, whose health had been slowly

declining since the massacre, now became seriously ill. He suffered

extreme pain, and had frequent fainting fits; yet from hatred of Anjou

and abhorrence of his mother, he still clung to the royal power.

A few days before his death, when the English embassador, Leyton,

arrived at Vincennes, he insisted upon giving him audience, and for

three-quarters of an hour listened patiently to the envoy’s harangue,

replying to it in a few pertinent remarks. Much of his suffering was

mental; his conscience was smitten with an incurable wound. As he felt

his last fatal illness coming on, he sent for Henry of Navarre, who

had to pass through the vaults of the castle between a double line

of guards under arms ready to dispatch him. Henry started back a few

paces, clapped his hand on his sword, and refused to advance. It was a

sensational trick of Catherine’s. Being assured there was no danger,

he proceeded and entered the king’s room, where Charles received him

affectionately. “I have always loved you,” he said; “and to your care

I confide my wife and daughter--I commend them to your love.” The king

went on cautioning him to distrust--: the name was not distinctly heard

by the persons in the chamber; but Catherine, who still hovered like an

evil genius over her son, remarked: “Sire, you should not say that.”

“Why not?” asked Charles, “is it not true?” Probably he was speaking of

his brother of Anjou. Henry had no opportunity of obeying the king’s

dying injunctions: the child did not live, and the mother returned to

Germany.

Charles could not sleep at night, and often when he had closed his

eyes from very weakness, he would start up, exclaiming that he

heard strange sounds in the air. Music was employed to soothe his

irritability, and the voice of his favorite chorister, Lassus, or

Étienne le Roi, chanting the penitential Psalms, often lulled him to

sleep. He saw nothing but blood around him, and the ghosts of those

he had caused to be murdered stood threateningly at his bedside. As

his malady increased, he began to spit and vomit blood; and in the

paroxysms of his pain, the blood would ooze through his skin at every

pore[750]--a symptom which the Huguenots regarded as a mark of the

divine displeasure.

His nurse, Philippe Richarde, was a Huguenot, who had reared him

when an infant, and whom he loved to the last. One night as she sat

watching by his bedside, she heard him sobbing, and as she drew aside

the curtains to learn what was the matter, he exclaimed through his

tears: “Oh nurse, my dear nurse, what bloodshed and murder! Oh! that

I should have followed such wicked advice. Pardon me, O God, and have

mercy on me.... What shall I do? I am lost.... I am lost.” The nurse

soothed him, and bade him trust in the Lord. “The blood is upon those

who caused you to shed it,” she added. “If you repent of the murders,

God will not impute them to you, but cover them with the mantle of his

Son’s righteousness, in which alone you must seek refuge. But for God’s

sake let your majesty cease weeping.” Hereupon she went to get a dry

handkerchief, for the king’s was all wet with tears. When he had taken

it, he made a sign to her to go away and let him sleep.[751]

The next day Catherine hurried into the sick-chamber with good news:

Montgomery was a prisoner in her hands--Montgomery, whom she had

never forgiven as the innocent cause of her husband’s death. But to

Charles all such earthly passions were now indifferent. “Madame,” he

said to his mother, “such things affect me no longer: I am dying.”

On Whitsunday, 30th May, 1574, Charles received the last rites of

the Church from the hands of Sorbin and the learned Amyot, Bishop

of Auxerre.[752] Catherine, Alençon, Henry, and Margaret, with the

officers of state, were present, and partook of the consecrated

elements. It does not appear that his queen was there, but we learn

that she was often seen kneeling, and in tears, before the altar of the

castle chapel, where “she was still to be found when the soul of her

husband and lord passed from this world.” After confession, Charles

rallied a little, and had strength to direct his ministers to obey the

queen-mother as they would have obeyed himself. But his weakness soon

returned: he breathed with such difficulty that he could scarcely bid

a tender farewell to his mother, after which he faintly whispered: “If

Jesus my Saviour should number me among his redeemed!”--a late and

involuntary testimony to the exhortations of his pious nurse. Thrice he

repeated these words, and then spoke no more.

There were rumors of poison, and people remembered how Catherine,

in bidding farewell to Anjou, told him to be of good cheer, for he

would not be away long. Poisoning in that day had been raised to the

dignity of a science; and ignorant as the alchemists were of the true

principles of their art, they had extorted certain secrets from nature

which modern chemists can not recover. The criminal annals of recent

years do not permit us to doubt of the efficacy of slow poisoning;

and the symptoms under which Charles suffered strongly remind us of

those produced by minute doses of hemlock alternating with arsenic.

Unfortunately, in those days, detection was difficult, because tests

for poison were unknown. There were so many interested in getting rid

of the king, that his early death was regarded as a certainty. If he

had lived, the influence of his amiable wife might have grown stronger,

he might have thrown off his mother’s trammels, and placing himself

in the hands of the Politicians, might have driven Catherine and her

friends from power. Then what would have become of Henry of Anjou,

now reigning in barbarous and distant Poland? Ambrose Paré declared

the king’s death was caused by injuries done to his lungs from the

immoderate use of his hunting-horn in the chase.[753] The explanation

was rejected at the time, and although we are unwilling to believe

that a mother would coldly speculate upon the death of her son and

connive at his murder, Catherine never was the woman to allow scruples

of conscience or morality to stand in her way. There is a well-known

anecdote of Louis XIII., who, on being cautioned against too violent

exercise and frequent use of the hunting-horn, replied: “Stuff! Charles

IX. died after dining with Gondi, immediately after a quarrel with his

mother.”

Thus died Charles at the early age of twenty-four, rejoicing that

he had left no son to wear that crown which had wrought him so much

sorrow; for, he added from his own bitter experience, “France needs a

man to govern her, and not a babe in swaddling-clothes, with a woman

for his support.”[754] How differently soever his character may be

estimated by different writers, there are some points on which all

must agree. His virtues were his own, his vices the result of his

training.[755] He had a great capacity of affection. His mistress,

Marie Touchet, and the boy she bore him were anxiously cared for as

he lay dying. His love for his mother was strong, but mingled with

fear: he submitted to her, not merely as the weak mind submits to the

stronger, but because he felt that she loved him after her animal

fashion, and that it was his duty to honor her. We know but little of

his married life, but from the few glimpses we catch of it, he seems

to have been attached to his young wife Elizabeth, and she to him. When

she heard of the murders of St. Bartholomew’s Day, she asked, with

horror in every feature: “Does the king, my husband, know of this?”

On being told that Charles had commanded it, she burst into tears,

exclaiming: “Oh God! what councilors hast thou given him! Pardon this

crime, I implore thee, oh God! for if thou shouldst exact vengeance, it

is a sin never to be forgiven.” Thereupon she retired into her oratory,

and passed the remainder of the day in prayer, and refused to join the

procession that traversed the blood-stained streets. There are coarse

stories recorded of the last days of Charles, which (if they were true)

would throw great doubt upon his conjugal fidelity; but they are mere

back-stairs scandal.

Charles IX. was a compound of the most opposite qualities. He was a

firm friend to the few whom he loved; fond of rough pleasures; not

without a taste for poetry and music, and master of that graceful

eloquence so captivating on the lips of princes. But he had great

defects, made greater by the peculiarity of his character, which

his friends, both true and false, knew so well how to play upon. He

could be as violent in action as in language: his anger was fearful

to withstand. He could be false and treacherous, so that his admirers

actually praise him for his duplicity.[756] A contemporary Juvenal

describes him as

Plus cruel que Néron, plus rusé que Tibère ...

Sans parole, sans foi, sinon à se venger,

Exécrable joueur et public adultère ...

Il mourut enfermé comme un chien enragé.

For three hundred years Charles has been the execration of mankind, and

after carefully weighing the evidence of contemporaries, the historian

can find no solid grounds for reversing the judgment. But he was

not the chief criminal. French writers, even while they condemn the

barbarous deed that has cast so foul a stain upon their annals, may

justly plead that the chief contriver was an Italian woman brought up

in the school of Machiavelli, and that the chief instruments were all

foreigners.

INDEX.

A.

Agriculture in France, 116.

Agrippa d’Aubigné, 85.

his defense of the war, 200.

Aix, Huguenots hanged at, 184.

Alençon, Huguenots uninjured at, 448.

Duke of, proposed as a husband for Elizabeth, 356.

his partiality for Coligny, 435.

his intrigues, 478.

Alessandrino (nuncio), audience at Blois, 347.

failure of his embassy, 347.

Alva, Duke of, at Bayonne, 249.

his opinion on the state of France, 253.

Tarquinian advice, 255, 272.

marches through Burgundy, 266.

his opinion of Cardinal Lorraine, 357.

Amboise, tumult of, 81.

act of grace of, 86.

pacification and edict of, 224.

Amiens, judicious arrangements at, 178.

Andelot offends Henry II., 68.

introduces reform in Brittany, 91.

urges war, 267.

death of, 301.

Angers, persecutions at, 34.

massacre at, 448.

Angoulême, the bastard of, 409.

Anjou, Prince of, threatens Condé, 266.

made lieutenant-general, 278.

Anjou commands royal army, 294.

wins battle of Jarnac, 296.

Moncontour, 305.

proposed marriage with Elizabeth, 332, 354.

his account of the massacre, 375, 383, 386, 387, 394, 396,

405, 406.

his fear of the king, 376.

disappointment at Maurevel’s failure, 383.

visit to the wounded admiral, 384.

share of the plunder, 467.

scene with the elector-palatine, 470.

Anthony of Navarre, 66.

his hesitation, 103.

invited to Orleans, 105.

plot to murder him, 108.

his apostasy, 185.

justifies the Vassy massacre, 190.

death of, 215.

Army, French, in sixteenth century, 126.

Arnay-le-Duc, battle of, 312.

Aurillac, murders at, 178.

Protestant retaliation, 310.

Avallon, chatelaine of, 239.

B.

Banquet in sixteenth century, 121.

Baptisms, forced, 287.

Bar, the proctor of, 239.

Barbeville burned, 76.

Battle of Dreux, 217.

St. Denis, 272.

Jarnac, 296.

Battle of Roche-Abeille, 302.

Moncontour, 304.

Arnay-le-Duc, 312.

Bayeux, Huguenot sacrilege at, 240.

Bayonne, the meeting at, 248.

amusements at, 249.

diplomatic discussions at, 253.

Bearnese refuse to suppress the preaching, 445.

Beauvais, Easter riots at, 156.

Behm, the admiral’s murderer, 408, 409.

Berquin, Louis de, burned, 5.

Beza at Poissy, 167.

audience of queen-mother, 168.

address to the king, 170.

Birague, his origin, 320.

Blois, edict of, 73.

violence of Huguenots at, 156.

cruelties at capture of, 210.

festivities at, 347.

Bois Aubry, Abbot of, secretary of clergy, his speech, 154.

Bordeaux, the massacre at, 451.

Bouchavannes, a traitor, 402.

Bricquemaut of Villemangis, executed at Amboise, 82.

Brigandage in France, 115.

Briquemaut, Colonel, his necklace, 288.

rash language to Charles, 341.

hanged, 442.

Brissac, governor of Paris, 197.

death of, 301.

Brugière burned, 19.

C.

Cahors, bloody riot at, 178.

Calvin and his Institutes, 6.

defense of Reformers, 10.

letter to the prisoners, 43.

Cambresis, treaty of, 48.

Carcassonne, sacrilege at, 156.

Carriages introduced, 121.

Castelnau, trial and execution, 82.

Castelnaudary, Palm Sunday at, 238.

Catherine de Medicis, early life, 23.

skill in business, 24.

grief at Henry’s death, 59.

letter to her daughter, 146.

policy, 147.

instructions to Cardinal Ferrara, 166.

letters to Rome and the emperor, 172.

unpopularity with Romanists, 177.

bold reply to Chantonnay, 186.

summons Condé to her assistance, 192.

defies Anthony of Navarre, 193.

message to Condé, 198.

attempts at negotiation, 204.

goes abroad masked, 208.

is present at siege of Rouen, 213.

exultation at victory of Dreux, 219.

advice to Charles, 245.

diplomacy at Bayonne, 248.

letter on the papal jurisdiction, 257.

suspected of heresy, 286.

desires treaty to be observed, 336.

reception of Coligny, 355.

described by Joan of Navarre, 349.

opposes war in Flanders, 362.

interview with Charles at Montpipeau, 363.

plots Coligny’s death, 377.

at his bedside, 385.

plots a general massacre, 389.

consultation at the Tuileries, 390.

reveals a pretended Huguenot plot, 394.

extorts king’s consent to massacre, 397.

checks the king’s irresolution, 405.

letter to Strozzi, 446.

message to Alva, 460.

discovers her mistake, 472.

reply to the Montauban demands, 477.

exultation at Montgomery’s capture, 481.

Caumont, Duc de la Force, his singular escape, 432.

Cavaignes hanged, 442.

Cevennes, march through the, 312.

Chabot protects the Huguenots, 456.

Chambord, ordinance of, 78.

Chambres ardentes, 33.

Chantonnay complains of toleration, 161.

Chapot, Jean, on the rack, 16.

Charles IX., his accession, 145.

opens the States-General, 150.

amnesties heretical prisoners, 157.

issues letters patent of April, 157.

acts in a court masque, 161.

presides over colloquy of Poissy, 169.

calls an Assembly of Notables, 175.

Triumvirate plot to seize him, 192.

brought from Fontainebleau to Paris, 193.

declared of age, 244.

reply to Alva, 256, 265, 323.

reproaches Coligny, 264.

plot to seize king, 269.

savage letter to Gordes, 271.

letters to Condé and Humières, 284, 317.

at siege of St. Jean d’Angely, 307.

advice to justices of Gap, 317.

marriage, 322, 324.

mad sports, 323.

La Chasse Royale, 323.

supports William of Orange, 331.

invites Coligny to court, 333.

distrust of Anjou, 334.

attachment to Teligny, 334.

reception of Coligny, 336.

letter to Duke of Savoy, 337.

reception of Queen Joan, 345.

answer to Alessandrino, 347.

letter to Pius V. on Margaret’s marriage, 351.

promises help to Prince Louis, 358.

goes to Montpipeau, 362.

offers Coligny a guard, 376, 403.

jealous of Anjou, 377.

wrath on hearing of attack on Coligny, 318.

threatens to punish the assassins, 382.

visits Coligny, 384.

tells his mother what Coligny said to him, 387.

letters to pacify the Huguenots, 393.

consents reluctantly to the massacre, 394.

tries to save Rochefoucault, 400.

irresolution, 405.

looks from a window at the murders, 414.

fires at the fugitive Huguenots, 426.

remorse and visions, 436.

justifies the massacre before the parliament, 438.

present at execution of Briquemaut, 442.

orders to provincial governors, 447.

medals to commemorate massacre, 464.

conspiracy to dethrone him, 478.

last illness and death, 480.

Charpentier’s apology for the massacre, 464.

Chateaubriant, edict of, 33.

Chatillon, Cardinal of, assaulted, 156.

deliberations at, 267.

Church property, its confiscation proposed, 165.

Clergy, corruption of, 3.

their power and wealth, 127.

abusive sermons, preached by, 90, 286, 327.

Coconnas executed, 479.

Cognac besieged, 301.

Coligny, Gaspard de, 67.

advice at Amboise, 86.

Fontainebleau, 99.

Orleans, 112.

his wife’s advice, 196.

saves the army at Dreux, 218.

charged with plotting the murder of Guise, 222.

letter on his son’s death, 228.

reconciliation with Guises at Moulins, 260.

reproached by king, 264.

dissuades from war, 268.

skill and discipline, 272.

death of his wife, 280.

visit to Tanlay, 291.

flight to Rochelle, 291.

defeated at Jarnac, 296.

victory at Roche-Abeille, 302.

wounded at Moncontour, 305.

letter to his children, 306.

marches to the south, 308.

victory at Arnay-le-Duc, 312.

remonstrance with Charles, 333.

marries Jacqueline of Montbel, 334.

arrival at court, 336.

influence with Charles, 340.

urges war with Flanders, 344.

memoir on proposed war, 358.

letter to William of Orange promising aid, 362.

warnings and cautions neglected, 367.

remarks at Henry’s wedding, 373.

last letter to his wife, 375.

wounded by an assassin, 379.

last interview with Charles, 384.

murdered by Behm, 408.

outrages to his corpse, 411.

Combelle robbed of his dispatches, 454.

Condé, Henry, Prince of, life saved by Elizabeth’s

intercession, 434.

abjuration, 444.

Condé, Louis, Prince of, 67.

invited to Orleans, 105.

reception at court, 105.

trial, 107.

attempts to rescue king, 193.

speech at Meaux, 196.

appointed leader of Huguenot force, 197.

manifesto to the Protestant churches, 198.

made prisoner at Dreux, 218.

claims to be appointed lieutenant-general, 266.

battle of St. Denis, 272.

marches to meet the reiters, 275.

flight to Rochelle, 291.

killed at Jarnac, 296.

Confession of faith of French Reformers, 54.

Cornaton asks king for a guard for Coligny, 391.

escapes from the massacre, 407.

Correro, France in 1571, 323.

Cosseins appointed to guard Coligny’s house, 393.

assists in the murder, 407.

Council proposed, 92.

Court-masques, 161, 250.

Crespy, treaty of, 11.

Crozier and his blood-stained comrade, 425.

Cypierre murdered, 288.

D.

Damville at Nismes, 276.

D’Aubigné at Amboise, 85.

De Crussol’s account of Huguenots, 159.

Delavoye, martyrdom of, 8.

De Nançay, captain of the guard, 401.

protects Margaret, 416.

De Pilles, his foolish threats, 388.

murdered in the Louvre, 415.

De Retz, his origin, 319.

rapid rise, 320.

voice against proposed massacre, 397.

Des Adrets, his ferocious retaliation, 231.

description of, by De Thou, 232.

Desmarais, his stout defense, 307.

De Thou eulogizes the king’s severity, 440.

private opinion of the massacre, 441.

Diana of Poitiers, character of, 26.

Dieppe, its wealth and commerce, 141.

Dieppe, ferocity of Huguenots at, 240.

Huguenots punished, 310.

the governor’s speech at, 458.

Discontent in France, 77.

Dloet burned, 17.

Dorat’s congratulations on the massacre, 453.

Dramatic amusements, 129.

Dress of people, 119.

Dreux, battle of, 218.

Du Bourg, his speech in Parliament, 51.

trial and execution, 74.

Duplessis-Mornay’s memoir on the Flemish war, 358.

escapes from the massacre, 430.

escape of his wife, 431.

E.

Ecouen, edict of, 56.

Edict of Fontainebleau, 8.

Chateaubriant, 33.

Ecouen, 56.

Villars-Cotteret, 73.

Blois, 73.

Chambord, 78.

Amboise, 86.

Romorantin, 88.

April, 157.

July, 158.

January, 183.

St. Germains, 314.

Elector-palatine extols Coligny, 470.

Electoral excitement, 149.

Elizabeth, Queen of France, her marriage, 322, 324.

enters Paris, 325.

intercedes to save Condé, 434.

affection for Charles IX., 482.

horror at the massacre, 484.

Elizabeth of England, proposed marriage with Anjou, 332, 354.

Alençon, 356.

Elizabeth of England, cold reception of the French embassador, 468.

England, treaty with, 355.

horror at the massacre, 468.

Etienne, Robert, in exile, 18.

Executioner, his wages, 133.

F.

Fontainebleau, edict of, 8.

meeting of Notables at, 197.

resolutions of, 102.

Flemish war, 357, 358, 359, 362.

Food of people, 119.

France, condition of, in 1560, 112.

distressed condition of, 217, 225.

Francis I., patronage of learning, 3.

persecutes Reformers, 7.

orders persecution of Vaudois, 10.

death of, 20.

Francis II., accession, 61.

alarm at court, 73.

letters ordering persecution, 94.

illness and death, 108.

G.

Gap, dissensions at, 278.

edict neutralized at, 327.

Gastine cross, 343.

Genlis defeated and made prisoner, 359.

German princes, embassy from, 326.

Gibbets of Fontainebleau, 77.

Gondi: _see_ De Retz.

Gondrin killed at Lyons, 234.

Gonzaga; _see_ Nevers, Duke of.

Gordes hesitates to carry out the order, 456.

Gregory XIII. approves of the massacre, 466.

Guise, Francis, Duke of, 63.

lieutenant-general, 86.

combines with Montmorency, 163.

retires from privy council, 184.

goes to Saverne, 186.

orders the massacre at Vassy, 188.

ostentatiously enters Paris, 191.

plots to seize the king, 192.

gains victory at Dreux, 217.

besieges Orleans, 220.

murdered by Poltrot, 221.

Guise, Henry of, refuses to be reconciled to Coligny, 261.

character, 321.

threatening proceedings of, 338.

visits Alva, 356.

offers to fight Coligny, 357.

proposal to murder Coligny, 377.

asks leave to quit Paris, 394.

visits the city in secret, 398.

receives the final orders, 405.

recalled too late, 406.

insults the corpse of Coligny, 409.

blood drops from his hand, 475.

H.

Hampton Court treaty, 209.

Havre surrendered to English, 209.

siege and capture of, 243.

Henry II., accession of, 22.

crowned at Rheims, 28.

present at burning of heretics, 30.

favorite Psalm, 45.

orders arrest of Du Bourg, 52.

wounded, 58.

death, 58.

Henry of Navarre at Bayonne, 255.

speech to the army, 300.

description of, 300.

retreat from Moncontour, 305.

first command, 312.

proposed marriage with Margaret, 338.

letter to Queen Elizabeth on his mother’s death, 366.

comes to Paris, 369.

marriage with Margaret, 372.

indignation at attack on Coligny, 328.

proposals to murder him, 391.

put under arrest, 424.

abjures, 444.

at the siege of Rochelle, 473.

Charles entrusts his wife and child to him, 480.

Heresy at court, 160.

Huguenot army, its discipline, 203.

Huguenots, their number estimated, 174.

regain courage, 472.

rush to arms, 473.

demands at Montauban, 477.

I.

Ignorance of the people, 122.

Infants rechristened, 207.

Inns in France, 115.

Inquisition, introduction of, resisted, 37.

J.

January, edict of, 183.

resisted by Tavannes, 184.

Huguenot rejoicings over, 184.

Jarnac, battle of, 296.

Joan of Navarre, her reforms in Bearn, 257.

takes refuge in Rochelle, 292.

fears for Coligny, 336.

on her son’s marriage, 340.

death at Paris, 356.

July edict, 158.

K.

Knox, John, his denunciation of the murderers, 469.

L.

La Mole executed, 479.

Lange, orator of Third Estate, 152.

address to king, 152.

La Noue describes origin of war, 196.

on army discipline, 203.

the conference at Thoury, 204.

on the reiters, 275.

governor of Rochelle, 474.

La Place, Pierre de, murdered, 425.

La Renaudie, 79.

killed at Amboise, 81.

La Rochefoucault, king tries to save him, 400.

murdered, 421.

Lavergne de Tressan at Jarnac, 312.

League of the Loire, 115.

Champagne, 289.

Toulouse, 290.

Lefevre, the first Reformer, 2.

Le Laboureur, his panegyric of Coligny, 410.

Le Mans, the bishop of, 240.

Le Puy, procession at, 35.

infant rebaptized, 207.

Léran saved by Margaret, 415.

Lignerolles murdered, 342.

Limoux, cruelties at, 238.

Lisieux, Bishop of, protects the Huguenots, 455.

L’Hopital appointed chancellor, 87.

inaugural address, 97.

origin, 98.

speech to States of Orleans, 151.

address to parliament, 158.

speech at Pontoise, 164.

letter to Genevan Calvinists, 167.

speech at Poissy, 169.

to the Notables at St. Germains, 182.

plot to murder him, 227.

proposes concessions to Huguenots, 269.

remonstrance to the king, 279.

joins the Politicians, 285.

resigns the chancellorship, 289.

escapes the massacre, 431.

Longjumeau, treaty of, 280.

Lorraine family, 63.

Lorraine, Cardinal of, 64.

discussion with Beza, 168.

retires from Privy Council, 184.

goes to Saverne, 186.

forbidden to enter Paris, 261.

runs away from Meaux, 271.

disgusted with St. Germains treaty, 317.

goes to Rome, 351.

rewards messenger of the massacre, 465.

Louvre, the murders at, 404, 414.

Lyons in 1560, 140.

Huguenot turbulence at, 180.

mastered by Huguenots, 235.

massacre at, 449.

M.

Macon, leaps of, 238.

Maine, sad condition of, 263.

Mandelot begs a share of the plunder, 450.

Margaret of Valois, 6.

Margaret, Princess, proposed marriage with Henry of Navarre, 339.

description of, 349.

alarmed by her sister, 402.

scene in her chamber, 415.

saves Léran’s life, 416.

weeps over head of La Mole, 479.

Marie de Barbançon, her intrepidity, 310.

Marie Mouchet, 323, 483.

Marillac, Archbishop, his speech at Fontainebleau, 100.

Marlorat hanged, 215.

Marot imprisoned, 19.

his Psalms, 46.

Martyrdoms, 5, 6, 8, 9, 13, 16, 17, 19.

Massacre in Paris, the, 417, 444.

Massacre in Paris, number of victims in, 459, 461.

Maugiron, cruelties at Valence, 95.

Maurevel hired to kill the admiral, 378, 380.

Maximilian II., his thoughts on the massacre, 469.

Meaux, the martyrs of, 15.

royal flight from, 269.

the massacre at, 452.

Medals, commemorative, 464, 466.

Mercurial of Henry II., 51.

Mergey, adieu of Rambouillet, 401.

Mérindol destroyed, 12.

Merlin, the admiral’s chaplain, consoles Coligny, 380.

singular escape, 408.

Micheli’s account of the Huguenots, 174.

Michelle de Caignoncle’s alms, 18.

Minard, President, shot, 74.

Miracle of the flowering thorn, 434.

Moderate party, 285, 315, 328, 330.

Monceaux, meeting of conspirators at, 377.

Moncontour, battle of, 305.

Mons, capture of, 358.

Montauban, Huguenot assembly at, 477.

Montbrun takes up arms, 95.

Montfauçon, the gibbet at, 411.

Montgomery kills Henry II., 58.

governor of Rouen, 213.

escapes from Paris, 428.

made prisoner, 481.

Montluc, Bishop, his speech at Fontainebleau, 99.

Montluc, Blaise de, his barbarities, 230.

wise severity, 264.

Montmorency, Constable, 27.

his cruelty, 28.

dismissed, 71.

combines with Guise and St. André, 163.

burns the meeting-houses, 208.

made prisoner at Dreux, 220.

killed at St. Denis, 273.

Montmorency, Marshal, threatens Cardinal Lorraine, 261.

advises war with Spain, 331.

tries to negotiate with Huguenots, 339.

Montsoreau, his treachery and cruelty, 448.

Moreau burned at Troyes, 16.

Moulins, assembly at, 258.

Coligny and Guise reconciled at, 260.

Mouvans, death of, 96.

Muretus panegyrizes the murderers, 466.

Music, decline of, in church, 46.

N.

Nantes, meeting at, 79.

refusal of magistrates to kill Huguenots, 448.

Nassau, Count Louis of, at Moncontour, 305.

Nassau, Count Louis of, interview with Charles at Lumigny, 331.

Navarre, King of; _see_ Anthony.

Navy, French, in sixteenth century, 126.

Nemours, Duke of, 270.

Duchess of, proposal that she shall assassinate Coligny, 377.

Nerac, meeting at, 103.

Nevers, Duke of, his timidity, 321.

Nismes, results of persecution at, 94.

Michelade of, 276.

captured by Huguenots, 310.

order preserved, 458.

Noises in the air, 436.

Normandy, distress in, 31.

Notables, Assembly of, at St. Germains, 175.

Number of the victims in Paris, 459.

the provinces, 461.

O.

Oppède, Baron of, his cruelty, 12.

Orange, butchery at, 234.

Organization of Reformed Church, 55.

Orleans, the court at, 104.

seized by Huguenots, 197.

besieged by Duke of Guise, 220.

Huguenots burned at, 309.

massacre at, 450.

Orsini’s mission, 471.

Orthez, his reply to Charles, 455.

P.

Palissy, Bernard, patronized by Catherine, 322.

Paré, Ambrose, tends Coligny’s wounds, 380.

a witness of the murder, 408.

escorted to the Louvre, 410.

singular confession of king to, 435.

on the death of Charles, 482.

Pardaillan, his foolish threats, 389.

murdered in the Louvre, 415.

Paris, lawlessness of, 76.

in 1560, 137.

arming of the citizens, 198.

outrages in, 207.

disturbed state of, in winter of 1571, 344.

panic at news of Genlis’s defeat, 359.

Parliament of Paris, divisions in, 49.

Pavannes, martyrdom of, 5.

Peasantry, condition of, 117.

Pedlar burned at Velay, 36.

Petrucci cuts off the admiral’s head, 409.

Philip II. intrigues against France, 160, 176.

treasonable correspondence with Triumvirate, 209.

offers aid to France, 316.

threatens war, 329.

joy at the massacre, 467.

Philippa de Lunz burned, 42.

Philippe Richarde, the king’s Huguenot nurse, 481.

Pieds Nus, les, their atrocities, 226.

Pius V., congratulatory letters, 289, 298, 306.

advises continuance of war, 314.

Placards, affair of, 7.

inflammatory, 42.

Pluviers, Huguenot retaliation at, 216.

Poissy, colloquy at, 166.

opened, 169.

Poitiers, severities at, 74.

Politiques, les, 286, 315, 328, 330.

Poltrot murders Francis of Guise, 221.

extolled as a martyr by Huguenots, 223.

Pontoise, the States of, 163.

Population in 1560, 122.

Pré aux Clercs, psalm-singing, 46.

Progress of reform, 31.

Provinces of France, 113.

Provins, brutal scene at, 135.

grievances, 149.

rejoicings at news of Jarnac, 299.

flight of the Huguenots, 457.

Provost of Paris, king’s instructions to, 399.

Punishments, 133.

Q.

Quentin, Jean, orator of the clergy, 152.

speech at Orleans, 154.

R.

Raleigh, Walter, joins the Huguenots, 294.

opinion of Condé, 299.

Ramus, Peter, murdered, 423.

Reformed Church, its organization, 55.

doctrines, their rapid extension, 174.

Regnier de la Planche, 87.

Reiters, their cupidity, 275, 281.

Relics, abuse of, 4.

Religious wars, First, 195.

Second, 269.

Third, 291.

Renaudie, Bary de la, 79, 81.

Rennes, disturbances at, 156.

Rents in Auvergne, 117.

Revival of learning, 3.

Roads in France, 114.

Roche-Abeille, battle of, 302.

Rochelle, violence at, 236.

besieged by Anjou, 474.

siege raised, 474.

Rome, exultation at, 466.

Romorantin, edict of, 88.

Ronsard, the poet, 226.

Rouen, ballet at, 141.

besieged, 213.

reprisals at, 214.

the massacre at, 452.

Rue St. Jacques, affair of, 40.

S.

Sadolet, his charity, 15.

St. André, 66.

joins the Triumvirate, 163.

killed at Dreux, 219.

St. Calais, monks of, 238.

Croix; _see_ Santa Croce.

Cyr, Count of, his desperate charge, 305.

Denis, battle of, 272.

Germains, Notables at, 182.

peace of, 314.

Hérem refuses to obey order, 454.

Médard, riot of, 181.

Quentin, defeat at, 40.

Salviati’s report of the massacre, 418.

Sancerre, the siege of, 476.

capitulates, 477.

Santa Croce praises Reformers, 159.

describes the state of Paris, 182.

praises the admiral, 410.

Saverne, conference at, 186.

Senlis, Huguenots exiled, 456.

Sens, massacre at, 199.

Sermons and congregations, 173.

Shrove-Tuesday plot, 478.

Sigognes, governor of Dieppe, 288.

Silly, Jacques de, orator of the nobles, 152.

speech at Orleans, 152.

Sisteron, massacre at, 200.

deserted by Huguenots, 237.

Soubise, his resistance, 422.

indignities to corpse, 415.

States-General of Orleans, 148.

opened by king, 150.

Street architecture, 135.

Strozzi, Cardinal, his atrocities, 232.

Strozzi, Colonel-general, captured at Roche-Abeille, 303.

drowns the camp-followers, 315.

unpopular in army, 320.

Stuart, Robert, murders the constable, 273.

Sully escapes the massacre, 428.

Sumptuary laws, 120.

Superstitions, 131.

Synod, first Reformed, meets in Paris, 54.

of Poissy, impracticable temper of Huguenot ministers, 173.

of Rochelle, 321.

T.

Tailor, martyrdom of a, 31.

Talcy, interview at, 205.

Tavannes suggests ecclesiastical reforms, 93.

plunders Macon, 237.

appointed military superintendent during massacre, 398.

complains of apathy of citizens, 400.

sanguinary cry, 447.

Taverny, stout resistance of, 422.

Taxation in 1560, 123.

Teligny, his mission to the king, 334.

marries the admiral’s daughter, 334.

sent in pursuit of Maurevel, 381.

last night with Coligny, 403.

murdered, 412.

Tende, Count of, 447.

Thomas of St. Paul burned, 17.

Thoury, negotiations at, 204.

“Tiger,” the, a satire, 90.

note on the, 111.

Tocsin rung, 413.

Tossinghi steals the admiral’s gold chain, 409.

Toulon in 1560, 143.

Toulouse, massacres at, 237, 453.

Tournament in Paris, 57.

Tours, massacre at, 211.

Traveling in France, 114.

Trent, instructions to Council of, 92.

Council of, 245.

Triumvirate, the, formed, 163.

treasonable correspondence with Philip II., 209.

Troyes, the massacre at, 452.

V.

Valence, reform in, 96.

Vaudois, massacre of, 12.

Vassy, massacre at, 187.

Catholic exultation over, 190.

Velay, contests in, 36.

Vendome, meeting at, 72.

Victims, number of, 459, 461.

Vigor, Simon, ferocious sermon of, 177.

Villars, Count of, describes state of Nismes, 94.

Villemangis beheaded, 84.

W.

Wages in 1560, 117.

Walsingham on Anjou’s ambition, 316.

opinion of king, 336.

letter on defeat of Genlis, 359.

on war in Flanders, 360.

report of meeting at Montpipeau, 364.

describes the execution of Briquemaut, 443.

Wild animals in France, 115.

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FOOTNOTES:

[1] In judging these and other great historical criminals, we must

bear in mind the age in which they lived. To borrow the language of

Mr. Hepworth Dixon in his eloquent vindication of Lord Bacon: “The cry

of pain, the gasp of death, were no such shocks to the gentle heart as

they would be in a softer time. Men had been hardened in the [martyrs’]

fire. Minds were infected by the atrocities of [Huguenot] plots. The

ballads sung in the streets were steeped in blood.” In such times of

frenzy even the merciful become cruel.

[2] _Hist. of Popes_, i. 120 (Mrs. Austin’s).

[3] From a sermon quoted by Sismondi, _Hist. des Français_.

[4] _Mém. de l’Acad. Stanislas_, Nancy, 1862, p. 369.

[5] Here are some of the objects once preserved in the cathedral of

Clermont:--“Imprimis de umbilico Filii Dei cum quinque unguibus de

sinistra manu; præpucium ipsius cum duabus unguibus de dextra manu, et

de pannis quibas fuit involutus, et undecimam partem sudarii quod fuit

ante oculos ejus cum sanguine ipsius, et de tunica, et de barba, et

de capillis, et de præcincto ejus cum sanguine et tres ungues ejus ex

recisione manus dexteræ et partem spinæ coronæ, et de pane quem ipse

benedixit, et ex spongia ejus, et ex virgis quibus cæsus fuit, et de

capillis Beatæ Mariæ tres et brachiale ejus, et de vestimento ipsius

cum lacte.”--Baluze, ii. p. 39; Dulaure, _Descript. Auvergne_, p.

197.

[6] _Réponse à quelque apologie_, etc. 1558, fol. 2.

[7] “De plano, sine strepitu et figura judicii, prout in similibus

consuevit.”--Isambert: _Recueil des Lois Fr._ t. xii. p. 231.

[8] Florimond de Rémond: _Histoire de la naissance, etc. de l’hérésie

de ce siècle_, bk. vii. p. 931.

[9] Beza: _Hist. Eccles._ liv. i. For this “Affair of the

Placards” see Merle d’Aubigné: _Reform. in time of Calvin_,

vol. iii. bk. iv. ch. 9 to 12. A passage like this must have been

as offensive as it was unjustifiable: “Nous ne voulons croire à vos

idoles, à vos lieux nouveaux et nouveaux Christs, qui se laissent

manger aux bêtes et à vous pareillement, qui êtes pires que bêtes, en

vos badinages lequels vous faites à l’entour de votre dieu de pâte

duquel vous vous jouez comme un chat d’une souris,” etc.

[10] Eustathius de Knobelsdorff to George Cassander, in _Illustr.

et Clar. Viror. Epist. Selectæ._, Lugd. Bat. 1617, quoted in Baum:

_Leben Beza’s_.

[11] _Hist. des guerres dans le Venaissin_, etc. i. p. 39.

Published anonymously, but the author was Father Justin, a Capuchin

monk. See also Muston: _Israël des Alpes_, 1851.

[12] Bossuet (_Hist. des Variations_, liv. xi. § 143) acknowledges

their piety, but calls it “feigned,” and ascribes their virtues to the

inspiration of the devil.

[13] Cabasse: _Hist. Parl. Provence_.

[14] Il n’existe plus rien du bourg florissant de Mérindol. Lacretelle:

_Guerres de Rél._ i. p. 31.

[15] Mezeray, iii. p. 1034.

[16] Some years ago a cave in a wild and almost inaccessible valley of

the Maritime Alps, near the village of Castiglione, was pointed out

to me as one of these places of refuge. It could be reached only by a

rope, and consisted of at least three chambers, one below the other. In

the Vivarrais there are many such caverns.

[17] Bouche calls them, “plutôt ignorans que rebelles,” and adds, “On

trouve dans l’histoire des nations les plus fanatiques et les plus

sauvages peu d’exemples d’une atrocité pareille.”--_Essai sur l’Hist.

de Provence_, ii. p. 83. See Papon, _Hist. de Provence_, for a

less favorable account of the Vaudois.

[18]

Viros et morte peremptos

Indigna, raptasque soluto crine puellas,

Et late miseris subjecta incendia vicis.

L’Hôpital, _De Causa Merindoli_.

[19] All the papers connected with this inquiry have perished. One of

the accused was the famous sea-captain Baron de la Garde, the same who

disputed the command of the Channel against Henry VIII., and occupied

the Isle of Wight in 1533. In the religious wars he sided with the

Huguenots.

[20] Capefigue: _Hist. de la Réforme_, ch. xvi.

[21] Non ego sum qui, ut quisque a nobis opinione dissentit, statim eum

odio habeam.

[22] In a poem composed at this time, he says, with more of Pagan

stoicism than Christian fortitude--

Sus, mon esprit, montrez vous de tel cœur,

Votre assurance au besoin soit connue;

Tout gentil cœur, tout constant belliqueur,

Jusqu’à la mort sa force a maintenue.

[23] Imberdis: _Hist. Guerres Civ._ 8vo. Moulins, 1840.

[24] A curious apology has been made for Francis I. Mezeray, answering

an Italian writer, who had insinuated that the king had permitted the

spread of heresy by taking no heed of it, says:--“Quoi donc, faire six

ou sept rigoureux édits pour l’étouffer, convoquer plusieurs fois le

clergé, assembler un concile provincial, dépêcher à toute heure des

ambassades vers tous les princes de la chrétienté pour en assembler un

général, brûler les hérétiques par douzaines, les envoyer aux galères

par centaines, et les bannir par milliers: est-ce là permettre, ou n’y

prendre pas garde,” etc. ii. p. 1038.

[25] _P. Castellani Vita_, auct. P. Gallandio, 8vo. 1674.

[26] _Petri Paschalii Histor. Fragm._ Dupuy MSS. Raumer: _Hist.

16th and 17th Centuries_, i. 261.

[27] Matteo Dandolo in 1542 and Lorenzo Contarini in 1551 describe

Henry in nearly the same terms. See Alberi: _Relazioni degli Ambas.

Veneti_. (8vo. Firenze.) Ser. I. vol. iv. 1860, pp. 27 and

60.

[28] M. Capefigue has attempted this in his one-sided fashion; but

Alberi extols her as a model of almost every Christian virtue.

[29] Sismondi says she was only 13, but from her birth, 13th April,

1519, to her wedding-day is 14½ years.

[30] “Li occhi grossi proprj alla casa de’ Medici.” Suriano. On the

ceiling of a room in the château of Tanlay, between Tonnerre and

Moutbard, which once belonged to the Chatillons, there was (and

probably still is) a figure of Catherine as Juno, with two faces: one,

masculine and sinister, the other with a remarkable sweetness and

dignity of expression. In the gallery at Eu there were two portraits

(probably copies) representing her as exceedingly fair: in one, the

hair was of a reddish tinge; in the other, the eyebrows were light and

the eyes hazel.

[31] Giovanni Soranzo, 14th August, 1557. _Relazioni_, p. 8.

[32] “Non si troveria persona che non si lasciasse cavare del sangue

per fargli avere un figlio.”--Matt. Dandolo.

[33] His tomb, by Jean Goujon, is in Rouen cathedral.

[34] Brantome describes her at the age of sixty-five as being “so

lovely that the most insensible person could not look upon her without

emotion;” and ascribes her beauty to a bouillon she took every morning

composed of “or potable et autres drogues que je ne sais pas.” De

Thou says she made Henry constant to her “philtris et magicis (ut

creditur) artibus.” A hideous story of her bathing in blood to preserve

her beauty is told of “cette Hérodias” in the _Mélange critique de

Littérature_, ii. p. 113. At Dijon there is a three-quarter portrait

of her entirely undraped. The form is exceedingly lovely, the face a

long oval, the eyes dark, eyebrows delicate, hair a bright auburn, and

complexion fair.

[35] They were the emblems of mourning which widows in those days never

put off.

[36] “Particolarmente la dispensazione delli benefici ecclesiastici è

in man sua.”--Soranzo.

[37] “Il quale l’ha amata, ed ama e godi cosi vecchia come è.” L.

Contarini (1551): _Relazioni Veneti_, iv. 1860, p. 78; Baschet:

_La Diplomatie vénitienne_, p. 432. G. Soranzo (1558) writes to

the same effect; but M. Cavalli is of quite a contrary opinion. “Questo

amore non sia lascivo, ma come materno filiale.”--Raumer, i. p. 259.

[38] The pope significantly sent her a pearl necklace shortly

after Henry’s accession. The French have recently erected a statue

to her memory. It is painful to see a noble nation so deficient

in self-respect as to make idols of the mistresses of their

sovereigns--Agnes Sorel, Diana, Gabrielle d’Estrées, and others.

[39] “Au col de sa jument.”--_Gargantua_, liv. i. ch. 17.

[40] “Il ne savait ni lire ni écrire.”--Marsollier: _Hist. duc de

Bouillon_, i. 7 (Paris, 1719).

[41] He was named Anne, after his godmother Anne of Brittany. He had

four sons and five daughters; his sister Louisa, a widow, married

Gaspard de Coligny, the father of the Admiral. Louisa’s first husband

was the Marshal de Maille, and her daughter Dame de Roye was mother of

the Dame de Rove who married Condé.

[42] These “crescents,” so often found interlaced with H, are supposed

to be the device of Diana of Poitiers; I am more inclined to regard

them as a fanciful C, to indicate Catherine.

[43] Félibien: _Hist. de la Ville de Paris_, tom. ii. liv. xx. p.

1031 (fol. 1725).

[44] Félibien, tom. v. p. 378.

[45] The intellect of the day was on the side of the Reform: “Peintres,

orlogiers, imagiers, orfèvres, libraires, imprimeurs, et autres, qui en

leurs métiers, ont _quelque noblesse d’esprit_.”--Flor. de Remond,

an unimpeachable witness.

[46] Bras de Bourgueville: _Recherches sur Caen_, 2^e partie, p.

162; Cte Hector de la Ferrière-Percy: _Hist. du Canton d’Athis_.

8vo. Paris, 1858.

[47] Montluc says the nobles adopted the Reform out of a spirit of

opposition. “Il n’était fils de bonne maison qui ne voulut goûter de

cette réforme nouvelle.”

[48] About the same time another edict forbade the faithful to send

money to Rome.--Lacretelle.

[49] On the 19th June, 1551, the papal nuncio represented to the king

that he “must forbid the printing and circulation of all heretical

books.... If your majesty fail to punish these damnable writers, the

evil may proceed so far as to defy all remedy.”--Raumer, i. 262. The

severities of the Chateaubriant edict proving ineffectual, it was

declared by another edict (27th May, 1558), that the illegal printing

of any book on religion would be punished by “confiscation de corps et

de biens.”

[50] Matthew Ory, of the order of Preaching Friars, had been invited

from Italy by Cardinal de Tournon, and by letters patent of Francis

I. (30th May, 1536) permitted to exercise the office of inquisitor at

Lyons, in which post he was confirmed by the edict of Henry II. (22d

June, 1550).

[51] On this point see the continuation of Longueval’s _Hist. Eglise

Gall._ by J. M. Prat (4to, 1847), t. xix. p. 96.

[52] “L’autorité et souveraineté tant du roi que de sa couronne

serait grandement diminuée quand les sujets naturels du roi seraient

prévenus et entrepris par un official ou inquisiteur.”--_Hist. des

Martyrs._ f. 463.

[53] Minute of Secretary Ribier, p. 677; Sismondi, xviii. p. 59. See

also Belcarius: _Rer. Gall. Comment._ p. 868.

[54] “Existimant omnis publicæ cladis, omnis popularis incommodi

Christianos esse causam. Si Tiberis ascendit in mœnia, si Nilus non

ascendit in arva, sicœlum stetit, si terra movet, si fames, si lues,

statim--Christianos ad leonem!”--Tertullian, _Apol._ c. 40.

[55] Pasquier: _Lettres_, p. 195 (ed. Arras. 1598) says it

happened in August, three days after the battle of St. Laurent, before

the walls of St. Quentin, which was taken six weeks later. But these

letters were written for effect--many of them some time after the

events they record. Drion (_Chronol._) says “May.”

[56] Her favorite, Madame de Crussol, Duchess of Usez, held the

Reformed opinions.

[57] Bonnet: _Lettres de Calvin_, ii. 125, _note_. Letter

from Fr. Morel. The prisoners were 120 to 130 in number.

[58] Raynald: _Ann. Eccles._ ad an. 1557; Sarpi: _Concil.

Trent_, lib. v. No. 33.

[59] “Aut integras urbes absumere aut veritati locum aliquem

concedere.”--Baum: _Leben Beza’s_, i. p. 453.

[60] Florimond de Remond: _Hist. des Martyrs_, fol. 395.

[61] Strada: _De Bello Belg._ dec. i. lib. 3.

[62] Marot translated fifty, Beza the remainder.

[63] Somewhat later (in 1561) the Sorbonne formally declared the

singing of Psalms _not_ contrary to the Catholic faith.

[64] The Pré aux Clercs exists no longer, not even in name. It was a

pleasant meadow on the banks of the Seine, between the abbey of St.

Germain des Prés and the Invalides.

[65] _Hist. Heres._ f. 1033.

[66] “Criant par dépit comme crieurs d’oublies.”--_MS. de Médicis._

[67] This probably is what the English commissioner alludes to,

when writing in January, 1559, he says: “There was an appointment

made between the late pope, the King of Spain, and the French king,

for the joining of their forces together for the suppression of

religion.”--Forbes: _Full View of the Public Transactions in the

Reign of Queen Elizabeth_, i. p. 196 (fol. Lond. 1740).

[68] Vauvilliers, i. p. 89.

[69] During the period embraced in this volume there were only eight

Parliaments, those of Paris, Toulouse, Grenoble, Bordeaux, Dijon,

Rouen, Aix, Rennes.

[70] _La vraie Hist. de la Proc. contre Du Bourg.: Mém. de Condé_,

i. 220.

[71] _Mem. de Vieilleville_, p. 705 (Panthéon Litt.)

[72] The date is uncertain; some give the 10th March, but the

discussion did not begin until the 26th April. Felice says the 10th

August, which must be a misprint.

[73] Throckmorton to Queen, 19th June, 1559, gives an account of this

remarkable sitting, in which the Cardinal of Lorraine displayed his

usual violence of language. Forbes: _Full View_, i. p. 126.

[74] Abbé Caveyrac says: “It was his fixed intention to destroy the

Protestants.”--_Apologie de Louis XIV._ p. 33.

[75] Groen van Prinsterer: _Archives_, Ser. I. 1841, vol. i. p.

34. The plot was first made known in the Apology published by the

Prince of Orange. Alva said that Henry had made peace, “para que el

quedasse la mano libera para remediar lo.”--Gachard, ii. p. 181;

Raynald: _Ann. Eccles._

[76] Du Puis, a Jacobite priest, asserted “qu’à leur prêche les femmes

s’abandonnaient,” etc. See Flocquet: _Hist. parl. de Normandie_,

ii. p. 365.

[77] This organization was to a great extent the work of a gentleman

of Maine, by name La Ferrière, who had removed to Paris to escape

religious surveillance (1555).

[78] Calvin: _Serm. sur Timothée_, p. 65 (4to 1563).

[79] Alva to Philip: _Journ. des Savants_, 1857, p. 171.

[80] Art de vérifier les dates. Other authorities give June 21 and 24.

[81] Throckmorton to Council, 1st July, 1559; Forbes, i. 151;

_Lettere dei Principi_ (14th July, 1559), iii. 196. Montgomery

escaped to England, where he embraced the Reformed doctrines.

[82] Some authorities state that, though Henry lingered eleven days,

he never recovered either speech or reason. In the _Chanson de

Montgommery_ (1574) we read that he “prononça _à voix haute_,

Que n’avais nullement vers lui commis la faute.”

[83] Mezeray, ii. 1137. Claude Haton charges the Protestants with

trying to kill Henry in 1558, considering him “le tyran persécuteur de

l’église de Jésus Christ.”

[84] Gail: _Tableaux chronologiques_, p. 96 (8vo. Paris, 1819);

also Brantome.

[85] This discipline was in reality the work of Coligny.

[86] Claude Haton.

[87] Aubespine: _Doc. Hist. François II._, tom. ii. p. 428.

[88] Born 20th January, 1544, N.S. The medals say he was crowned on the

17th, Mezeray the 19th, and De Thou the 20th Sept., 1559. Such are the

discrepancies continually to be met with even in trivial matters.

[89] Card. Santa Croce writes: “La Regina di Scotia un giorno gli disse

che non sarebbe mai altro che figlia di un mercante.”

[90] Le Plat, v. p. 517.

[91] “Pulchro aspectu, procera statura, facie oblonga [the true

Lorraine face], fronte ampla et eminente.” _Gallia purpurata._

Beza said: “Had I the cardinal’s eloquence, I should hope to convert

half France.”

[92] Auberi: _Hist. Card. Richelieu_, i. liv. ii. p. 87 (ed. 1666).

[93] “Me participem fecit, ut tentationum ct passionum quibus per tot

annos quotidie moriebatur, omni hora de vita periclitabatur ... tam

_parum_ timidus quam _nimium_ esse putabatur.” Bayle, _sub

voce_.

[94] “Licenziosissimo per natura ... ingordizia inestimabile ... gran

duplicità.” _Relazioni d. Amb. Ven._ (ed. Alberi), p. 441.

[95] 9th April, 1561. MS. in Rouen Library; Leber, bundle B, No. 5720.

On the other side, see the “Supplication,” etc., reprinted in Bouillé:

_Hist. Guise_, p. 77.

[96] Micheli speaks of the “odio universale conceputo contro di lui per

i molti effetti d’offesa che mostrò verso ognuno mentre nel governo

ebbe l’autorità.”

[97] In the museum of Orleans there is a striking portrait of the

cardinal and of his nephew, Henry, the hero of the Massacre of St.

Bartholomew.

[98] He was born in 1518, and in 1548 married the heiress of Navarre

(born 1528), whose dowry consisted of the principality of Béarn and

the counties of Armagnac, Albret, Bigorre, Foix, and Comminges. Upper

Navarre had been seized by Spain.

[99] Marc Duval’s engraving of the three brothers is well known, and

has often been copied. In the Lenoir Collection (now belonging to the

Duke of Sutherland) there is a painting of the three brothers; and, if

I am correctly informed, there are other portraits at Knowle Park.

[100] Brantome quotes an Italian saying: “Dio me guarda del bel gigneto

del Principe (di Condé) e dell’ animo e _stecco_ dell’ Amiraglio.”

There was another saying: “Défiez-vous du _cure-dents_ de

l’Amiral, du _non_ du Connétable, et du _oui_ de Catherine.”

[101] Mr. Crowe, who seems to have taken his history of this period

from Davila, calls Coligny “a man of bold and imposing character,” and

says that he and Andelot were the inspiring causes of the religious

wars. So far as the admiral is concerned, this is quite contrary to the

fact.

[102] _Rer. Scot. Hist._ lib. xvi. p. 567 (ed. 1668).

[103] Lippomano in Baschet, p. 494; Throckmorton to Queen, 13th July,

1560, in Forbes, i. p. 159.

[104] Throckmorton says that the cardinal took pattern from the

proclamations and injunctions of Pole and Bonner. Forbes, i. p. 161 and

233.

[105] Regnier de la Planche, p. 227.

[106] December 12th, 1559. This same Stuart claimed Queen Mary’s

protection as a blood-relation. He made the constable prisoner at

Dreux, mortally wounded him at St. Denis, and being taken at Jarnac,

fighting on the Huguenot side, was murdered by permission, if not by

order, of Henry of Anjou. Claude Haton has a story that he was hanged

at Paris in July, 1569. He was in the Amboise plot, and escaped by

flight.

[107] Authors differ as to the day of his death; the dates given are

20th November; 20th, 21st, 22d, and 23d December. “Duodecimo kal.

Januarii,” says Belcarius, p. 921.

[108] Mezeray, _Abrégé Chron._ He appears to be copying Regnier de

la Planche.

[109] _Hist. de l’Hérésie_, p. 865.

[110] _Hist. des Perséc. de l’Église de Paris_, p. lxiv.

[111] _Hist. État de France sous François II._ (8vo. 1576). This

work is generally ascribed to La Planche, but if so, he would hardly

sneer at himself (p. 404) as “plus politique que religieux.” It was

probably written by Jean de Serres, author of the _Commentarii de

Statu Religionis_.

[112] “Certains garnements n’avaient plutôt crié: Au luthérien, au

christandin--qu’ils ne fussent non seulement quittes de leurs dettes.”

Regnier de la Planche.

[113] Forbes, i. p. 262.

[114] Ibid., p. 292.

[115] The _Défense contre les Tyrans_ of Hubert Languet treats

of the limits of obedience to kings, of the causes which justify

arming, and when foreign aid may be sought. Davila confesses that the

Protestants were forced to measures of self-defense, “per liberarsi

della durezza della condizione presente.”

[116] Barthold: _Deutschland und die Huguenotten_, i. p. 262.

[117] The “mute chief” was certainly Condé. Belcaire calls him “ducem

ἀνώνυμον.”

[118] “At si viribus superiores fuissent, haud dubium quin utrumque

[of the Guises] immaniter trucidaverint, quibus Franciscum Stuardumque

reginam addidissent, aut saltem hanc ad Elizabetham Angliæ reginam,

æmulam et _ejus conjurationis consciam_, (?) misissent.”

Belcarius: _Rer. Gall. Comment._ There is not the slightest ground

for supposing Elizabeth knew any thing of the Amboise plot.

[119] “The French king removeth hence toward Amboise the 5th February.”

Killigrew to Queen, 28th Jan. 1560; Forbes, i. pp. 315, 320. “The 23d,

the French king arrived, which was two days sooner than he was looked

for.” Forbes, i. p. 334.

[120] Of this Des Avenelles there are very contradictory accounts. He

was rewarded with a judicial appointment in Lorraine, and De Thou adds

that he remained a Protestant until death.

[121] Throckmorton to Cecil, 7th March; Forbes, i. 353.

[122] “Il s’en trouvait en la rivière tantôt 6, 8, 10, 12, 15 attachés

à desperches.... Les rues d’Amboise étaient coulantes de sang, et

tapissées de corps morts, si qu’on ne pouvait durer par la ville pour

la puanteur et infection.” Regnier de la Planche, p. 257; Montfauçon:

_Monuments de la Monarchie Fr._ v. p. 81; Forbes, i. 378.

[123] This poisoned ball, says Brantome, was of mixed metal, so hard

that no armor could resist it.

[124] See a plate in _De Leone Belg._, representing the execution

of Villemangis.