The life and career of a remarkable individual were successively involved
in the several traditions of the Ghost Dance, mescalism, old Algonquian
shamanistic “shooting” ceremonies and finally peyotism. Both for its
intrinsic interest and its historical significance we give here in some
detail the life of this man. Wilson appears first as a leader in the
Ghost Dance movement of the 1890’s. Mooney[1] writes:
The principal leader of the Ghost dance among the Caddo
is Nĭshkûntŭ, “Moon Head,” known to the whites as John
Wilson. Although considered a Caddo, and speaking only
that language,[2] he is very much of a mixture, being half
Delaware, one-fourth Caddo, and one-fourth French. One of his
grandfathers was a Frenchman. As the Caddo lived originally
in Louisiana, there is a considerable mixture of French blood
among them, which manifests itself in his case in a fairly
heavy beard. He is about 50 years of age [in 1892-93], rather
tall and well built, and wears his hair at full length flowing
loosely over his shoulders. With a good head and strong,
intelligent features, he presents the appearance of a natural
leader.... He was one of the first Caddo to go into a trance,
the occasion being the great Ghost dance held by the Arapaho
and Cheyenne near Darlington agency, at which Sitting Bull
presided, in the fall of 1890. On his return to consciousness
he had wonderful things to tell of his experiences in the
spirit world, composed a new song, and from that time became
the high priest of the Caddo dance. Since then his trances
have been frequent, both in and out of the Ghost dance, and in
addition to his leadership in this connection he assumes the
occult powers and authority of a great medicine-man, all the
powers claimed by him being freely conceded by his people.
Captain Scott, who visited the Caddo in 1890-91 during the period of
their greatest excitement about the Ghost Dance, also met Wilson, of whom
he writes:[3]
John Wilson, a Caddo man of much prominence, was especially
affected [by the Ghost Dance], performing a series of gyrations
that were most remarkable. At all hours of the day and night
his cry could be heard all over camp, and when found he would
be dancing in the ring, possibly upon one foot, with his eyes
closed and the forefinger of his right hand pointed upward, or
in some other ridiculous posture. Upon being asked his reasons
for assuming these attitudes he replied that he could not help
it; that it came over him just like cramps.
Wilson soon became a well-known doctor in this connection. Scott
continues:
John Wilson had progressed finely, and was now a full-fledged
doctor, a healer of diseases, and a finder of stolen property
through supernatural means. One day, while we were in the tent,
a Wichita woman entered, led by the spirit. It was explained
to us that she did not even know who lived there, but some
force she could not account for brought her. Having stated
her case to John, he went off into a fit of the jerks, in
which his spirit went up and saw “his father” (i.e., God), and
who directed him how to cure this woman. When he came to, he
explained the cure to her, and sent her away rejoicing. Soon
afterwards a Keechei man came in, who was blind of one eye, and
who desired to have the vision restored. John again consulted
his father, who informed him that nothing could be done for
that eye because that man held aloof from the dance.
When Mooney visited the Caddo on Sugar Creek late in 1895,
John Wilson came down from his own camp to explain his part
in the Ghost dance. He wore a wide-brim hat, with his hair
flowing down to his shoulders, and on his breast, suspended
from a cord, about his neck, was a curious amulet consisting
of the polished end of a buffalo horn, surrounded by a circlet
of downy red feathers, within another circle of badger and owl
claws. He explained that this was the source of his prophetic
and clairvoyant inspiration. The buffalo horn was “God’s
heart,” the red feathers contained his own heart,[4] and the
circle of claws represented the world. When he prayed for help,
his heart communed with “God’s heart,” and he learned what he
wished to know. He had much to say also of the moon. Sometimes
in his trances he went to the moon and the moon taught him
secrets.... He claimed an intimate acquaintance with the other
world and asserted positively that he could tell me “just what
heaven is like.” Another man who accompanied him had a yellow
sun with green rays painted on his forehead, with an elaborate
rayed crescent in green, red, and yellow on his chin, and
wore a necklace from which depended a crucifix and a brass
clockwheel, the latter, as he stated, representing the sun.
On entering the room where I sat awaiting him, Nĭshkûntŭ
approached and performed mystic passes in front of my face
with his hands, after the manner of the hypnotist priests in
the Ghost dance, blowing upon me the while, as he afterward
explained to blow evil things away from me before beginning to
talk on religious subjects....[5] Laying one hand on my head,
and grasping my own hand with the other, he prayed silently
for some time with bowed head, and then lifting his hand from
my head, he passed it over my face, down my shoulder and arm
to the hand, which he grasped and pressed slightly, and then
released the fingers with a graceful upward sweep.[6]
A curious mixture of Caddoan (?) mescalism, Ghost Dance, Delaware
“shooting” ceremonies and early peyotism occurred among the Shawnee when
Wilson came to them about 1889. The Quapaw were being taught the Ghost
Dance, in which a small water drum was used to accompany the circling of
the dancers, alternately men and women. Wilson showed them how to swallow
mescal beans, and also how to “shoot” them into a person so that he or
she would fall down. Then he doctored the person with peyote to bring him
back to consciousness. A number of tribes were involved in these doings,
according to Mrs. Voegelin, the Shawnee, Delaware, Mohawk, Peoria, Caddo
(?), Quapaw, Iowa and Oto. Gradually, however, Wilson turned from the
Ghost Dance to peyote. Already in Mooney’s time he was “prominent in the
mescal [i.e., peyote] rite, which has recently come to his tribe [the
Caddo] from the Kiowa and Comanche.”[7]
Both mescalism and the Ghost Dance, in his person, have traceable
influence upon peyotism. This syncretism of cultures in one personality
is of considerable interest.
Before Wilson had quite reached the age of forty, he had lived
the life of an ordinary Indian of Oklahoma. He was addicted to
moderate drinking. He frequented the social dances and gambling
gatherings usual among reservation groups of his type. He had
participated likewise in the contemporary religious ceremonies
performed by the Delaware.... As a vagrant, not however in
the condemning sense of the term, he had wandered as most
Oklahoma Indians do, from tribe to tribe and inevitably also
among the whites experiencing the wide range of personal and
social contacts which might be inferred from the statement.
Anderson states, in short, that his uncle had lived a sinful
life but adds in effect that he had not been guilty of any
major offences. He was married to a woman of Delaware and Caddo
descent and had an adopted son, Black Wolf, reputed to be also
part Delaware part Caddo, and who is still living (1932) and
carrying out Wilson’s teachings and ministrations.
About this time he attended a Comanche dance, where a Comanche man
presented him with a peyote button and told him to give it a trial—which
he did in an unusually thorough manner. Speck continues:
Before long he concluded to adopt the advice given and to
retire from worldly companionship, to make the trial and to
study its outcome. With this objective in mind he informed
his wife, secured provisions for a few weeks stay in camp and
together they drove away in a wagon to a little creek where
an abundant supply of fresh drinkable water might be had.
The place he selected was a secluded “clean and open place”
where they would be alone free from intrusion and worldly
distractions. Anderson thinks that Wilson remained there about
two or three weeks but he does not remember hearing him say
how long. When all was ready he began his innovation to the
mysteries of Peyote the first night by eating 8 or 9 “buttons.”
We learn that during the period of self exposure to the power
of Peyote he took the medicine at frequent intervals during the
day or night as the impulse prompted him using about the same
quantity each time it was taken. As soon as he began, using the
words of the informant, “_Peyote took pity on him_” for his
humble mien and sincere desire to learn its power. During the
whole period he allowed nothing to distract him, giving his
entire thought and wish to learn what Peyote might teach him.
The outcome was the revelation that motivated him for the rest
of his life and made him a teacher of the Peyote doctrines,
which he himself exclusively evolved through the revelations
given him at this time.
During the time of his sojourn, Wilson did not fast or undergo
other abnegations but lived normally.... Each time Wilson
took peyote during those days and nights of seclusion he ate
about fifteen peyote “buttons.” ... During the two weeks or
so of his experimental seclusion, Wilson was continually
translated in spirit to the sky realm where he was conducted
by Peyote. In this estate he was shown the figures in the sky
and the celestial landmarks which represented the events in
the life of Christ, and also the relative positions of the
Spiritual Forces, the Moon, Sun, Fire, which had long been
known to the Delawares, through native traditional teachings,
as Grandfather and Elder Brothers. Here, too, he was shown the
grave of Christ, now empty, “where Christ had rolled away the
rocks at the door of the grave and risen to the sky.” He was
shown, always under the guidance of Peyote, the “Road” which
led from the grave of Christ to the Moon in the Sky which
Christ had taken in his ascent. He was told by Peyote to walk
in this path or “Road” for the rest of his life, advancing
step by step as his knowledge would increase through the use
of peyote, remaining faithful to its teachings ... [and if he
did] he would finally, just before his death, bring him into
the actual presence of Christ and of Peyote.... The details of
construction of the earth works to form the “Moon” which he was
to construct in the Peyote tent were all revealed to him with
their meanings as Peyote continued his instructions to Wilson
during his visits to the sky.... Also came revelations as to
how the face should be painted, the hair dressed. Of major
importance, however, was the complete course of instruction
given to Wilson by Peyote in the singing and syllabization of
the numerous Peyote songs which were to form the principal
parts of the ceremony of worship. Anderson felt certain that
Wilson possessed and used no less than two hundred of these
songs.[8]
[Illustration: Fig. 6. An Osage altar of the John Wilson Big Moon type.
A, “Peyote path,” or Moon-Head (Wilson’s name); B, hole for “arrow”
when not in use; C, “Heart of Goodness” where father peyote is placed;
D, Heart of the World above which the ritual fire is built; E, the Sun,
giver of life. The east-west line is the “straight road” the way to
heaven, or “thinking straight”; the north-south line represents “the
road across the world”; together they form a cross symbolic of the
crucifixion.]
[Illustration: Fig. 7. A variant Osage moon of somewhat esoteric
symbolism. This and the Osage moon in Figure 6 are reproduced through the
courtesy of Mr. D. F. Murphy.]
Wilson’s original moon, however, passed through an evolution, for
Anderson’s drawing in Speck is considerably simpler in design than those
depicted for the Osage by Murphy, or photographed by the author for the
Quapaw. An early version, apparently, is one collected from Henry Hunt
(Wichita) near Anadarko. In this the crescent or “moon” is elongated to
imitate the parted hair of an Indian, whose eyes are the two mounds of
ashes between its horns; a line runs from the father-peyote to the east,
terminating in a mound with five circles concentrically zoning it like
a globe-map, with another line at right angles to this drawn from tip
to tip of the crescent, making a cross, at the intersection of which
is drawn a heart resembling a man’s nose. There is also a heart at the
“parting” of the hair, on which the fetish peyote rests, and a third
one on the top of the zoned mound at the east. This altar is said to
symbolize Moonhead’s face, and indeed it much resembles one when seen
from the eastern door. Speck says in confirmation of our conjecture that
at first, he said, he made a small “Moon,” increasing its size
day by day symbolical of his progress in spiritual knowledge.
By the end of his sojourn amid spiritual environment, he came
to make the so-called large “Moon,” the Wilson “Moon” which has
become typical of his followers.[9]
But Wilson, no doubt, made still later additions, for these early moons
entirely lack the elaborate apron symbolism of the Osage and Quapaw
altars.
A Delaware informant said Wilson’s moon was first used north of Lookeba,
Oklahoma. Black Wolf and George Caddo were early converts to his
version—which, indeed may initially have been not so different from
the older Caddo moon with a cross and mound east of the crescent (the
Wilson division of the tipi into north and south side, for example, is
an old one in Caddoan ceremonial organization).[10] The symbolism of the
Wilson “Big Moon” receives varied interpretations nowadays. The Osage
call the three hearts of the altar the “Heart of Goodness,” the “Heart
of the World,” and the “Heart of Jesus;” others interpret the “world”
as the “sun.” The ashes are the graves of Christ and Wilson for some,
the dividing of the Red Sea for others. Some say the whole fire-pit is
the grave of Christ, and the ash mounds his lungs, as the figure under
the fire is his heart. The twelve lines of the altar apron are variously
the twelve steps to heaven, the twelve heavens of Delaware mythology,
the twelve months of the year, the twelve feathers of the eagle’s tail,
etc. The symbolism of seven for the “days of the week” is possibly
Southwestern in origin (cf. the seven bosses of the drum). Diamond-shaped
figures close to the sun-mound represent Christ’s foot-prints, according
to Petrullo,[11] while the “WW” or “MM” at the west of the altar are said
to mean this for the Quapaw (“Moonhead” or “Wilson” depending on one’s
position while reading the initials). The cross of the altar, of course,
is symbolical of the Crucifixion. The cigarette of corn husk is known as
the “Pipe of Jesus” among the Delaware.[12]
Peyote taught Wilson many variations in the ceremony as well. He used
a crock instead of a kettle for the peyote drum. At one period in the
development of the ritual only the firemen did the drumming besides the
leader and his assistant (i.e., four men, three firemen and the leader’s
assistant, proceeded clockwise around the tipi with the drum, drumming
for each singer in turn, instead of the standard method of passing the
drum for all to use); Wilson did not require the drum to make four
rounds, for this might occasionally have interfered with the morning
rite of filing out of the tipi “to meet the sun” with raised arms and
prayer. In his rite only the leader made the initial prayer-smoke, though
older men might ask for smokes later in the night if they so desired.
Cigarettes could be made only at one of four places, one informant
stated: at the leader’s place, at the north or south at the ends of the
cross, and at the fireman’s place, and the leader had to smoke all of
them first. Upon reentering after a recess, each person was incensed and
fanned by the firemen and others to blow away whatever evil influences
might cling to him from the outside night. In time Wilson added special
functionaries at the cross-bars of the crucifix to perform this fanning,
making eight officials: two fanners, three firemen-drummers and three
leaders (road man, drummer and cedar man) symbolizing the Father, Son
and Holy Ghost of the Christian Trinity. In the Wilson rite there was
much touching of the father peyote as communicants made their circuit
of the altar on reentering. It is said that water could be asked for at
any time, and permission to leave was not necessary if the rules about
passing in front of an eater or smoker were observed.
Wilson himself took his “moon” to the tribes of northeastern Oklahoma.
The Shawnee were influenced impermanently, and today only Ernest Spybuck
has a modified Big Moon. The Seneca were influenced through the Quapaw,
whom Wilson first succeeded in deeply influencing. The Quapaw leader,
Victor Griffin, made a moon at Devil’s Promenade which was modified
around 1906 or 1907 from Wilson’s moon.[13] The Delaware around Dewey
were much influenced by Wilson from 1890-92 on.[14] But the Osage were
the most important converts. By 1902 “most of the Indians at the Hominy
camp and elsewhere in the Nation [had] taken it up and become devoted to
it.”[15] Black Dog, one of the first Osage converts, introduced the “West
Moon” in which the door is at the west and the altar similarly reversed;
most of the Osage moons today, however, are the standard Clermont east
moons. The Potawatomi may have been influenced by the teachings of Wilson
somewhat also.[16] Wilson’s nephew, Anderson, brought the Seneca peyote
in 1907 on the request of a Seneca married to a Quapaw woman.[17]
The economic motive seems evident in much of Wilson’s behavior. Speck
tells of the introduction of peyote among the Osage as follows:[18]
[About 1891] John Wilson was on his way from Anadarko to
conduct meetings among the Delawares around Copan. While
passing through the Osage nation he visited Tall Chief, a
Quapaw married to an Osage woman. While here Wilson was stopped
by an Osage who had previously attended Peyote meetings among
the Delawares and requested to meet a group of Osage and tell
them about his revelations and his convictions and instruct
them in its rules. He consented and complied with their
wishes. The Osage in attendance at his meeting were convinced
and converted. He accordingly stayed on with them about
three weeks. Black Dog was at the time Chief of the Osage.
His tribe was won over in force to the Wilson sect of Peyote
worshippers.... J. Wilson then returned to Anadarko, leaving
behind him among the Osage two young Delawares who stayed back
attracted by the prospects of fortune offered by the wealthy
Osage. Wilson had received presents from the tribe of new
converts amounting to considerable value, a wagon, a carriage,
a buggy and teams of good horses and harness for each and other
horses, fourteen in all, not to mention blankets, goods and
money.
His death occurred after a similar mission to the Quapaw. He had been
among them to conduct a meeting and was returning to Anadarko in a buggy
with a Quapaw woman and another woman. Wilson’s wife was still living
at the time, and he was either offered the Quapaw woman or demanded her
while among the tribe. Speck quotes his nephew:[19]
Anderson said he did not like to think this but that the Quapaw
were not all good people and had possibly been actuated by a
desire to establish a home for Wilson in order to keep him and
his ministry in their midst.
In any event, Wilson had been given a number of horses, which were tied
to the back of his buggy. While crossing a railroad track, these horses
pulled back and prevented their crossing just as a locomotive bore down
upon them. Wilson was instantly killed. His detractors maintain that this
was just punishment for his failure to live up to his own teachings.
Since this period many communicants have fallen away from his “moon,” for
his own[20]
moral instructions ... referred to abstinence from liquor, to
restraint [in] sexual matters and fidelity to matrimony.
Though influenced by Catholic teachings, Wilson had a peculiar and
specific attitude toward the Bible.[21] According to Speck,[22] he
instructed the Indians to seek knowledge by direct communion
and to avoid consulting the Bible or the Gospels for the
purpose of moral instructions. He insisted that the Bible
was intended for the white man who had been guilty of the
crucifixion of Christ and that the Indian who had not been a
party to the deed was exempt from guilt on this score and that
therefore, the Indian was to receive his religious influences
directly and in person from God through the Peyote Spirit,
whereas Christ was sent for this mission to the white man.
He nevertheless embodied in his person many of the messianic
characteristics of his several native prophet predecessors; a Delaware
informant said “John Wilson used to perform miracles” in meetings, such
as divining what was in a man’s mind, and telling him who the persons
were that he saw in a vision. The Osage, at least formerly, had a marked
reverence for Wilson. Speck wrote in 1907 that[23]
pictures of Wilson are in demand among the devotees, who kiss
them on sight. The man has been deified since his death.
There is much variation of opinion about Wilson among Indians of various
tribes, but perhaps the statements of his nephew, George Anderson, are
authoritative if not entirely disinterested. Speck says:[24]
An idea seems to have become current, either through the rumors
of designing persons who opposed him or through exaggeration
among his followers, that Wilson is responsible for having
told his associates that he would return to life again after
death and also that they should pray to him in the Peyote
meetings.... Anderson denies that Wilson made either assertion.
He had heard Wilson tell in his meetings that at times the
worshippers when taking peyote might see him, as some are said
since to have done, his face appearing to their vision over the
fire. [With reference to the second statement Wilson on the
contrary warned them not to pray to him, but through peyote to
God.] ... This warning has not, however, prevented the practice
of praying directly to and through John Wilson from becoming
frequent among some of the Osages ... and probably among the
Quapaw.
In both the latter groups [Anderson] has seen Wilson’s portrait
placed on the “moon” in the Peyote lodge near the peyote
“button” and the crucifix. Some who do this, he is convinced,
actually concentrate thought upon Wilson instead of Peyote. And
Anderson regards both practices as contrary to the teachings
of Wilson. A custom has also spread among the Osage to wear a
portrait button of John Wilson on the coat or, when in native
dress, upon one of the fur or feather ornaments.... Anderson’s
testimony [was] that John Wilson told his followers that _he
was not sent by God to fulfill a mission_, but that he was
_shown_ by Peyote how to conduct religious worship in the
Peyote meetings in order to cure disease, heal injury, purge
the body from the effects of sin[25] and to lead the Indians to
reach the regions “above” _hukweyun_ in Delaware, or heaven,
where they would _see Peyote and the Creator_.
The Caddo and Delaware, nevertheless, display considerable “touchiness”
on the subject of John Wilson even today, since other tribes have
ridiculed his real or supposed claims to divinity. Native criticism is
not lacking either on the score of his economic exploitation of peyote
leadership.[26] Petrullo[27] writes that
his enemies claim that in the course of his life he professed
to have had fresh visions which always were interpreted to his
personal gain....
However, his followers staunchly deny these allegations. Perhaps in
answer to the accusation of being mercenary, Wilson, with one of his
followers named Wolf, themselves set up a meeting once, at which they
showed their generosity by giving away all their clothes with other gifts
until they were clad only in breechclouts.[28] Yet even so the belief is
widespread that his death was due to his exploitation of the gift-giving
pattern to the extreme of demanding a Quapaw woman for his wife.[29]
The Wilson sect is still strong among the Osage and the Quapaw, but
elsewhere, even among the Delaware and Caddo, it is waning considerably.
The Caddo show a disposition to return to the Enoch Hoag “moon,” which
is considered more “pure” and aboriginal.[30] But antagonisms to new
elements Wilson sought to introduce date as far back as 1885. About this
time Elk Hair was hunting in Comanche territory and learned a ritual he
has since kept without change:[31]
Elk Hair preferred the Comanche way because it was the pure
Indian way.... We brought back to our people the pure Peyote
rite and we have used Peyote in the right way ever since.
Elk Hair, according to Petrullo,[32] “has barely managed to keep
a following among the Delawares of Dewey,” but this region is the
stronghold of the Anderson family and if defection of the Anadarko groups
to the Hoag moon is any indication, we may expect a reinvigoration of the
Elk Hair rite. Indeed, War Eagle wrote from Dewey in 1932 that[33]
Bacon Rind [whose recent death is mentioned in the letter]
was one of the last of the old people who beli[e]ved in [the]
Wilson cult; these first followers of peyote are about all
gone. [The] small moon now prevales in the Osage. It will be
a blessing to the world when all the Quapaws and what few
Delawares [are left practicing it] will change [to the standard
peyote rite].