FOOTNOTES:

[1] Rouhier, _Monographie_, 231.

[2] Kobert, _Lehrbuch_, 1008-1009; Rouhier, _op. cit._, 227; Henry (T.

A.), _The Plant Alkaloids_, 199: Dixon (W. E.), _The Physiological

Action_, 71. Rouhier (_op. cit._, 228, 231) places peyotline in the

strychnine group; it has a narcotic and tetanic effect on animals, to be

sure, but in man, according to Jolly, it causes slight hypnosis, but no

anaesthesia. Schmiedeberg puts it in the morphine group, which we have

followed (cf. Kobert, _Lehrbuch_, 1009).

[3] Henry (T. A.), _The Plant Alkaloids_, 199; Rouhier, _op. cit._, 238;

Dixon (W. E.), _The Physiological Action_, 71.

[4] Condensed from Rouhier, _op. cit._, 227-32. Note “pellotine” is the

same as “peyotline.”

[5] Henry, _loc. cit._ Staub and Grassmann (_Über die Wirkungsgrenze_,

336) state, in dogs, increased heart-beat and pressure.

[6] Rouhier, _op. cit._, 231. I have modified and added to Rouhier’s

classifications. Ellis (_Mescal: A New Artificial Paradise_) describes

the effects on the central nervous system as “acute cerebrasthenia.” The

lethal dose of anhalonine hydrochloride for rabbits is 0.16 to 0.2 grams

per kilogram of body weight; lophophorine kills frogs by a dose of only

0.011 grams per kilogram of body weight. (Henry, _op. cit._, 199).

[7] Dixon (W. E.), _The Physiological Action_, 79-81. Rouhier (_op.

cit._, 268-69): “Intoxication by peyote in man comprises two very

distinct phases, one, general superexcitement, contentment; euphoria,

the other of nervous sedation, of more or less accentuated physical

indolence, and of hypocerebrality; this last phase is almost entirely

filled with the production of color-visions.” Henry (_op. cit._, 199)

likens this preliminary stage to alcoholic intoxication.

[8] Fernberger (_Observations_, 270) mentions “a very clear but rapidly

changing focus of attention”; see also his _Further Observations_, 367.

Crichtly (_Some Forms_, 102) notes the “rapidity of change,” though

visions “lasted many hours.” It is in this that the “indescribability” of

the visions lies (Ellis, _Mescal: A New Artificial Paradise_).

[9] Fernberger (_Observations_, 269) notes “distortion of time and

space”; and (_Further Observations_, 367) a “grave upsetting of

space and time ... space was extremely extended and time extremely

slowed.” Maggendorfer (_Intoxikationspsychosen_, 355-56) notes for

mescaline a time and space derangement, similar to those in other

“intoxikationpsychosen.” Crichtly (_op. cit._, 105) describes micropsia

and megalopsia, or gravely deranged perception of size.

[10] In these careful statements by Dixon (on a subject not notable for

the accuracy of all observers) many physiological bases for ethnographic

observations I have made may be found, e.g., the mistaking in a Kiowa

meeting of the medicine-man Tonakat by an informant for a hideous

alligator-like monster; he believed then he had seen this witch “for what

he was.”

[11] The writer testifies to the accuracy of Dixon’s somewhat amazing

statement. So marked have been the physical effects of the first stage

of intoxication, that when these pass off to give rise to the feeling of

physiological normality (introspectively), one almost has a distrust of

the existence of these spectacular mental displays particularly if the

observer is of a markedly non-“psychic” or skeptical cast of mind. The

visions arise in the midst of a psychological state I can only describe

as one of perfectly plausible “epistemological orientation,” sometimes

acutely felt in alcoholic intoxication. The feeling of dissociation

with this unfamiliar and spectacular side of one’s peyote-intoxication

experience has suggested to some observers incipient schizoid psychoses.

Small wonder natives often exhibit curiously ambivalent attitudes toward

their visions, and sometimes explicitly reject and disclaim them as

“bad,” the result of trickery by the peyote power (“he’s testing me”) or

by some human witch present. Hoebel in conversation has insisted on the

Northern Cheyenne attitude of suspicion of peyote’s “trickiness.” But I

wholly disagree with Havelock Ellis and others who have argued for the

“ineffability” of visions, and even less do I see in peyote-intoxication

any approach to the mystical state of the epistemological

_convincingness_ of the _visions_. It is this _concomitant_ state of

seeming objectiveness and reality-orientation which accounts for the

marked feeling of duality. On this point, cf. Drs. Monakow and Morgue:

“[Peyote produces] a particular state of dreaming, without losing,

relatively, the idea of orientation, accompanied by pseudo-hallucinatory

phenomena.”

[12] Ellis (_Mescal: A Study of a Divine Plant_, 60) reports a “vague

olfactory hallucination”; Fernberger (_Observations_, 269) and the

writer have noticed kinaesthetic derangements which have parallels in

native visions. Hearing is very acute (Fernberger, _ibid._; _Further

Observations_, 371), but subject to hallucination and synaesthetic

derangement.

[13] Some fifty native peyote “visions” were collected in the original

dissertation from which this paper is derived.

[14] Rouhier, _op. cit._, 315, fig. 44; Ellis, _Mescal; A Study_, 68;

Crichtly, _Some Forms_, 106.

[15] Dixon (W. E.), _The Physiological Action_, 81.

[16] Based largely on Dixon and Rouhier, with additional data from

Jaensch, Wiley, Crichtly, Prentiss and Morgan, Ellis, Fernberger, Wertham

and Bleuler, Lewin, Maggendorfer, Staub and Grassmann.

[17] Rouhier, _op. cit._, 232. But Dixon writes, “In man the nervous

effects are extremely interesting, but on account of the respiratory

depression which is liable to occur it is not desirable to experiment

too freely; it is necessary to remember that this substance, like Indian

hemp, varies considerably in its effects on different individuals, and

that the element of idiosyncrasy is marked.”

[18] Wertham and Bleuler, _Inconstancy of the Formal Structure of

the Personality_. The general thesis of these experimenters was that

personality types might be studied as they were exteriorized in mescaline

intoxication via the Rorschach test. One of the observers described two

personalities in a normal subject in two periods of intoxication, not

knowing that it was the same person. They conclude, interestingly: “It is

suggested that these observations indicate that the form of a personality

is not a constant, but that it may be influenced by outer circumstances,

and that the usual psychologic ‘type’ of a person does not necessarily

exhaust the description of the formal structure of his personality.”

[19] “What an excellent use for a medical congress,” Sir Francis Galton

dryly wrote Havelock Ellis (_Mescal: A Study_, 71, note), “to put one

half of their members under mescal, and to make the other half observe

them.”

[20] Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, 1: 359; cf. _Explorations in Mexique_,

181-82. It is a curious west-European mode of reasoning that leads one to

expect in all psychic upsetments such as this the emergence of the sexual

anxiety—more particularly in the case of peyote intoxication, which

provokes marked fall of heart-beat, physical and mental depression at one

stage, uncomfortable “stomach fullness” and acute nausea!

[21] Wertham and Bleuler, 60. The presence of prior suggestion is

blatantly obvious. Cf. Karwoski, 212: “To the sexologist an easy way of

obliterating temporarily the genital response is offered since mescal is

a powerful anaphrodisiac.... My own experience confirms the anaphrodisiac

properties of mescal, but the fact that under its influence I found my

imagination turning to erotic situations, although temporarily impotent,

is an illustration of the persistence of conditioning that offers an

interesting suggestion with reference to the extirpation experiments

reported in the controversy over the James-Lange theory of emotions.”

Unfortunately, _culture_ cannot be extirpated.

[22] Fernberger, _Further Observations_, 368. But Fernberger

misunderstood his informant, Petrullo, who (_The Diabolic Root_, 8, note)

of course disclaims this statement from “which” on.

[23] Field workers protest privately, but not often enough explicitly,

against the projection of these culturally- and personally-subjective

values into other cultures. The envisaging of primitive cultures as

unspoiled Arcadias where one’s frustrated dreams for one’s own culture

come true, is at least as old as Tacitus’ “Germania,” and is still going

on, not alone among laymen.

[24] We repeat that results _either positive or negative_ for white

observers have no bearing on the problem as regards natives, as this

problem is cultural.

[25] Fernberger, _Further Observations_, 377.

[26] All but one vomited.

[27] It is scarcely surprising that one does not find in Indian

ceremonies what is not there.

[28] Had Fernberger investigated such of his predecessors as Lumholtz,

the novelty of his results would have impressed him less. And had his

experiments been more critical he would not be superfluously supplied

with an “explanation” to a problem where no data to be explained exist

(compare the a-priorism of the “parapsychologists”). But Fernberger

continues: “For every one of the observers the anti-aphrodisiac effect of

the drug was marked and continued, in most cases, for at least 24 hours

after the period of intoxication. Efforts at erotic stimulation proved

ineffective. In several cases physical automanipulation of the genitals

failed to produce the usual physiological effect. The calling up of

erotic images—visual and verbal—were equally ineffective.”

[29] An able and sincere field worker has told the writer of an

experience at a meeting which ended for him in orgasm. But he would agree

that detailing of similar White “aphrodisiac” experiences is edifying

more as regards individuals than the drug. This paper aims to deal with

the _native_ peyote cult.

[30] Klüver, _Mescal, the Divine Plant_, 101; but peyote is a complex of

physiologically antagonistic drugs of quite variable reaction.

[31] Jolly, _Über die schlafmachende; Über Pellotine_, 375-76. This

effect is all the more remarkable since Heffter in similar experiments

noted that pellotine produced in the frog excitability and reflex tetanus.

[32] Heffter, _Über Pellotin_, 327-28.

[33] Loaeza, in del Campo, _Peyote_, 145. Koang-Hobschette (_Les

Cactacées_, 41) says cactine, the active element of _Cereus grandiflorus_

Mill. is used like digitalis as a cardio-tonic, strengthening the systole

and diminishing the diastole like strychnine.

[34] Henry (T. A.), _The Plant Alkaloids_, 199.

[35] Rouhier, _Monographie_, 340.

[36] Parke Davis and Co. formerly manufactured the drug. See their _Newer

Pharmacology_.

[37] But not to all persons! The typical over-enthusiasm with which

new materia medica are received is itself an interesting ethnographic

commentary. Prentiss and Morgan (_Therapeutic Uses_, 4-5) prescribed it

variously for “cramps, griping and colic ... [and] nervous headache”

as well as “tickling in the throat.” They also report (_The Alkaloids

of Anhalonium_, 123-37) uses by other doctors. Two brothers, doctors,

prescribed peyote for their brother who was suffering from “softening

of the brain.” He died a few months later, uncured. Nevertheless, they

prescribed peyote for their sister, who was “very low and out of her

head;” she later recovered. Richardson (D. A.), (_A Report_, 194-95)

reports still more spectacular sequelae. He administered peyote to a man

with “frontal cephalalgia.” “Especially would I remark,” he says, “on the

clearing of the skin of pimples over the chest and back, and a marked

softening of the hair, which before the exhibition of the anhalonium was

dry, with a tendency to break easily.” It nevertheless also decreased

the abnormal oiliness of the skin. Further, he thought it was a solvent

for uric acid, likely to be of value for stones in the bladder. Lastly,

“In my opinion, anhalonium is a superior cardiac tonic, and, like

nitroglycerine, its effects are prolonged after the administration of the

drug is withdrawn.”

The efficacy of peyote in native doctoring seems as little established

also. Reasons of ethnographic nature have already been cited for doubting

the anti-alcoholic virtue of peyote. Indeed, the leader of one meeting I

attended I visited in jail later in the week; he had been arrested for

drunken street-fighting. I could uncharitably cite half-a-dozen similar

cases, but it seems amply enough demonstrated that there is no relation

of exclusiveness between peyotism and alcoholism.

[38] Klüver, _Mescal, The “Divine” Plant_, 97, 108. Prentiss and Morgan,

_Anhalonium Lewinii_, 581; Wertham and Bleuler, _Inconstancy in the

Formal Structure_, 52, 60.

[39] Hutchings, in Heffter, _Ueber Pellote_, 409; Pilcz, _Ueber

Pellotin_, 1121-22; Warburg, in Bennett and Zingg, _The Tarahumara_,

136; Ellis, _Mescal: A Study_, 71; Martindale and Westcott, _The Extra

Pharmacopoeia_, 1:836; Briau, in Koang-Hobschette, _Les Cactacées_.

Karwoski (_Psychophysics_, 212) suggests that peyote might heighten

rapport in psychoanalysis; cf. Deschamps.

[40] Bensheim, _Typenunterschiede_, 121; Wertham and Bleuler,

_Inconstancy in the Formal Structure_, 70; Zucker, _Versuche_, 107;

Zador, _Meskalinwirkung bei Störung_, 30; _Meskalinwirkung_; Klüver,

_Mescal, The “Divine” Plant_, 36-39, 41; Ladd-Franklin, _Colour and

Colour-Theories_, _passim_.

[41] Briau, in Koang-Hobschette, _Les Cactacées_, 73-74; Rouhier, _Le

Peyotl_, 337; Ellis, _Mescal: A New Artificial Paradise_, 141.

[42] An editorial _Paradise or Inferno?_ (Editorial, 390) sharply

rebuked Ellis for the attractiveness which he had ascribed to mescal

intoxication, basing the criticism on grounds of medical ethics.

[43] Letter to Schultes, Feb. 21, 1936. My own experience leads me fully

to endorse Hrdlička’s careful statement. Elsewhere in the text are cited

numerous cases of natives who, in good faith I believe, gave up the

use of peyote entirely upon the rising of special or acute anxieties.

My informants, on the other hand, quite as frankly admitted that there

were some individuals who showed signs of addiction, in the sense that

they consumed the plant often and abundantly, but these are not clear

uncomplicated instances of drug-addiction; I trust such native candor

implicitly. Besides, peyote is not wholly pleasant (“You must suffer to

peyote”).

[44] The issue of the native religious use of the drug is indeed a

complex one. But whatever else may be said, it is only fair to the

Indians to state that the bitterest and most unmeasured condemnations

of the drug have issued from quarters which are scarcely disinterested.

Whatever the merits of the case, those persons are concerned with the

deculturation of the Indian, and see in the peyote religion a formidable

obstacle to their progress in inducting the native into modern life. The

doubtless good intentions of such persons have on occasion, however,

led them into errors of judgment when, for instance, they would argue

that peyotism is merely out-and-out drug addiction in religious guise

(e.g. Daiker, Hughes, Newberne and Burke, Seymour, Watermulder, and the

writers in the Indian Rights Association and Literary Digest articles;)

Lindquist, for example, feels free to commit numerous errors of fact

yet still pontificate on the “false gods” of “the cult of Death” which

is “nothing but an evil” (_The Red Man_, 72, 73, 75). For, given the

Plains religious and ideological background, the peyote cult is entirely

plausible as a religion, and the issue is properly one of religious

freedom.

The intellectual “authority” in west European culture is, of course,

the empirical and pragmatic (or putatively), while that of the Indian

in this religion, as elsewhere, can correctly be termed mystical, if

we understand by this a super-normal knowledge-technique transcending

ordinary epistemological considerations. For there can be no shadow of

a doubt concerning the deep and humble sincerity of the worship and

belief—and sincerity perhaps, even in the absence of other ingredients,

is the chief component of a living religion. And if the chief function

of a religion is the liquidation of the anxieties and the solution of

the fears and troubles of its adherents, then surely the peyote religion

eminently qualifies as such.

The issue then balances somewhat delicately on the point of “authority,”

which is really at bottom a matter of comparative ethnography. If, as

we believe, the scientific is truly the most mature knowledge-technique

man has yet perfected, then facile and off-hand condemnation of peyotism

on its basis is even less possible. Aside from the probable ultimate

disappearance of the Native American Church, a generous and libertarian

philosophy would condemn present attacks on it as often misguided and

even oftener uninformed. The chief human difficulty in the world today is

the adjustment of one culture to another, of one absolutistic ideology

and Weltanschauung to another. But the scientific spirit itself would

protest against the dictatorship of any one ideology, of whatever sort;

there is too much chance that any self-contained scheme be dangerously

wrong, when unchecked by modifying differing beliefs. Science, indeed,

has been lifted above the level of folklore precisely because the

spectacle of variously conditioned culture-historical outlooks has

necessitated self-criticism and an objective comparative survey of

beliefs. A fetishistic attitude toward science and its tentative

pronouncements, therefore, is itself folkloristic in tone. This however,

is not to suggest any distrust in the ability of the scientific method

to obtain such sound results as have been so far achieved; but it is

intended to point out the real limitations in our information.

Although the best modern scientific knowledge would indicate that the

alkaloids in peyote do not perform the manifold therapeutic miracles

which natives ascribe to it, one might still well wonder whether harsh

sumptuary laws would not work more positive hardship and harm than the

drug itself. If not the injustice then certainly the inexpedience of such

exercise of civil authority has been amply demonstrated in the Eighteenth

Amendment and its sorry consequences. We may not presume therefore to

judge what should be the administrative fate of the peyote cult. The

emotional and ideological side of the religion is not open to judgement;

and on the properly scientific and physiological side of the question the

simple fact is that we actually don’t know enough about it.

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