Pall Mall, March 17th, 1733.
My dear Brother,
I received your packet of the 12th instant last night, and
immediately sent to Lord Sydney your despatch of resignation. He
forwarded it to the King, who immediately directed him to send
me to Buckingham House, where I was with him above two hours.
I felt myself under much difficulty about your letter. It was
evidently written on the supposition of a Government being
formed by the Duke of Portland and Fox, in conjunction with Lord
North; and to that point its whole reasoning was directed. Now
the present situation in which we are, seems to tend to some
different solution; and this idea was very much strengthened by
the King's note to Lord Sydney, desiring to see me, in order to
talk with me about your staying, _at least for the present_.
This being the case, I was apprehensive that some parts of your
letter might possibly pledge you further to him than you would
like in other contingencies which might turn up; and I also
thought that a letter of that sort would come with more force
from you in answer to what I should undoubtedly be commissioned
to say to you. To this was added a most serious apprehension,
which had struck both Jemmy and myself very forcibly, as to the
prudence of committing yourself to him by so very strong
language on the subject of the Duke of Portland and Fitzpatrick
by name, and under your hand-writing; which paper, even
supposing no ill use was ever to be made of it by the person to
whom it is addressed, might, in the space possibly even of a few
hours, by any sudden accident, fall into _other_ hands, perhaps
at this moment the very worst into which it could fall.
Under the pressure of these two ideas, and having very little
time for deliberation, I adopted that measure which I thought at
all events the safest; as, if the delivery of the letter at this
moment, and in the altered state of things, was wrong, it could
not ever be recalled; while, if you thought me wrong in
withholding it, the error could be productive only of a short
delay--certainly not wholly immaterial, but I should hope not
very important. At the same time I own that I felt much
difficulty in withholding it, as it appeared to me so admirably
drawn up, and so well calculated to produce the effect intended
by it, and so very unexceptionable in all its parts, except that
which I have stated before--the mention of individuals by name
(especially those with whom you are living on good terms), in a
manner which, however proper for conversation, is, I think,
infinitely hazardous when committed to paper.
Still, however, I hope that every effect intended by it may be
produced as well, and possibly better, by the letter which you
will of course send to him in answer to this conversation. I am
sensible that, in using this discretion, I have taken much upon
me; but I am sure I need not enlarge upon the motive; and I
cannot help flattering myself, that the step itself will meet
your approbation, especially as the conjecture from the words of
the King's letter was justified in great measure by what passed
during so long a conversation, in which, from the inconceivable
quickness with which the King ran on upon the different subjects
of it, I found it very difficult to put in even the little which
I thought it right to say.
When I first came in, he stated, with many very flattering
expressions to you, the concern which he had felt at the idea of
your resignation; that he had sent to me in order that he might
have an opportunity of letting you into all the circumstances of
the present situation, which he thought the most calamitous into
which any country had ever been brought; that the kingdom was
split into parties, not as had been formerly the case--two great
bodies of men acting under the different denominations of Whigs
and Tories, and upon different principles of conduct--but into
factions, which had avowedly no other view than that of forcing
themselves, at all hazards, into office; that before you took
any step, he wished you to be fully apprized of the
circumstances, which he would for that purpose detail to me, as
he hoped that your letter had been written in the idea of the
Government falling into the hands of persons of the description
stated above.
I answered, that I believed you had certainly had that event in
view, as one which the circumstances of the time rendered too
probable. He then went into a long detail (with a great number
of digressions upon the different political subjects of the day)
of what had passed since Monday's vote, particularly between him
and Lord North, of whom he spoke in terms of strong resentment
and disgust.
He stated, that when Lord Shelburne could no longer remain, he
had first endeavoured to persuade Pitt to suffer the Treasury to
devolve upon him, and that at one time he had entertained the
most flattering hopes of success; but being disappointed in
this, he had tried the Cabinet all round, but none had the
spirit to stand forth. He had then sent to Lord North (after
a week's delay to try other arrangements, particularly one in
which the H. C. and the seals of the Secretary of State had
been offered to and pressed upon Ths. Pitt), to know whether
he was open to negotiation, or prevented by this coalition; that
when, in consequence of this message, he saw him, he had at
first tried whether he would accept the Treasury; because, much
as he disliked them both, if he was to choose, he must certainly
prefer Lord North to Fox. When Lord North declined this, he
proposed that an arrangement should be made, leaving the
Treasury open to some person of neither party, to be named by
him afterwards; that Lord North left him with this proposal, but
the next day told him that Mr. Fox insisted upon the Treasury
for the Duke of Portland. After some time, he consented to this
point also, and then desired that Lord North would bring him a
written arrangement, that he might be enabled to see the whole,
and form his judgment upon all the dismissals and appointments
which were intended. After two days more, he had sent for Lord
North, who had told him that he had no such arrangement to bring
him, for that difficulties had arisen between them; that Fox
insisted upon removing the Chancellor, in order that the Seals
might be put into commission. To this the King objected very
strongly, as he had expressed his desire that the arrangement
might be made upon a broad basis; and that nothing could be more
different from such an idea than the dismissal of the
Chancellor, without having any person to substitute in his room.
Lord North then said that another difficulty had arisen. He had
named Lord Stormont for the Secretaryship of State; but this had
been objected to; and Lord Stormont had refused to accept of any
other situation. The King again asked him whether, this being
the case, he would undertake it separately. This was declined.
Yesterday evening, at five, Lord North was again at the Queen's
House, when the King told him that he desired it might be
understood that it was not he who broke off the arrangement upon
the idea of keeping the Lord Chancellor; that, on the contrary,
he desired it might be understood that he had expressed no
determination, nor would he express any, upon a particular part
of the proposed arrangement, till the whole was submitted to
him. Therefore, if they thought to obviate the difficulties
which they found in making it by laying the onus upon him, he
was not fairly dealt with.
This finished the detail. His observations upon it were nearly
what is implied in the last sentence: that he believed, when
they came to treat about the arrangement, they found infinite
difficulty in coming to any agreement, and had therefore
resolved to throw the burthen upon him; that, in the meantime,
he was using every endeavour to form a Government; that he hoped
your resignation was only to be considered as relative to the
event which you then thought likely to happen; that undoubtedly
_in some cases_ it would be impossible for you to stay there
with honour to yourself; that unless you met with full support
from hence, the Government in Ireland could not go on; but, in
the meantime, he desired I would write to you, to express his
wish that you would take no precipitate step till something was
finally settled.
This, I think, was the main jut of the conversation to this
point; though I have thrown it much more into form than it was
spoken--as it was interrupted by a great variety of digressions:
upon the coalition, in the reprobating of which I took care to
join with him most heartily; upon Fox, whom he loaded with every
expression of abhorrence; upon the Duke of Portland, against
whom he was little less violent; upon Lord North, to whose
conduct he imputed all the disasters of the country; upon
American Independence, which seems to have been a most bitter
pill indeed; upon associations and reforms, clubs,
gaming-houses, aristocratic cabals, &c., &c.; together with much
inquiry into the state of Ireland, and the characters and
conduct of people there; and a long detail about Lord Bellamont,
who he believed was crack-brained, and of whom he told two
curious stories of audiences which he had asked, and in which he
at last insisted that, unless the King would make him reparation
for the second disgrace he had suffered by the nomination of
Lord Arran, by suffering him to kiss hands, on or before St.
Patrick's Day, for an English Baronage or an Irish Marquisate,
given to him, or given to Lord Mountrath and entailed upon him,
he would come no more to Court; which curious condition, you may
believe, has not been complied with; and consequently, said the
King, I shall be delivered from the trouble of seeing him.
You will easily suppose that I have not been able to recollect
the precise words of a conversation so very diffuse, upon so
many different subjects, and which lasted from eleven at night
till past one this morning.
Upon the whole, what I collect from his conversation, and from
the sort of impression which the whole tenour of his language,
rather than from any one particular expression, is that in the
case which you supposed, and upon which you acted, nothing could
be more agreeable to him than your resignation; especially, as
he observed to me several times, that it was impossible he could
wish that such a Government should last; and mentioned a message
which he sent through Lord Ashburton to Lord Shelburne, that he
should consider him as a disgraced man if, after their conduct
towards him, he ever "_supported them in Government_, or joined
them in opposition;" (these were the precise words he used to
me.) I collect the same idea also from the expression of _some
cases_ in which you could not stay, and the eagerness with which
he joined in with me when I took occasion to observe to him that
the system of the Duke of Portland and Fox in Ireland had been
so different from yours, as to put you under an impossibility of
remaining under them. This point, therefore, I conceive to be
clear, that in such an event, your resignation would be as
acceptable to him as I think it would be honourable to yourself.
But from the request he has made you, and from the particular
pains he seems to take to throw the onus (as he called it) of
breaking off the negotiation with the Duke of Portland and Lord
North upon their shoulders, I think we must conclude that he
considers that as being entirely at an end, and that he has
something else in view; though what that something else can
possibly be, I am utterly at a loss to imagine.
At the same time, I think the opportunity of doing a handsome
thing is too fair to be neglected. If I were therefore to advise
you, it would be to write to the King, stating that nothing
could be further from your intention than the throwing any
embarrassment in his way at a moment when, on the contrary, you
would rather wish to do everything in your power, &c., &c. This
would lead naturally to the first part of your letter, about the
manner of your having accepted the Government of Ireland. You
might then say, that the letter of resignation was written on
the idea of the probability of those men being called to His
Majesty's counsels who had, &c., &c. That under such a
Government you could not have flattered yourself with the hopes
of being useful to His Majesty, for the reasons assigned, &c.,
&c., which I think it is impossible for you to detail better
than they are there stated, except in the single instance of the
mentioning of names, with no very flattering comment, which I
would (if I might be allowed to do it) deprecate in the
strongest manner, for reasons very sufficiently obvious. You
might then, I should think, go on to say, that in obedience to
His Majesty's gracious dispositions, you would continue to hold
your situation till something is settled; in the hopes, however,
if it ended in such a Government as you could not serve under
consistently with your character, or the system of your
Administration, you might then be permitted, &c., &c.
In this manner I should hope that you would lose nothing, except
a little time--not very important to you--by the non-delivery of
your letter.
The Duke of Portland had a meeting last night, to which were
summoned all Fox's people, and all the country gentlemen who had
formerly acted with them. The Duke stated to them what had
passed, and told them that the whole had broken off upon the
King's insisting upon the Chancellor and Lord Stormont. This is
pretty curious, at the moment that the King was stating to Lord
North that such a reason could not be assigned with truth. The
Duke said, however, that Lord North was then with the King, and
therefore hoped that nothing might be done till they heard the
result. This was applied to Lord Surrey, who had expressed an
intention of moving an address.
What passed between the King and Lord North, I have told you
above, as it was stated to me. It is not, therefore, wholly
impossible that the negotiation may be resumed, as the King's
object seems to be to set them quarelling between themselves
about the different parts of this arrangement. At all events, I
think your letter cannot but do good, and I will certainly
remain here to deliver it.
Acting strictly on this sound advice, Lord Temple addressed to His
Majesty the following letter, in which he enters at length into the
peculiar obstructions to which he had been exposed through the whole
period of his Administration in Ireland, and unreservedly submits for
His Majesty's consideration the reasons which led to his resignation.