(Most Secret and Private.)
Pall Mall, Monday, Dec. 2nd, 1782.
My dear Brother,
I told you, in my last letter, that Lord Shelburne had thrown
out to me the idea of a paragraph in the King's Speech on the
subject of Ireland, and that I had applied to Townshend, that I
might see it before it was decided upon. In consequence of this,
I received, through him, a message from Lord Shelburne, desiring
to see me this morning. I have just been with him. He made his
excuses to me as soon as I came in, for having appointed me at a
time when he should only be able to converse with me for _a very
short time_, as unexpected business had occurred. He then took
out the Speech, and read to me the sentence in question, which
is nearly this: The liberal spirit of your measures respecting
the commerce of Ireland, confirmed by the rest of your conduct
towards her, meets with my full approbation and concurrence; and
I should recommend to you a general revision of the trade laws
of this kingdom on the same extended principles. I own this did
not strike me as being sufficiently extensive. I mentioned the
insertion of the word rights--commerce and rights--but he did
not at all seem to give into it. He said that we were not ripe
for that; that the best thing that could be done was that we
should adhere exactly to the settlement; that it was a bond from
which we ought in no instance to depart; and that a steady
Government would enable us to stand to it in Ireland as well as
here. Above all, he said he looked to the effects of a full
confidence between you and himself, which union and concurrence
would be more important for Government than any other point
whatever--that it gave more strength than even abilities or
weight. With this I closed in, seeing it in vain to push the
other, and told him that the appearance of confidence and
support here would, I was convinced, assist you more than even
the adoption of any specific measure; that in the case of a
peace, I did not doubt that you would be sufficiently strong to
carry on your Government with ease, but that I could not answer
for the event of a continuance of the war. He answered, that the
situation of Ireland weighed very materially with him in his
wishes for peace, and that, although he never wished to shift
off responsibility, yet he trusted in your integrity and honour;
that, if he found it necessary, he should be enabled to state
that part of the subject from the best authority. To this I
thought myself justified in answering, that most certainly you
would never abandon a ground which you had already stated to
him, and which every hour made clearer to you; and that such a
consideration certainly ought to weigh with Government in making
the peace.
He then went on to say, that he had in general no doubt but that
you would find your Government easy and prosperous; he
enumerated the advantages with which you will meet the
Parliament _in October_--a settled ministry here, things
arranged in Ireland, the Parliament fully canvassed, and
possibly a peace. I said, that when I saw him before, I had
stated the possibility of your being driven to meet the
Parliament in the spring; that I had stated it as a possible
evil; and that I wished to explain to him that the necessity of
this would by no means be affected either way by the difference
between an immediate dissolution, and that which must take place
before the March assizes. To this he by no means agreed; as a
dissolution late in February would, he said, by the time the
elections were over, bring us far on towards the summer months.
He then reverted to his opinion as to the probability of your
having a smooth and easy Government. It was his idea he said,
that real commotion never was produced but by real grievances.
My answer was, that the people of Ireland did suffer real
misery, which, as was frequently the case, they would impute to
Government, however little founded such an idea would be. This,
he said, would lead us at length into a disquisition on the
state of Ireland, on which subject he intended, before I went,
to have a long conversation with me, but that he was now too
much pressed.
After this, I thought I could not, with any propriety, prolong
my visit. Since I wrote the above, I have seen Townshend. He
agrees perfectly in opinion with me, that the mention of the
commerce, with so very general a reference to the constitutional
part of the question, could produce no good effect in Ireland,
and might be made an invidious use of. He threw out the idea of
omitting the paragraph entirely; and most certainly, if Lord
Shelburne sees, or thinks he sees, any objection to being more
explicit on the subject, I know no necessity whatever for saying
a word about it. It certainly will produce debate on the affairs
of Ireland, which is much to be avoided; and in the form in
which it now stands, or indeed in any into which it could be
thrown, so as to form part of the King's Speech, it would be of
no advantage to us in Ireland, whilst it would afford ground of
cavil and objection to our enemies. In this idea, I have written
to Lord Shelburne, to desire to see him again; but as he may
possibly appoint me for to-morrow, and you must be impatient to
hear from England, I shall not detain the messenger.
With respect to that cursed cause, I hardly know what to say: it
must have set you very much afloat, particularly with the
lawyers who are interested in the question. In my last letter, I
threw out the idea of a bill in this country to prevent the
receiving or hearing Irish causes in the English courts. I have
shown to Townshend the draught of such a bill, which I enclose
to you with this letter. I believe his disposition is most real
and unaffected, to leave the management of the whole Irish
business to you, and to support you honestly and fairly in
whatever measures you adopt. But it is not difficult to see that
the whole administration and business of Government _roule sur
bien un autre pivot_. As far as one can separate Lord
Shelburne's intentions from his verbiage and professions, I
think I see a strong disposition to resist the least tendency
towards any further concession, or even to the appearance of it.
On the contrary, if any very good opportunity should offer
itself, I should think him more inclined to lessen than to
extend. He either has, or affects, an opinion very different
from that which I hold out to him with respect to the
difficulties of your Government, and exclaims even against the
possibility of your being driven from your ground. I can't say
that I think this situation between your official Minister and
the real Premier quite pleasant, because it seems to me that the
despatches of the one, however explicit, being all written
without the concurrence of the Cabinet, do not pledge the
opinions of the other, which are, after all, the only opinions
which are of any consequence.
I believe I stated to you in my last the reason which Townshend
gave to me, and which Lord Shelburne assigned to Jemmy, for not
calling a Cabinet immediately on my arrival, namely, their
unwillingness to meet them before they had news from Paris,
because they had been hitherto unanimous, and hoped to meet
Parliament so; and if they were called upon the subject of
Ireland, nobody knows what other hare might be started there,
however they might agree upon Irish affairs. You will certainly
think the mode of keeping a Cabinet unanimous, by never meeting
them at all, an excellent one; however, in the situation of
things here, I did not think it would be decent in me to
distress Government, especially as I really think the propriety
of the dissolution at this moment depends much on the event of
the business at Paris. I have therefore contented myself with an
explicit assurance from Townshend, that when news of that
arrives, which is now most anxiously expected every hour, a
Cabinet shall be held, to go into the whole line of Irish
business.
Townshend showed me his despatches on the subject of the
embargo, and of this Irish cause, both of which the King has
seen, but I believe, no one else. The idea of the resolutions
not being proposed till your wish was known, was suggested to
him by me, because, if you should be driven--and things
certainly verge towards it--to any further concession, you will
not be much assisted by those two resolutions standing on the
journals in array against you. But I believe the attention of
every one here will be so much employed by the great point of
peace or war, that there will be very little room for Irish
politics, either in the House of Commons or the House of Lords.
I asked Townshend, an hour ago, whether there was anything from
Paris; and he told me explicitly that they knew nothing at all,
but was in most anxious expectation. The Parliament certainly
meets on Thursday. I think, from the style of their language,
and particularly from Lord Shelburne's trying to make me pledge
you to it, that they are confident of a peace; and certainly, if
they have it not, their situation is very precarious, to say no
more of it. If they do meet Parliament with a peace, I am
persuaded they will stand their ground. The country gentlemen
hold in general rather a friendly language than otherwise. I
shall certainly now stay over Thursday; but after that, get back
to you as soon as I can.
Lord Mahon has been with me, and is outrageous about the Duke of
Leinster. He wanted me to engage that Government would give them
land if the other offers failed; but I begged to decline.
I have received the enclosed from Talbot, and have also sent you
my answer, which you will forward or not, as you think right.
Lord Nugent is out of all patience with you for not answering
his letter. Adieu.
Believe me,
Ever most affectionately yours,
W. W. G.
I have not given you the words of the Speech exactly, but
nearly. Yorke and Banks move in the House of Commons; Lord
Carmarthen and ---- in the House of Lords.
You will probably think it right to write to Lord Shelburne,
stating the difficulties of your situation at full length;
because I think his idea of ease and smoothness ought by no
means to remain uncontradicted. If you do that, I should think
it would not be amiss to say something about a peace, for he
evidently meant that I should have pledged you to that, and to
acknowledge his professions, which have been boundless and
unlimited.
I should think it would be also an act of real justice to
Townshend to say something to him about his conduct towards you,
which I think as honourable and friendly as possible. If one
could but join the power of the one with the integrity of the
other!
What answer will you give about your stopping the English
recruiting parties _car l'on est un peu choqué là-dessus_?