(Private.)
St James's, June 10th, 1782.
Dear Grenville,
I received late the night before last your very interesting
letter of the 4th, and you will easily conceive am not a little
embarrassed by its contents. In the first place, it was not
possible to comply with your injunction of perfect secrecy in a
case where steps of such importance are necessary to be taken;
and therefore I have taken upon me (for which I must trust to
your friendship to excuse me) to show your letter to Lord
Rockingham, the Duke of Richmond and Lord John, who are all as
full of indignation at its contents as one might reasonably
expect honest men to be. We are perfectly resolved to come to an
explanation upon the business, if it is possible so to do,
without betraying any confidence reposed in me by you, or in you
by others.
The two principal points which occur are the paper relative to
Canada, of which I had never heard till I received your letter,
and the intended investment of Mr. Oswald with full powers,
which was certainly meant for the purpose of diverting
Franklin's confidence from you into another channel. With these
two points we wish to charge Shelburne directly; but pressing as
the King is, and interesting as it is both to our own situations
and to the affairs of the public--which are, I fear,
irretrievably injured by this intrigue, and which must be ruined
if it is suffered to go on--we are resolved not to stir a step
till we hear again from you, and know precisely how far we are
at liberty to make use of what you have discovered. If this
matter should produce a rupture, and consequently become more or
less the subject of public discussion, I am sensible the Canada
paper cannot be mentioned by name; but might it not be said that
we had discovered that Shelburne had withheld from our knowledge
matters of importance to the negotiation? And with respect to
the other point, might it not be said, without betraying
anybody, that while the King had one avowed and authorized
Minister at Paris, measures were taken for lessening his credit
and for obstructing his inquiries by announcing a new intended
commission, of which the Cabinet here had never been apprized.
Do, pray, my dear Grenville, consider the incredible importance
of this business in every view, and write me word precisely how
far you can authorize us to make use of your intelligence. It is
more than possible that, before this reaches you, many other
circumstances may have occurred which may afford further proofs
of this duplicity of conduct; and if they have, I am sure they
will not have escaped your observation. If this should be the
case, you will see the necessity of acquainting me with them as
soon as possible. You see what is our object, and you can easily
judge what sort of evidence will be most useful to us. When the
object is attained--that is, when the duplicity is proved--to
what consequences we ought to drive; whether to an absolute
rupture, or merely to the recal of Oswald and the simplification
of this negotiation, is a point that may be afterwards
considered. I own I incline to the more decisive measure, and so
I think do those with whom I must act in concert.
I am very happy indeed that you did not come yourself: the
mischief that would have happened from it to our affairs are
incredible; and I must beg of you, nay, entreat and conjure you,
not to think of taking any precipitate step of this nature. As
to the idea of replacing you with Lord Fitzwilliam, not only it
would be very objectionable on account of the mistaken notion it
would convey of things being much riper than they are, but it
would, as I conceive, be no remedy to the evil. Whether the
King's Minister at Paris be an Ambassador Extraordinary or a
Minister Plenipotentiary, can make no difference as to the
question. The clandestine manner of carrying on a separate
negotiation, which we complain of, would be equally practicable
and equally blameable if Lord Fitzwilliam was Ambassador, as it
is now that Mr. Grenville is Plenipotentiary. I must therefore
again entreat you, as a matter of personal kindness to me, to
remain a little longer at Paris; if you were to leave it, all
sorts of suspicions would be raised. It is of infinite
consequence that we should have it to say that we have done all
in our power to make peace, not only with regard to what may be
expected from America, but from Europe.
The King of Prussia is certainly inclined to be our friend; but
he urges and presses to make peace if possible. If we could once
bring the treaty to such a point as that, stating the demands on
each side to him, we could have his approbation for breaking it
off, I think it not impossible but the best consequences might
follow; and with regard to North America, it is surely clear to
demonstration, that it is of infinite consequence that it should
be publicly understood who is to blame if the war continues. I
do hope, therefore, that you will at all events stay long enough
to make your propositions, and to call upon them to make others
in return. I know your situation cannot be pleasant; but as you
first undertook it in a great measure from friendship to me, so
let me hope that the same motive will induce you to continue in
it at least for some time.
What will be the end of this, God knows; but I am sure you will
agree with me, that we cannot suffer a system to go on which is
not only dishonourable to us, but evidently ruinous to the
affairs of the country. In this instance, the mischief done by
intercepting, as it were, the very useful information we
expected through you from Franklin, is I fear in a great degree
irremediable; but it is our business, and indeed our duty, to
prevent such things for the future.
Everything in Ireland goes on very well; and I really think
there is good reason to entertain hopes from Prussia and Russia,
if your negotiation either goes on or goes off as it ought to
do.
I can hardly read Monsieur de Guemené's letter, but wish to have
two hundred bottles of the champagne, if there is really reason
to think it good. By the way, I beg you will remember me to
Monsieur de Guemené, and put him in mind of our former
acquaintance in the Rue St. Pierre. If the wine in question is
as good as that he used to rob from Monsieur de Soubise, I shall
be very well satisfied. I will give Brooks directions to
acquaint you with the proper manner of sending it. I am quite
ashamed of dwelling so long upon this, after the very serious
business of this letter; but you know I cannot help being a
friend to the _poor abuses_; and besides, in a political light,
good wine is no mean ingredient in keeping one's friends in good
humour and steady to the cause.