DEMOCRACY TRIUMPHANT
I
The final contest was staged in the new capital at Washington. It was as
though destiny had arranged a new setting for the new drama on which the
curtain was now rising. In the glamorous days of Federalist supremacy,
Philadelphia, with its wealth, its fashion, and princely houses,
harmonized with the spirit of government. The aristocratic party thrived
in an atmosphere of luxury. Consistency called for a stage setting of
more simplicity, in a wilderness suggesting the frontier, when the
curtain rose on the triumph of democracy.
When that charming philosopher of cynicism, Gouverneur Morris, just
elected to the Senate, reached the new capital in the clearing, after
days of bumping and hardships on the woodsy road through Maryland, he
looked about him with a smile and chuckled. Writing the Princesse de la
Tour et Taxis, he poked gentle fun at the new seat of government. ‘We
only need here houses, cellars, kitchens, scholarly men, amiable women,
and a few other such trifles to possess a perfect city,’ he said, ‘for
we can walk over it as we would in the fields and woods, and, on account
of a strong frost, the air is quite pure. I enjoy it all the more
because my room fills with smoke as soon as the door is closed.... I
hasten to assure you that building stone is plentiful, that excellent
bricks are baked here, that we are not wanting in sites for magnificent
mansions ...; in a word, that this is the best city in the world to live
in--in the future.’[1861]
Ten days before Morris wrote, Mrs. Adams had reached the capital in the
wilds looking older and graver, and without a ceremonious reception, due
to jealousies among the socially ambitious over the choice of a master
of ceremonies.[1862] After the well-traveled roads to Philadelphia, the
journey to Washington had been quite enough to add to both her age and
gravity. On the way from Baltimore her party had been lost in the
woods, wandering aimlessly about for two hours until rescued by a
wandering negro. ‘Woods are all you see from Baltimore until you reach
this city, which is only so in name,’ she wrote her daughter. ‘Here and
there, a small cot, without a glass window, interspersed amongst the
forest through which you travel miles without seeing a human being.’ Nor
was the grandeur of the President’s house entirely to her liking. From
her windows she could see on the Potomac the ‘vessels as they pass and
repass.’ But a rapid survey of the large mansion with its numerous
draughty rooms, convinced her that it would require thirty servants ‘to
attend and keep the apartment in order, and perform the ordinary
business of the house and stables.’ Not a single apartment finished.
‘The great unfinished audience [East] room I have made a drying room of
to hang up the clothes in,’ she wrote glumly. But--added the tactful
Abigail--‘when asked how I like it, say that I write you the situation is
beautiful, which is true.’[1863] A few days later she wrote of the
impatience of the ladies for a drawing-room, but ‘I have no looking
glasses but dwarfs for this house, nor a twentieth part lamps enough to
light it.’[1864] Had the disgusted Abigail fared forth for a peep into
the living arrangements of others, she might have thought herself more
fortunate. But surveying the city from her point of vantage she would
have found little to tempt to a tour of inspection.
Even then, it was a ‘city of magnificent distances,’ the houses
separated by miles of mud roads, not entirely free from stumps. Travel
by night was precarious. Blackness impenetrable, except when the moon
was at its full, settled down over the homes and the frog ponds. Morris,
having made an evening call, was forced to remain all night, for the
road was ‘not merely deep but dangerous to drive in the dark.’[1865]
James A. Bayard and a party of Federalist leaders, venturing forth on a
return to their lodgings from the home of a friend two miles from town,
were caught in a storm, and the coachman losing his way, they drove
about the waste lands throughout the night, threatened every moment by
the ruts and ravines.[1866]
Pennsylvania Avenue, stretching from the President’s house to the
Capitol, bordered by miasmic swamps, did not at this time boast a single
building; nor would it have been possible to have lived along this
causeway ‘without devoting its wretched tenant to perpetual
fevers.’[1867] From the steps of the Capitol one could count seven or
eight boarding-houses, one tailor’s shop, one shoemaker’s, one printing
establishment, the home of a washwoman, a grocery shop, a stationery
store, a dry-goods house, and an oyster market. And this was all. Three
quarters of a mile away on the Eastern Branch stood five or six houses
and an empty warehouse. At the wharf, not a single ship. From the
President’s house to Georgetown living conditions were better because of
immunity from swamps, but the wretched roads made it all but prohibitive
as a place of residence for members of Congress. Six or seven of the
more fastidious braved the distance and found comfortable quarters; two
or three found lodgings near the President’s house; but the remainder
crowded into the boarding-houses on Capitol Hill. In the best of these,
by sharing a room one could have attendance, wood, candles, food, and an
abundance of liquor for fifteen dollars a week. However, the fare was
unsatisfactory, the beef not good, and vegetables hard to get.[1868]
Such was the hair-trigger delicacy of the political situation that this
packing of the politicians might easily have led to altercations and
bloodshed had they not seen fit to herd together according to their
political views. There was some gambling, some drinking, but Gallatin
observed that for the most part the members ‘drank politics’ instead of
liquor.[1869]
How the dandies of the Federalist circle must have missed the royal
hospitality at Mrs. Bingham’s! Pathetic efforts were put forth to create
something that might pass for society, but so limited were the resources
that the lone church at the bottom of Capitol Hill, which had previously
served as a tobacco house, was found alluring, and women donned their
finery for worship.[1870] The Thomas Laws, who had one of the few
pretentious houses, organized a ‘dancing assembly’ to which many
subscribed.[1871] Mrs. Law, related to both Lord Baltimore and Mrs.
Washington, who aspired to the scepter of Mrs. Bingham, was a worldly
woman, over-fond of admiration and company, and finally there was a
divorce. But at this time she drew the gayer element to her by her merry
hospitality. ‘Lay down your hat, we have a fine roast turkey and you
must stay and eat it,’ she would say to a caller, and soon others would
casually appear, and an informal party would result.[1872] Callers in
the old houses in Georgetown where Southern hospitality held sway, found
‘bread, butter, ham, and cakes set before them,’ and on leaving they
would likely as not carry away cake and apples in their pockets, a
bottle of milk in their hands.[1873] Great was the amusement of the
fashionable men and women, who had been so elegantly served at the
Binghams’ by the French chef, on finding themselves jolting over the
dirt roads to their lodgings with their pockets crammed with cake.
This was the Washington into which Jefferson was carried in a
stage-coach for the decisive struggle of his career. Wishing to pay his
respects to Adams, for whom he felt more respect than did the
Hamiltonian wing of the President’s own party, he wondered if the
inordinate vanity of his defeated rival would interpret the call as an
attempt to humiliate him. He determined to take the chance. Entering the
President’s house, he found Adams alone--the old man in those difficult
days was all but isolated. One glance was enough to justify the caller’s
fears. In great agitation, and neglecting first to offer his visitor a
chair, Adams burst forth: ‘You have turned me out; you have turned me
out.’
With the gentleness of an elder soothing a hurt child, Jefferson
replied, drawing on his familiarity with the workings of the minds and
hearts of men, ‘I have not turned you out, Mr. Adams; and I am glad to
avail myself of this occasion to show that I have not and to explain my
views. In consequence of a division of opinion existing among our
fellow-citizens, as to the proper constitution of our political
institutions, and of the wisdom and propriety of certain measures ...
that portion of our citizens that approved and advocated one class of
these opinions and measures selected you as their candidate ... and
their opponents selected me. If you and myself had been inexistent, or
for any cause had not been selected, other persons would have been
selected in our places; and thus the contest would have been carried on,
and with the same result, except that the party which supported you
would have been defeated by a greater majority, as it was known that,
but for you, your party would have carried their unpopular measures much
further than they did.’ Suffering as he was under the treachery of the
Hamiltonians, this softened the unhappy President’s mood. Jefferson was
offered a chair. The two men, who had been intimate in Revolutionary
days and in Paris, engaged in a friendly discussion of the topics of the
day, and parted with mutual expressions of respect.
Jefferson returned to Conrad’s boarding-house, where he had taken a
suite of rooms. It was a commodious house, standing on a hill, the
precipitate sides of which were covered with grass and shrubs in a
natural state. The windows of Jefferson’s rooms commanded a beautiful
view of the surrounding country--the level plain between the hill and
the Potomac through which the tree-lined Taber wound its course; and the
man of Monticello could look down from his windows on the tulip-poplar
trees, the magnolia, the azalea, the wild rose, the hawthorn.
Characteristically enough, he had gone to Conrad’s because of the charms
of the scenery. There the man of the hour lived like the other lodgers,
with the exception of having a drawing-room for the reception of
visitors; eating at the common table with the others, at the foot of the
table nearest the door and most remote from the fire. When Mrs. John
Brown, wife of the Kentucky Senator, insisted that he sit at the head of
the table, as the oldest man if not as the Vice-President, he waved the
suggestion aside with a smile of deprecation, and there, in the coldest
part of the room, he continued until he moved into the President’s
house. But for Mrs. Brown and Mrs. Theodorus Bailey, wife of a
Jeffersonian Congressman from New York, the mess table would have
resembled ‘a refectory of monks.’[1874] Living under the same roof
during the hectic weeks that followed were Gallatin who shared his room
with Varnum, a Democrat from Massachusetts, Senator John Langdon,
General Sam Smith of Maryland, Senator Abraham Baldwin of Georgia,
Senator Wilson Carey Nicholas of Virginia, his brother, the Virginia
Representative, and the Browns and Baileys. In the impending crisis
Jefferson could scarcely have surrounded himself with a better board of
strategy. There we will leave him for a while to take up the threads of
the Federalist conspiracy to prevent his election and thwart the public
will.
II
While Jefferson was calmly observing the development of the conspiracy,
and Gouverneur Morris was reflecting on the absurdity of the human
comedy, Alexander Hamilton sat in his office in New York writing
feverishly to the leaders of his party. If he wrote in bitterness it was
because he was fighting for the last vestige of his prestige as a
leader. It had been ominous enough when he lost control of the party
caucus and the leaders of the second class deserted him for Adams, but
now, to his horror, he found the leaders of the first class scheming for
the election of Burr, his pet aversion, to the Presidency. This was too
much. Through the latter part of December, the indignant sparks flew
from his fast-flying pen as he sought desperately to dissuade the
conspirators who had been his faithful servitors. On the 16th he wrote
Wolcott of his hope that ‘New England at least will not so far lose its
head as to fall into this snare.’ Jefferson was infinitely preferable,
because ‘not so dangerous a man’ and because he had ‘pretensions to
character.’ But Burr was a ‘bankrupt beyond redemption except by the
plunder of his country.’ He was ‘the Catiline of America.’ Would Wolcott
communicate these views to Marshall and Sedgwick and reply
speedily?[1875] The next day Hamilton and his erstwhile idolater, Otis,
were both busy with their pens. The former, in an evident fever of
anxiety, was writing again to Wolcott. It was incredible that
Federalists should be considering Burr. Within the last three weeks at
his own table he had toasted the French Republic, the commissioners on
both sides who had negotiated the peace, Bonaparte and Lafayette. Could
anything have been more monstrous? ‘Alas, when will men consult their
reasons rather than their passions?’ he asked. Elect Burr merely to
mortify the Democrats by the defeat of Jefferson? ‘This disposition
reminds me of the conduct of the Dutch moneyed man, who, from hatred of
the old aristocracy, favored the admission of the French into Holland to
overturn everything. Adieu to the Federal Troy if they once introduce
this Grecian horse into their citadel.’[1876]
While Hamilton was writing thus to Wolcott, Otis, in Boston, was writing
to Hamilton. ‘It is palpable,’ he wrote, ‘that to elect Burr is to cover
the opposition with chagrin and to sow among them the seeds of morbid
division.’ But how open communication with Burr? ‘We in Massachusetts do
not know the man. You do. Please advise us.’[1877] Hearing a few days
later that Sedgwick was deep in the plot, Hamilton wrote him with almost
hysterical earnestness. ‘For heaven’s sake, let not the Federalist party
be responsible for the elevation of this man [Burr].’[1878] Two days
more, and Hamilton was writing in New York; Harper, who had been his
idolater, was similarly engaged in Baltimore. The former was writing
Morris, seeking an understanding with Jefferson; Harper was writing
Aaron Burr, proffering an alliance. ‘Jefferson or Burr? The former
without all doubt,’ wrote Hamilton. ‘Let our situation be improved to
obtain from Jefferson assurances on certain points--the maintenance of
the present system, especially on the cardinal articles of public
credit--a navy, neutrality. Make any discreet use you think fit with
this letter.’[1879] Alas, the flimsiness of political friendship! At
that very hour Harper was writing Burr that the contest would be settled
in the House. ‘The language of the Democrats is that you will yield your
pretensions to their favorite.... I advise you to take no step whatever
by which the choice of the House ... can be impeded or embarrassed. Keep
the game perfectly in your own hands, but do not answer this letter, or
any other that may be written to you by a Federal man, nor write to any
of that party.’[1880]
No importunities from Hamilton were necessary in the case of Morris, who
had taken the high ground ‘that since it was evidently the intention of
our fellow citizens to make Mr. Jefferson their President, it seems
proper to fulfill that intention.’[1881] Such was his response to
Hamilton, who responded gratefully to the loyalty of one follower. ‘If
there is a man in the world I ought to hate,’ he wrote, ‘it is
Jefferson. With Burr I have always been personally well. But the public
good must be paramount to every private consideration.’[1882] The next
day Hamilton was bearing down hard on James A. Bayard, a Federalist
Representative from Delaware, with an excoriation of Burr as liable to
overturn the government to extend his power. Was it possible that
Federalists were thinking of arrangements with a man of Burr’s
character? ‘No engagement that may be made with him can be depended
upon. While making it, he will laugh in his sleeve at the credulity of
those with whom he makes it; and the first moment it suits his views to
break it he will do so.’[1883] At the same time he was appealing to John
Rutledge of South Carolina to assist in crushing the Federalists’
conspiracy as ‘a service to your country.’[1884] That month, too,
Senator Ross of Pennsylvania heard from New York. ‘Mr. Burr is the last
man in the United States to be supported by the Federalists,’ he read.
Why not seek an understanding with Jefferson?[1885]
But as December faded from the calendar, the colossal genius of
Federalism found himself in a position of pitiful impotency and
isolation. Morris and Jay shared his views, but even the New York
friends of his youth, like Troup, were unresponsive, and most of the
leaders, who had once responded gladly to his nod, were ignoring his
frantic efforts and proceeding with their plans. On the day he was
writing Bayard, two men knocked at the lodgings of Morris, and Robert
Goodhue Harper and Senator Henry Latimer of Delaware appeared to
electioneer the delightful cynic whose cynicism held so much of wisdom.
The voluble Harper was the spokesman. Burr, he said, was his ‘intimate
friend.’ It was advisable, he thought, to elect Burr ‘without asking or
expecting any assurances respecting his future administration.’ There
was enough in Burr’s temper and disposition to give ample security ‘for
a conduct hostile to the democratic spirit.’ Morris listened patiently,
and dryly suggested the wisdom of the House suspending its determination
‘until they can have more light as to the merit and probable conduct of
the candidates.’[1886] Unable to see with the majority of his party,
Morris, who had touched life at so many points and in so many places,
did not share in Hamilton’s rage. ‘Indeed, my dear friend,’ he wrote
Robert Livingston about this time, ‘this farce of life contains nothing
which should put us out of humor.’[1887] With Harper making a personal
canvass for Burr, Judge Samuel Sewall, of the Essex Junto, was urging
Otis to stand for ‘a steady and decided vote of the Federal party for
Mr. Burr,’ because it might at any rate prevent an election--a
consummation ‘most desirable.’[1888]
Meanwhile Burr, pretending preoccupation with the approaching nuptials
of his brilliant Theodosia, was suavely simulating, if he did not feel,
a distaste for the plan of his ‘intimate friend’ Harper. When the
movement in his behalf was first launched, he wrote General Sam Smith
that he would ‘disclaim all competition’ with Jefferson, that the
Federalists ‘could entertain no wish for such an exchange,’ and that his
friends would dishonor his views and insult his feelings ‘by a suspicion
that I would submit to be instrumental in counteracting the wishes and
expectations of the United States.’ But eight days later, Harper had
written him an encouraging letter on the prospects and he appears to
have followed the admonition not to reply. After that--silence.
At Conrad’s boarding-house the calmest man at the long table in the
dining-room was Jefferson. He knew the plans of the opposition to
prevent an election or to elect Burr, and noted the gloom among his
friends and the exultation of his enemies. He was quite calm.
III
January found Hamilton still feverishly busy at his writing-desk. His
worst fears had, by this time, been confirmed. His bosom friends had
smiled incredulously upon his protests against Burr. The conspiracy was
spreading ominously. His voice had lost its potency, his sword its
shimmer. Grimly he fought against fate. McHenry had been impressed with
the propaganda for Burr. A number of the Federalist leaders had escaped
from the frog ponds of the capital to enjoy Christmas festivities in
Baltimore, and from these he heard but one opinion--Burr should be
supported. Burr’s letter to Smith? These worldly Federalists laughed
derisively. He would not resent being elected by Federalist votes. Even
McHenry thought that with Burr elected ‘we may flatter ourselves that he
will not suffer the executive power to be frittered away.’ Still, he had
misgivings. ‘Can we promise ourselves that he will not continue to seek
and depend upon his own party for support?’[1889] It was with these
doubts in his mind that McHenry opened a letter from Hamilton, whom he
worshiped. Here he found Burr denounced as ‘a profligate,’ as a
‘voluptuary,’ as ‘an extortionist’ in his profession, as insolvent and
dangerous.[1890] A word from Hamilton was enough, and McHenry joined his
leader in combating the Federalist plans in Maryland--and not without
effect. But with Senator William Hindman, who had been a supporter of
Hamilton in the House, nothing could be done. He was aggressively for
Burr.[1891] In early January, Pickering, still pitying himself, was not
shocked at the idea of Burr’s election. The suggestion that ‘the
federalist interest will not be so systematically opposed under Mr. Burr
as under Jefferson’ impressed him. Then ‘in case of war with any
European power there can be no doubt which of the two would conduct it
with most ability and energy.’[1892]
Meanwhile Bayard had sent a non-committal reply to Hamilton. He had
found ‘a strong inclination of the majority’ of the Federalists to
support Burr with the disposition growing. He ought, therefore, to have
strong grounds for separating himself from the others. While their
action could not bind him, it would be a painful wrench to leave them.
Still, ‘the magnitude of the subject forbids the sacrifice of strong
conviction.’ As the pen of Bayard traveled over the page, the
conspirators were moving about him, for he wrote in the House of
Representatives.[1893] In truth, all Hamilton’s advices were disturbing.
Former Senator Gunn of Georgia, in sympathy with him, was afraid ‘some
of our friends have committed themselves by writing improperly to
Burr.’[1894] Even John Rutledge, while disgusted at the idea of either
Jefferson or Burr in the Presidency, found his party associates
convinced that ‘Burr will be the least mischief,’ and that his election
would be prodigiously afflicting to the Virginia faction and must
disjoint the party.[1895]’
It is easy to imagine Hamilton laying down the letter of Rutledge with a
frown, to open one which had arrived from Sedgwick in the same mail, to
get a greater shock. It was a vigorous plea for Burr. The author found
it ‘very evident that the Jacobins dislike Mr. Burr as President’ and
that ‘he hates them for the preference given to his rival.’ He had
‘expressed displeasure over the publication of his letter to General
Smith.’ Would not ‘this jealousy and distrust and dislike ... every day
more and more increase and more and more widen the breach between them?’
Would not the election of Burr by the Federalists cause ‘incurable’
wounds? Then again, ‘to what evils should we expose ourselves by the
choice of Burr, which we should escape by the election of Jefferson?’
True, given an opportunity, Burr would be more likely to become a
‘usurper’--but what of that?[1896]
About this time, in the middle of the month, the Federalists met to
determine on their course. The caucus was not entirely harmonious, but
the Burr sentiment was overwhelming. Shocked and inwardly enraged at the
disaffection of his friends, Hamilton now redoubled his efforts, and in
a ‘very, very confidential’ letter to Bayard dissected the character of
Burr, demolished the arguments of his Federalist supporters, and
pronounced Jefferson far superior in real ability. To this he gave a
personal touch--something he had hitherto held back. ‘It is past all
doubt,’ he said, ‘that he has blamed me for not having improved the
situation I once was in to change the government; that when answered
that this could not have been done without guilt, he replied, “Les
grandes âmes se soucient peu des petits moraux”; and when told that the
thing was never practical from the genius and situation of the country,
he answered, “That depends on the estimate we form of the human
passions, and of the means of influencing them.” Does this prove that
Mr. Burr would consider a scheme of usurpation as visionary?’[1897] Four
days after sending this letter to Bayard, Hamilton was writing Morris of
the inability of the conspirators to get assurances from Burr, who
complained that it would injure him with his friends. ‘Depend upon it,’
he warned, ‘men never played a more foolish game than will do the
Federalists if they support Burr.’[1898] But Hamilton was striving
against the basest, lowest instincts of his party. One of his Boston
followers was writing King at this very time that he favored Burr
because ‘his opposition heretofore’ had ‘arisen from ambitious motives,’
and because he was ‘not as honest in his politics as Jefferson.’[1899]
No one was a stouter contender against Hamilton’s decent patriotic
impulses than Sedgwick, who was moved by the motives just
indicated.[1900] No one knew it better than Hamilton, but he persisted.
‘I never was so much mistaken,’ he wrote Sedgwick, ‘as I shall be if our
friends in the event of their success do not rue the preference they
will give to that Catiline.’[1901] Fighting desperately, Hamilton looked
clear-eyed upon the repudiation of his leadership of the party into
which he had breathed the breath of life and given the dignity of power
by the prestige of his genius. Among his friends he made no secret of
his depression, admitting to them that his ‘influence with the federal
party was wholly gone’ and that he ‘could no longer be useful.’[1902]
Had he created a Frankenstein to destroy not only himself but his
policies and country? he wondered.
All through that month there was only serenity at Conrad’s
boarding-house in Washington. Thoroughly informed of every move made by
the enemy, Jefferson discussed the situation in the evenings with
Gallatin, the Nicholases, and General Smith. Such was his imperturbable
temperament that in the midst of the intense excitement he was able to
write to one friend of a meteorological diary from Quebec, and to
another on a similar one from Natchez.[1903] His cause was in the
keeping of Gallatin, who was quietly checking up on all members of the
House, closing his own ranks, preparing for every possible contingency,
and concluding that ‘the intention of the desperate leaders must be
absolute usurpation and the overthrow of our Constitution.’[1904] Thus
January passed, and February came with its fateful possibilities.
IV
As the time for the contest approached, the village capital overflowed
with visitors of stern visage. The boarding-houses packed with members
of Congress, these onlookers found lodgment in Georgetown and in
Alexandria. Notwithstanding the bitterness of the fight there was no
trouble--due to stern repression. A little spark would have caused an
explosion. The American people had determined on Jefferson, and it was
no longer a secret that forces were at work to defeat the public will.
Some of the Federalist papers deprecated the attempt to elect Burr with
Federalist votes. The New York ‘Commercial Advertiser’ made vigorous
protest in denunciation of the conspirators. ‘They are now taking the
ground which the Democrats have occupied and descending to the baseness
of supporting their cause by railing, abuse and scurrility. Nothing can
be less politic or honorable. It is the duty of good citizens to
acquiesce in the election and be tranquil. It is proper that Mr.
Jefferson should be made Chief Magistrate.’[1905] The same note was
struck by the New York ‘Gazette.’ ‘Many advocate the support of Mr.
Burr,’ it said. ‘In matters of such importance it is idle to suffer our
passions to get the better of our reason; and in statesmanship it would
be particularly culpable from such puerile motives to risk the welfare
of the nation.... Bad as both these men [Jefferson and Burr] are, there
is no comparison between them.’[1906] But the organ of the Essex Junto
was openly advocating Burr’s election. The ‘Centinel’ of Boston teemed
with Burr propaganda. ‘The people of New England have yet faith to
believe that a good tree cannot bring forth bad fruit, nor vice versa,’
it said. ‘They think the stock from which Mr. Jefferson has sprung to be
bad because his works are known to be so; and ... that whatever Mr. Burr
may be reported to be he will eventually turn out good; as he is the
grandson of the dignified Edwards, the great American luminary of
Divinity, and a son of President Burr who was also a burning and shining
light in the churches.’[1907] At times it fell into verse:
‘Stop ere your civic feasts begin;
Wait till the votes are all come in;
Perchance amidst this mighty stir
Your monarch may be Colonel Burr.’[1908]
A correspondent from Washington was quoted approvingly on the plan to
support Burr--‘the expediency of which course is so palpable to common
sense ... that I am astonished any Federal man should hesitate upon the
subject.’[1909] And the ‘Centinel’ expressed the hope that it would be
able ‘by Saturday next to announce either that the people will have
another opportunity to elect a Federal President; or that the House,
rejecting a theoretical and experimental philosopher, will prefer, as a
very respectable member of Congress describes Mr. Burr, “a practical
gentleman who will have judgment, taste and genius enough to appreciate
the usefulness of our federal fabric, and nerve enough to preserve its
integrity.”’[1910]
There was no longer any doubt that the Federalist hot-heads were ready
for usurpation and revolutionary measures. It was known to every
Democrat of any consequence in the country. Gallatin, counting noses,
had no fear of desertions from the Jeffersonian ranks. The real danger,
as the little conclave at Conrad’s saw it, was the prevention of an
election, and Gallatin was certain that, to prevent this calamity, a
Federalist from Maryland and Morris of Vermont would go over to
Jefferson. A plan to meet this contingency was drawn up by Gallatin and
accepted by the chief. More sinister still was the threat, commonly
heard, that should the Federalists succeed in preventing an election,
they would pass a law placing the Presidency in the hands of Marshall or
some other official. This the Democrats were prepared to resist by
physical force. To prevent this usurpation, the Jeffersonians notified
Governor M’Kean of Pennsylvania and Governor Monroe of Virginia, who
were prepared to march troops instantly upon the capital ‘for the
purpose, not of promoting, but of preventing revolution and the shedding
of a single drop of blood.’[1911] A careful survey convinced Gallatin
that this scheme of usurpation would not have mustered more than twenty
votes among the Federalist members. Only Henry Lee, ‘a desperate
character,’ and Roger Griswold of Connecticut, a bigot, appeared to
Gallatin to be really favorable to such a monstrous measure. Even so the
rumor spread, and it was said that fifteen hundred men in Virginia and
Maryland had agreed in the event a usurper were placed in the Presidency
to move on Washington to assassinate him.[1912]
Jefferson had other plans in view, which he conveyed only to Madison and
Monroe--to call a convention to reorganize the Government and amend the
Constitution, but he concealed this from Gallatin.[1913] The Gallatin
plan, with its military feature, leaked out, causing some uneasiness
among the conspirators, who proceeded, however, with their plans. The
‘Centinel’ boasted that Federalists had no fear of Southern and Western
fighters. ‘Our General [Burr] if called upon can assure them that he has
seen southern regiments in former times and knows what they are composed
of.[1914]
Meanwhile the Federalists proceeded with their plans. Burr, concealing
himself in Albany, was maintaining a discreet silence, and on February
1st, Jefferson wrote him a letter. At no time had he any confidence in
Burr’s political honesty or reliability. During the two Federalist
Administrations he had observed that, whenever a great military or
diplomatic appointment was to be made, Burr had hurried to Philadelphia
and was ‘always at market if they wanted him.’ Jefferson had thought it
wise to remain rather distant.[1915] But he was too sagacious to reveal
his distrust at this juncture. He had no thought of giving Burr any
excuse for treachery, and enemies had been busy with a forged letter
bearing Jefferson’s signature setting forth uncomplimentary opinions. He
wrote to call attention to the forgery and denounce it. ‘It was to be
expected,’ he wrote, ‘that the enemy would endeavor to sow tares between
us that they might divide us and our friends.’ If the letter was ever
answered, the reply has been lost.
On the day Jefferson sat in his room at Conrad’s writing Burr,
Gouverneur Morris’s morning slumber was interrupted by two visitors who
wished to discuss with him the organization of Burr’s Administration.
‘Laughable enough under the circumstances which now exist,’ chuckled the
cynic.[1916] Two days later, still serene, Jefferson was writing Dr.
Caspar Wistar of some bones recently discovered which the Doctor wished
for the museum. The candidate had taken the trouble to write Chancellor
Livingston, and the reply was inspired by the latter’s letter in answer.
With the village capital crowded, with talk of revolution, usurpation,
assassination, he wrote at length. Perhaps it would be better to ask
only for the bones missing from the museum’s collection, as the town
where they were found would probably be loath to part with them at all.
Even then the philosopher and scientist was not wholly lost in the
politician.[1917]
In New York, Hamilton, having gone his limit, was no longer writing
letters. The indifference of his erstwhile followers had left him
depressed and bitter. Then, one day at the Tontine Coffee-House, he had
an opportunity to renew his warning in the most dramatic manner. Wolcott
had resigned from the Cabinet, his treachery still unsuspected by Adams,
to be wined and dined by the Federalist members of Congress in
Washington, and toasted by the merchants of Philadelphia and New York.
After the regular toasts had been given at the Tontine and volunteers
were in order, Hamilton rose, and in his most impressive manner
proposed: ‘May our government never fall a prey to the dreams of a
Condorcet NOR THE VICES OF A CATILINE.’[1918] ‘The vices of a Catiline’
was the one expression remembered by the diners as they poured out into
the streets.
The next day the balloting was to begin. On the day of the dinner at the
Tontine the ‘Commercial Advertiser’ predicted the election of Burr on
the second ballot; and that same day Representative William Cooper was
writing a friend of the determination of the Federalists ‘to run Burr
perseveringly’ and to ‘leave the consequences to those who have hitherto
been his friends.’[1919] At Conrad’s boarding-house all was serene.
V
In a blinding snowstorm the lawmakers and spectators fought their way to
the Capitol on Wednesday morning, the 11th. Nature spread a white mantle
over the crudities of the village as though to dress it becomingly for
the great day. The great plain between the foot of the hill and the
river was covered with a spotless sheet, and even the shop of the
shoemaker and the home of the washwoman took on the appearance of
beauty. No one minded the storm, not even Joseph H. Nicholson of
Maryland, who, though bedridden with fever, insisted on being carried
through the storm to cast his ballot for Jefferson. The electoral votes
being counted in a joint session of the two houses, the members of the
House retired to their own chamber to elect a President. The crowded
gallery was ordered cleared. The visitors, grumbling loudly, filed out
into the corridors. When Samuel Harrison Smith, editor of the ‘National
Intelligencer,’ who had established his paper in the capital on the
advice of Jefferson, insisted on remaining, he was angrily ordered out
by Theodore Sedgwick, the Speaker. Arrangements were thereupon made by
the Jeffersonians to keep Smith informed hourly of the fortunes of the
fight. In a committee room off the chamber lay Nicholson on a bed,
burning with fever, an anxious wife at his side to give him water and
medicine. Even the conspirators could not restrain their admiration. ‘It
is a chance that this kills him,’ wrote Otis. ‘I would not thus expose
myself for any President on earth.’[1920] The stricken Democrat was not
there, however, against the wishes of his wife, who had the fighting
spirit of a Spartan woman.
The first ballot found Jefferson with eight States--Burr with six--nine
necessary to a choice. Another ballot immediately--the same result. A
third, fourth, fifth, sixth, seventh--no change. As each ballot was
taken, a teller from Maryland entered the little committee room where
Nicholson lay fighting the fever, his head supported by the arm of his
wife. He was awakened from his fitful sleep, a pencil was put in his
trembling fingers, and with his wife’s aid in guiding the pencil the
name of Jefferson was written. The pencil fell from his hand--he slept
again.[1921] At the end of the eighth ballot a motion to vote again in
an hour prevailed. There was little electioneering--men’s minds were
made up. Only a buzz of conversation, some laughter.
The ninth ballot, the tenth, eleventh, twelfth, thirteenth, fourteenth,
fifteenth ballots--and no change. Darkness had long since fallen on
snow-covered Washington. Bed-clothing, blankets, pillows, had been
brought in. The Federalists had determined to hold on without
adjournment. At nine o’clock the sixteenth ballot brought no change. At
ten o’clock the seventeenth, at eleven the eighteenth--and no change.
The motion was made to adjourn until Thursday, only to be voted down. At
midnight the nineteenth ballot was taken, with the lines unbroken. By
this time the members were slipping off to cloak and committee rooms
between ballots to sleep, and some slept in their chairs. As a ballot
was called, it was ‘ludicrous to see them running from committee rooms
with night caps on.’[1922] The crowd in the corridors dwindled, a few
stubbornly held on. Every hour a messenger waded laboriously through the
heavy snow to the home of the editor of ‘The Intelligencer’ with the
results. No sleep in that house that night. When the knock at the door
was heard, the editor’s wife, her heart beating audibly, as she thought,
could scarcely open to receive the paper.[1923]
At one o’clock another ballot--then at two. Nature was beginning to
claim its toll when it was agreed not to vote again until four o’clock.
After that the ballots were taken hourly throughout the night. When the
twenty-seventh ballot was taken at eight o’clock and the motion was made
to vote no more until noon, there were no protests. The vote at noon
found the opposing lines unbroken. The House adjourned until eleven
o’clock on Friday--the next day.
Friday: larger crowds about the Capitol. Nicholson still on his bed.
When the twenty-ninth ballot showed no change, an adjournment was taken
until noon on Saturday.
Meanwhile the participants in the struggle were sending out meager
reports on the results. While the first ballots were being taken on
Wednesday, Jefferson had written Tench Coxe: ‘For some time since, a
single individual has said he would by his vote make up the ninth
State. On Saturday last he changed, and it stands at present eight one
way, six the other, and two divided. Which of the two will be elected,
and whether either, I deem perfectly problematical; and my mind has long
since been equally made up for either of the three events.’[1924] Otis,
writing his wife, was more interested in the scene at the sick bed than
in conjectures.[1925] Gallatin wrote Mrs. Gallatin of the results
without comment, other than that he had slept from eight o’clock until
noon on Thursday morning.[1926] Saturday found the lines still holding,
but with the conspirators subjected to a heavy and disturbing fire from
outside. An imposing petition from Federalists in Maryland had been sent
John Chew Thomas declaring that two thirds of his constituents favored
Jefferson. Gallatin did ‘not know what effect they would have.’[1927]
and the thing that worried the Federalists was that they knew no better.
Some of these were finding the backfire distressing. Others were openly
disgusted with Burr. ‘Had Burr done anything for himself, he would long
ere this have been President,’ wrote Cooper of New York.[1928] It was
clearly time to push the contest. Thus, on Saturday three ballots were
taken without results, and the House adjourned until noon Monday.
Meanwhile, Jefferson, presiding over the Senate, surrounded by hatred
and excitement, presented an unruffled front, an untouched temper. From
time to time he could hear the angry discussions of his enemies, but he
made no sign. His impartiality was beyond question. ‘A spectator,’ wrote
a contemporary, ‘who watched his countenance would never have surmised
that he had any personal interest in the impending event.’[1929] From
the Capitol he walked like one unconcerned back to Conrad’s, enjoying
the snow. Some of the politicians sought to wring concessions from him
to gain support, but he was adamant. General Sam Smith, without his
authority or knowledge, entered into a negotiation, which had no effect
beyond furnishing the groundwork for the charge of his enemies in
history that he had made arrangements. As far as we know he was openly
approached by but one--and he was acting on the suggestion of Alexander
Hamilton.
One day, as Jefferson was descending the steps of the Capitol, he met
Gouverneur Morris and they paused to exchange compliments. Differing as
widely as the poles, they had enjoyed their social contacts in Paris.
The conversation turned naturally to the contest, and Morris observed,
significantly, that the opposition to Jefferson’s election on the part
of some was the fear that he would turn all Federalists out of office,
put down the navy, and wipe out the debt. All that was necessary to his
election was the assurance that none of these steps would be taken. ‘I
must leave the world to judge the course I mean to pursue by that which
I have pursued hitherto,’ Jefferson replied. ‘I believe it my duty to be
passive and silent during the present contest. I shall certainly make no
terms, and shall never go into the office of President by capitulation,
nor with my hands tied by any conditions which will hinder me from
pursuing the measures which I shall deem for the public good.’ The two
parted in the best of feeling.
The crisis was now approaching. Public sentiment was asserting itself
unmistakably, and statesmen could hear afar off the cracking of the
whips. The Jeffersonians would clearly not budge. Even Nicholson was
recovering instead of sinking under the exposure and excitement. The
Federalists in their caucuses were breaking up after stormy meetings. It
was agreed that nothing was left but desperate measures, and, while but
few urged their adoption, few openly disapproved. Burr was an
ever-increasing torment. Only his coöperation was needed, said Bayard
afterward, to have won. ‘By deceiving one man (a great blockhead) and
tempting two (not incorruptible), he might have secured a majority of
the States.’[1930] But Burr was in Albany, silent as the sphinx and
inactive as a mummy.
Over Sunday the leaders caucused and cursed. When the House met on
Monday, Gallatin understood that Bayard was going to vote for Jefferson
and end the fight. But on the one ballot taken on Monday, he remained
with Burr. ‘But it is supposed,’ wrote Gallatin to his father-in-law,
‘that the cause of delay is to make an attempt on his party and some
others to prevail on the whole Federal party to come over.’[1931]
The conferences continued on Monday and by night a decision had been
reached. Nothing could be gained by fighting for a man who would not
fight. The public was in an ugly mood. Hamilton’s friends, like Bayard,
were feeling a little ashamed of themselves. On Tuesday a crowd was
packed in the corridors of the Capitol and in front of the building.
Weary men in petulant mood pushed their way through these farmers,
mechanics, and politicians to the House. A vote was immediately taken.
Morris, Federalist from Vermont, withdrew, permitting Matthew Lyon to
cast the vote of the State for Jefferson. The Maryland Federalists cast
blank ballots--permitting the Democrats to put their State in the
Jefferson column. Bayard, after much meandering, finally satisfied
Hamilton by casting a blank, which, being the only vote to which his
State was entitled, left Delaware out entirely. And Theodore Sedgwick,
in a rage, was forced formally to announce the election of Thomas
Jefferson. The throng in the corridors and in front of the Capitol gave
way to noisy rejoicing, and the conspirators hurried to their lodgings
to escape the scowls of the populace.
VI
While most of them hurried home, three members of the House, including
two of the vanquished, with Thomas Pinckney as spokesman, made their way
with many jests, we may be sure, up the slushy Avenue, between the frog
ponds, to the President’s house to notify John Adams that his successor
had been chosen. No record of their reception remains, but the
imagination can supply the want. Nor is there any record that Adams sent
a note of congratulation to the victor. Those were the days when ‘The
Duke of Braintree’s’ morbid vanity was suffering keenly the flings of
outrageous fortune.
Two days later, the same committee formally notified Jefferson of his
election and was asked to convey a gracious response to the House.[1932]
Meanwhile, unflurried and unhurried, he went his way, appearing in the
Senate, as usual to preside, and continuing to occupy the foot of the
table at Conrad’s boarding-house. He had long since determined upon
Madison for the head of the Cabinet and Gallatin for the Treasury,
gigantic figures compared with those who had occupied these posts after
Jefferson and Hamilton had left them in the days of Washington. The
other positions were filled during the two weeks intervening between the
election and the inauguration.
On Saturday before his inauguration on Wednesday, Jefferson appeared for
the last time in the Senate to withdraw from his post there in a
farewell address. There before him sat men who hated him venomously, but
the suave, serene victor took leave as though departing with sorrow from
a cherished circle of congenial souls. Mistakes he had probably made,
but he had sought to ‘observe impartial justice,’ and his measurable
success had been due to the generosity and uniform courtesy of the
members. Could he but carry to his new station such support as he had
received from the Senate, he would ‘consider it as commencing under the
happiest auspices.’ In tendering his ‘cordial and respectful adieux,’ he
wished for all both health and happiness. With a courtly bow he
descended from the rostrum, and passed out of the chamber.
On Monday, Gouverneur Morris, chairman of the committee named to make
response, reported an answer matching the courtliness of Jefferson’s
farewell. It lamented ‘the loss of that intelligence, attention, and
impartiality’ with which Jefferson had presided, and expressed
appreciation of the kindly expressions on the Senate. Then, as Morris
proceeded, there was a savage wagging of heads among the die-hards, as
he read: ‘In the confidence that your official conduct will be directed
to those great objects [the honor and interests of the country]--a
confidence derived from past events, we repeat to you, sir, the
assurance of our Constitutional support in your future administration.’
Instantly an irreconcilable was on his feet with a motion to strike out
the words, ‘derived from past events.’ The roll was called. The motion
was lost by a vote of 9 to 19. The intolerant Tracy and Ross voted with
the nine, but Morris carried some of his party with him.[1933] The next
day Morris reported Jefferson’s reply--a gesture of appreciation.
As the day of the inauguration approached, great crowds began to pour
into the drab little capital from the surrounding country. In the
President’s house and in the Senate there was feverish activity. Early
in the session, the Federalists, realizing that their power was over in
the executive and legislative branches, sought to maintain themselves
and provide for their favorites through the creation of many Federal
judgeships. The purpose was transparent. The Democrats had fought the
measure without avail. All that now remained was for Adams to pack the
courts with partisans as narrow and intolerant as those who had for ten
years been delivering common party harangues from the Bench. With the
joyous visitors wading the muddy streets in holiday mood, with Jefferson
closeted with his friends at Conrad’s, the Senate was busy confirming
these partisan Judges, and in the Executive Department they were busy
signing the commissions. Night came--and John Marshall remained in his
office making them out.
To this drama of hate, Adams gave a touch of irony in selecting the
beneficiaries of his generosity. Wolcott had left him but a little while
before. Through four years he had played the game of Adams’s enemies,
presenting all the while a smiling countenance to his chief. We have
seen him lingering on in the citadel after Pickering and McHenry had
been thrown from the battlements, to wig-wag secret messages to the
enemy in New York. But Adams had suspected nothing. Moved by an impulse
of gratitude, he offered Wolcott a life position on the Bench, and that
consummate actor, smiling still, sent the assurance that ‘gratitude to
benefactors is among the most amiable ... of social obligations,’[1934]
and accepted. There is something of pathos to the Adams of the sunset.
Something of pathos and inspiration, too--for, to the disgust of the
inner circle of his party, he made John Marshall Chief Justice of the
United States, and thus, unwittingly, saved the better part of
Federalism from the wreckage of the temple, to fight on through many
years to come.
VII
The morning of inauguration day found the entire nation marching in the
streets, exultant Democrats following the fife and drum, singing and
shouting hosannas. Merchants locked their doors, mechanics left their
work-benches, clerks laid down their pens, farmers deserted their homes
for the towns, and from Boston to Savannah men and women celebrated with
an enthusiasm not approached since the celebration of the peace in
1783.
In Washington, the thunder of artillery ushered in the day. As it shook
the heavens, an embittered old man with a sour countenance sat far back
in his coach as it bumped and splashed its way through the mire and over
the stumps of the Baltimore road, for at four o’clock in the morning
John Adams had slipped out of the house of the Presidents and hurried
away, rather than remain to extend the ordinary courtesies to his
successor. ‘You have no idea,’ wrote Gallatin to his wife, ‘of the
meanness, indecency, almost insanity of his conduct, especially of late.
But he is fallen and not dangerous. Let him be forgotten.’[1935]
Somewhere in hiding, or in flight, was Theodore Sedgwick, Speaker of the
House, who could not bear to witness the triumph of a foe.
That morning Jefferson remained quietly at Conrad’s, receiving friends.
As he entered the dining-room for breakfast, the wife of Senator Brown
rose impulsively and offered him her seat. With an appreciative smile he
declined and sat down as usual at the end of the table near the
door.[1936]
At ten o’clock there was a flurry among the men, women, and children
standing reverently in front of Jefferson’s lodgings, when, with a
swinging stride, companies of riflemen and artillery from Alexandria
paraded before the boarding-house. At noon, dressed plainly, with
nothing to indicate the dignity of his position, Jefferson stepped out
of Conrad’s, accompanied by citizens and members of Congress, and walked
to the Capitol. As he passed the threshold, there was a thunder of
artillery. When he entered the little Senate Chamber, the Senators and
Representatives rose, and Aaron Burr, now Vice-President, left his
seat--all standing until Jefferson sat down in the chair he had occupied
until a week before. On his right hand, Burr; on his left, Marshall.
Only a little while, and Burr, arrested for treason at the instigation
of Jefferson, would be tried by Marshall at Richmond.
After a moment, Jefferson rose and read a conciliatory address, in a
tone scarcely audible in the tiny room.[1937] ‘We are all Republicans;
we are all Federalists. If there be any among us who would wish to
dissolve this Union, or to change its Republican form, let them stand
undisturbed as monuments of the safety with which error of opinion may
be tolerated where reason is left free to combat it.’ As he concluded,
he turned to Marshall, his Hamilton of the future. The Chief Justice
administered the oath. It was over. The festivities of ‘83 had
celebrated the achievement of the right of the American people to form
their own government and make their own laws. The roar of artillery as
the new President emerged from the Capitol meant that the real American
Revolution had triumphed, and definitely determined that this should be
a democratic republic.
In the streets and public-houses that afternoon there was rejoicing,
shouting, singing, laughing, drinking. Even the more tolerant of the
vanquished fraternized with the victors, and the wife of the editor of
the Jeffersonian organ[1938] poured tea for Gouverneur Morris, Jonathan
Dayton, and James A. Bayard. For the moment ‘all were Republicans, all
were Federalists.’ That night Washington saw its first illumination.
* * * * *
Lumbering along the wretched mud roads in his coach rode Adams, the
reverberations of the artillery peal of the morning still hammering on
his nerves, meditating bitterly on the treachery of men.... Somewhere in
hiding, Sedgwick--cursing the fates.... And somewhere in New York,
Alexander Hamilton was tasting the bitter fruits of the victory he had
fought to win for his greatest opponent. From his window he could see
the marching men and he could hear the pæans of triumph. The brilliant
party he had moulded was in ruins--his leadership scorned by the
crawling creatures who had shone only in the reflected light of his
brilliance. He was alone--isolated.... A little while and he would write
Morris, ‘What can I do better than withdraw from the scene? Every day
proves to me more and more that this American world was not made for
me.’[1939] ... A few months, and he would be describing himself as a
‘disappointed politician’ in a letter to Pinckney requesting melon seeds
for his garden and parroquets for his daughter.[1940] ... Four
years--and before Burr’s pistol he would fall on the banks of the Hudson
one tragic summer morning.... Some years more, and a visitor to the home
of the retired sage of Monticello would see in the hall a marble bust of
Hamilton--the tribute of one great man to another.
The eighteenth century witnessed their Plutarchian battles; the
twentieth century uncovers at the graves at Monticello and in Trinity
Churchyard--but the spirits of Jefferson and Hamilton still stalk the
ways of men--still fighting.
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MADISON, DOLLY. _See_ Maud W. Goodwin.
MADISON, JAMES. _See_ William C. Rives, S. H. Gay.
MARSHALL, JOHN. _See_ A. J. Beveridge.
MELVILLE, LEWIS. _Life and Letters of William Cobbett in England
and America._ 2 vols. London, 1913.
MONROE, JAMES. _See_ George Morgan.
MORGAN, GEORGE. _Life of James Monroe._ Boston, 1921.
MORISON, SAMUEL ELIOT. _Life and Letters of Harrison Gray Otis._ 2
vols. Boston, 1913.
MORRIS, ANNE CARY. _The Diary and Letters of Gouverneur Morris._ 2
vols. New York, 1888.
MORRIS, GOUVERNEUR. _See_ A. C. Morris.
MORRIS, ROBERT. _See_ E. P. Oberholtzer.
MORSE, ANSON DANIEL. _Parties and Party Leaders._ Boston, 1923.
MORSE, ANSON ELY. _The Federalist Party in Massachusetts to the
Year 1800._ Princeton, 1909.
MORSE, JOHN T. _Thomas Jefferson._ Boston, 1899. _John Adams._
Boston, 1899.
MUZZEY, DAVID. _Thomas Jefferson._ New York, 1919.
MYERS, GUSTAVUS. _The History of Tammany Hall._ New York, 1917.
OBERHOLTZER, E. P. _Robert Morris, Patriot and Financier._ New
York, 1903.
OLIVER, FREDERICK SCOTT. _Alexander Hamilton: An Essay on the
American Union._ New York, 1907.
OTIS, HARRISON GRAY. _See_ S. E. Morison.
PARSONS, THEOPHILUS. _Memoir of Theophilus Parsons._ Boston, 1859.
PARTON, JAMES. _Life of Thomas Jefferson._ 2 vols. Boston, 1874.
_Life and Times of Aaron Burr._ 2 vols. Boston, 1892.
PAYNE, GEORGE HENRY. _History of Journalism in the United States._
New York, 1920.
PELLEW, GEORGE. _John Jay._ Boston, 1899.
PICKERING, OCTAVIUS. _Life of Timothy Pickering._ 4 vols. Boston,
1867.
PICKERING, TIMOTHY. _See_ O. Pickering.
PINCKNEY, C. C. _Life of General Thomas Pinckney._ Boston, 1895.
PINCKNEY, THOMAS. _See_ C. C. Pinckney.
PURCELL, RICHARD J. _Connecticut in Transition, 1775-1818._
Washington, 1918.
RANDALL, HENRY S. _The Life of Thomas Jefferson._ 3 vols.
Philadelphia, 1871.
RANDOLPH, SARAH N. _Domestic Life of Thomas Jefferson._ New York,
1871.
REPPLIER, AGNES. _Philadelphia: The Place and the People._ New
York, 1898.
RIVES, WILLIAM C. _History of the Life and Times of James Madison._
3 vols. Boston, 1868.
ROBINSON, WILLIAM A. _Jeffersonian Democracy in New England._ New
Haven, 1916.
ROOSEVELT, THEODORE. _Gouverneur Morris._ Boston, 1899.
SCHARF, J. THOMAS. _History of Philadelphia._ 3 vols. Philadelphia,
1884.
SMITH, MARGARET BAYARD. _See_ Gaillard Hunt.
SMITH, THOMAS E. _The City of New York in the Year of Washington’s
Inauguration._ New York, 1889.
STEINER, BERNARD C. _Life and Correspondence of James McHenry._
Cleveland, 1907.
STEVENS, JOHN AUSTIN. _Albert Gallatin._ Boston, 1899.
STORY, JOSEPH. _See_ W. W. Story.
STORY, W. W. _The Life and Letters of Joseph Story._ 2 vols.
Boston, 1857.
SULLIVAN, JAMES. _See_ T. C. Amory.
SULLIVAN, WILLIAM. _Familiar Letters on Public Characters and
Public Events._ Boston, 1834.
THOMAS, E. S. _Reminiscences of the Last Sixty Years._ 2 vols.
TWINING, THOMAS. _Travels in America One Hundred Years Ago._ New
York, 1893.
WALSH, CORREA MOYLAN. _The Political Science of John Adams._ New
York, 1915.
WANSEY, HENRY. _The Journal of an Excursion to the United States of
North America in the Summer of 1794._ London, 1796.
WARFIELD, ETHELBERT DUDLEY. _The Kentucky Resolutions of 1798._ New
York, 1894.
WARVILLE, J. P. BRISSOT. _New Travels in the United States of
America._ Bowling Green, Ohio, 1919.
WATSON, JOHN F. _Annals of Philadelphia and Pennsylvania in Ye
Olden Time._ 2 vols. Philadelphia, 1857.
WATSON, THOMAS E. _The Life and Times of Thomas Jefferson._ New
York, 1903.
WELD, ISAAC. _Travels Through the States of North America._ 2 vols.
London, 1807.
WELLING, JAMES CLARKE. _Addresses, Lectures, and Other Papers._
Cambridge, 1904.
WHARTON, ANNE HOLLINGSWORTH. _Salons, Colonial and Republican._
Philadelphia, 1900.
WHARTON, FRANCIS. _State Trials of the United States during the
Administrations of Washington and John Adams._ Philadelphia, 1849.
WILSON, JAMES GRANT. _The Memorial History of the City of New
York._ 4 vols. New York, 1893.
WOODBURN, JAMES A. _Political Parties and Party Problems in the
United States._ New York, 1914.
CONTEMPORARY PAMPHLETS
_Anonymous._ _Serious Facts Opposed to ‘Serious Considerations’ and
the ‘Voice of Warning to Religious Republicans.’_ (Pamphlets
attacking the religion of Jefferson.) New York, 1800.
BECKLEY, JOHN JAMES. _Address to the People of the United States,
with an Epitome and Vindication of the Life and Character of Thomas
Jefferson._ Philadelphia, 1800.
BISHOP, ABRAHAM. _An Oration on the Extent and Power of Political
Delusions._ Newark, 1800.
‘BYSTANDER.’ _A Series of Letters on the Subject of the
‘Legislative Choice’ of Electors in Maryland._ Baltimore, 1800.
CALLENDER, J. T. _Sedgwick & Company: A Key to the 6 per cent
Cabinet._ Philadelphia, 1798. _The Honorable Mr. Sedgwick’s Last
Will and Testament._ Newark, 1800. _The Prospect Before Us._
Richmond, 1800.
CHEETHAM, JAMES. _An Answer to Alexander Hamilton’s Letter
concerning the Public Conduct and Character of John Adams._ New
York, 1800.
COBBETT, WILLIAM. _Observations on the Emigration of Dr. Joseph
Priestley._ Philadelphia, 1794. _A Bone to Gnaw for Democrats._
Philadelphia, 1795.
COXE, TENCH. _Strictures upon the Letter Imputed to Mr. Jefferson
Addressed to Mr. Mazzei._ Philadelphia, 1800.
FENNO, JOHN WARD. _Desultory Reflections on the New Political
Aspects of Public Affairs._ New York, 1800.
HODGKINSON. _Letters on Emigration._ London, 1794.
SMITH, WILLIAM. _Address to his Constituents._ Philadelphia, 1794.
TAYLOR, JOHN. _An Examination of the Late Proceedings of Congress,
Respecting the Official Conduct of the Secretary of the Treasury._
Philadelphia, 1793.
CONTEMPORARY NEWSPAPERS
BOSTON:
_The Columbian Centinel._
_The Independent Chronicle._
NEW YORK:
_New York Daily Advertiser._
_Commercial Advertiser._
_New York Journal._
_American Minerva._
_The Argus._
_The Time Piece._
_Gazette of the United States._
_Louden’s Diary, or Register._
PHILADELPHIA:
_National Gazette._
_Gazette of the United States._
_The General Advertiser._
_The Aurora._
_Porcupine’s Gazette._
_Pennsylvania Daily Advertiser._
BALTIMORE:
_Maryland Gazette._
_Maryland Journal._
PORTSMOUTH:
_New Hampshire Gazette._
CHARLESTON:
_City Gazette._
WINDSOR, VERMONT:
_Spooner’s Vermont Journal._
HARTFORD:
_The Courant._
_The American Minerva._
NEW HAVEN:
_Connecticut Gazette._
MAGAZINES
_American Historical Review_, October, 1899, January, 1900,
‘Contemporary Opinion of the Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions,’ by
Frank M. Anderson.
American Historical Association, _Annual Reports_, 1912, ‘The
Enforcement of the Alien and Sedition Laws,’ by Frank M. Anderson;
1896-97, ‘Letters of Phineas Bond.’
_The Nation_, July 18, 1912, ‘Extracts from Diary of Moreau de St.
Mery’; September 5, 1895, ‘The Authorship of the Giles
Resolutions,’ by Paul L. Ford.
INDEX
Adams, Abigail, New York house at Richmond Hill, 16;
on removal of capital to Philadelphia, 116;
on Philadelphia, 125;
and Mrs. Bingham, 128, 129.
Adams, Abijah, bookkeeper for editor of _Independent Chronicle_, imprisoned
for; libel, 394, 395.
Adams, John, begins ‘reign’ as Vice-President, 3;
troubled as to proper titles for the President and Vice-President, 3;
on reception of President in Senate, 3;
what is the Vice-President when the President is in Senate?, 3;
writer of ‘Discourses of Davilla,’ published in Fenno’s _Gazette_, 17;
on Hamilton, 37;
Jeffersonians attempt to defeat for Vice-Presidency in 1792, 181;
elected, but by small margin, 183;
candidate for Presidency, in 1796, 310;
suspects trickery, 312;
retains Washington’s Cabinet, 314;
sketch of, at time of entering on Presidency, 316-26;
Maclay on, 317;
his vanity, 318;
jealousy of Washington, 319;
difficult in conference, 320;
not in sympathy with democracy, 322;
his love of country, 323;
moral courage, 325, 326;
war with France threatened, 339;
sends special mission to France, 345;
reports failure of envoys to France, and recommends Congress to authorize
warlike; measures, 363;
is ignorant that Hamilton through McHenry is dictating policy, 363;
action on publication of X Y Z papers commended, 366;
pulls down the pillars, 412;
is troubled about French situation, 412;
offers command of army to Washington, 412, 413;
conspiracy in Cabinet in favor of Hamilton, 412, 413;
nominates Hamilton, Pinckney, and Knox as major-generals, 413;
Federalist conspirators bombard him with suggestions that Hamilton should
be; second in command, 414;
war plans all in Hamilton’s hands, 418-28;
is ignorant of much going on, 426;
considers sending new mission to France, 428;
submits questions to Cabinet, for new negotiations with France or a declaration of
war,
429;
Cabinet conspirators with Hamilton write war Message, 429;
A. rewrites Message, 429, 430;
is conscious of Cabinet conspiracy, 430;
appoints Minister to France, 430;
contest with Senate over confirmation, 430, 431;
agrees to compromise, 432, 433;
confounds his Cabinet conspirators, 436-38;
depressed by Federalist defeat in New York elections in 1800, 455, 456;
suspects Hamilton, 456;
dismisses McHenry and Pickering from Cabinet, 456, 457;
defeated for Presidency, 486;
relations with Jefferson, on quitting office, 489, 490.
Adams, John Quincy, on speculation by Congressmen, 47;
on Madison, 57.
Adams, Samuel, defeated for Representative to First Congress by Fisher Ames,
1;
looked to by Jefferson for aid in forming opposition party in Massachusetts,
144;;
chosen by Jefferson as lieutenant, 144;
presides at meeting in Boston on Jay Treaty, 278.
Adams, Thomas, editor Boston _Independent Chronicle_, 152;
prosecuted under Sedition Law, 393-94.
Adet, ----, Minister to United States, from French Republic, credited with efforts
to influence election in 1796, 311.
Alien Bill, aimed at Irish immigrants, 374;
French residents frightened and sail for France, 376;
passed by close vote, 379.
Allen, John, Representative from Connecticut, 379.
_American Minerva_, on party feeling, 232.
Ames, Fisher, Representative from Massachusetts, elected over Samuel Adams,
1;
cynical over prospect of improvement in form of government over old Confederation,
1;
not impressed by his fellow Congressmen, 1;
on cost of Federal Hall, 2;
on titles, 6;
Hamilton’s defender in House, 47;
on Madison, 51, 52;
disgusted with contest for site of permanent capital, 65;
on proposed amendment to Excise Bill, 73;
defends doctrine of ‘implied powers,’ 76;
elected director of Bank of United States, 90;
on Giles’s resolutions attacking Treasury management, 201, 203;
on yellow fever epidemic in Philadelphia, 237;
on Madison commerce resolutions, 240, 241;
sketch of, 302-04;
makes strong plea in House for appropriations to carry out Jay Treaty, 305,
306;.
_An Examination of the Late Proceedings of Congress Respecting the Official
Conduct; of the Secretary of the Treasury_, pamphlet published in Philadelphia,
205;
authorship attributed to John Taylor of Caroline, 206.
Assumption, favored by North, where most of State indebtedness was unpaid, 59;
opposed by Virginia, whose debt was largely paid, 59;
defended by Madison, 61;
lobbying for passage of bill, 61;
uneasiness of friends of, 61, 62;
Hamiltonian press comments, 63;
adopted after Hamilton’s bargain with Jefferson, 65, 68.
_Aurora, The_, on the Jay Treaty, 273, 274, 276, 277, 280, 286;
on Hamilton’s Reynolds pamphlet, 355, 356.
Austin, Ben, rope-maker, Jeffersonian organizer in Massachusetts, 144.
Bache, Benjamin F., editor _Pennsylvania Daily Advertiser_, 152.
Bank of the United States, Hamilton’s _Report_ on, 74;
bill for establishing, 75, 76;
debate on bill in Congress, 75, 76;
constitutionality questioned, 76;
fears of veto, 77;
much speculation in stock, 87, 88;
members of Congress involved, 89;
charges of ‘corrupt squadron,’ 89;
election of directors, 90;
public indignation, 90;
bill introduced to reimburse for loan to Government, 190.
Bard, Dr. John, fashionable physician, 15.
Barnwell, Robert, Representative from South Carolina, on Giles’s resolutions attacking Treasury
management,
203.
Beckwith, ----, British Agent at Philadelphia, cultivates Madison, 80;
Jefferson on, 80;
protests Jefferson’s commendation of Paine’s _Rights of Man_, 83.
Biddle, Charles, resolutions of welcome to Genêt prepared at home of, 219;
leads parade in honor of Genêt, 220.
Bingham, Marie, daughter of Mrs. William Bingham, 130.
Bingham, William, elected director of Bank of United States, 90.
Bingham, Mrs. William, social leader in Philadelphia, 127, 128;
one of her fashionable gatherings described, 131-35.
Bishop, Abraham, Jeffersonian organizer in Connecticut, 145.
Black Friars, New York City club, 10.
Bloodworth, Timothy, on Excise Bill, 72;
lieutenant for Jefferson in North Carolina, 150.
Bond, Phineas, British Consul in Philadelphia, 244.
Boudinot, Elias, speculator in public securities, 62, 170;
on Giles’s resolutions attacking Treasury management, 201.
Bowen’s Wax Works, Philadelphia, 138.
Bradford, William, classmate of Madison at Princeton, 157.
Breckel, Van, Dutch Minister to United States, entertains lavishly, 13.
Breckenridge, John, of Kentucky, in conference with Jefferson on Alien and Sedition
Laws,
407;
author of the Kentucky Resolutions, 408;
sketch of, 408, 409.
Brown, John, Jeffersonian leader in Kentucky, 180.
Burk, John D., editor of New York _Time Piece_, arrested for sedition, 405.
Burke, Ædanus, Representative from South Carolina, makes vicious
attack on Hamilton and his financial measures, 62.
Burke, Edmund, and the French Revolution, 82.
Burr, Aaron, on wines in Philadelphia, 126, 147;
Jefferson moves to attach him to his party, 147;
fellow student of Madison at Princeton, 157;
possible candidacy of, for Vice-President in 1792, 181;
leader of Jeffersonians in New York election of 1800, 448;
sketch of, contrasted with Hamilton, 449;
combines forces with Society of Tammany, 451;
his campaign methods, 452-54;
urged for the Vice-Presidency in 1800, 455;
secures copy of Hamilton’s pamphlet attacking Adams, publishes it in _The
Aurora_;, 478.
Butler, Pierce, Senator from South Carolina, 9;
a ‘democrat’ whose associates were aristocrats, 134;
votes against ratification of Jay Treaty, 280.
Cabot, George, sees irrevocable ruin of country, 63;
pained at attitude of Madison, 63;
candid friend and supporter of Hamilton, 63;
elected director of Bank of United States, 90;
on meeting in Boston on Jay Treaty, 278;
on Washington’s hesitation in signing Jay Treaty, 285.
Callender, James Thomas, author of pamphlet, _The Prospect Before Us_, indicted
and; convicted under Sedition Law, 400-02;
defended by William Wirt, 401.
Capital of the Nation, battle on permanent site for, 64, 65;
bargaining to trade votes on Assumption, 65;
bargain between Hamilton and Jefferson on location of, 65, 67;
Hamilton indifferent as to location, 65;
Virginians and Marylanders want it at Georgetown, 65;
Jefferson’s part in bargain, 66.
Carrington, Edward, letter from Hamilton to, in 1792 campaign, 180.
Carroll, Charles, of Carrollton, Senator from Maryland, on titles, 5;
elected director of Bank of United States, 90;
mentioned for Vice-President in 1792, 181.
Certificates of indebtedness, issued to soldiers of Revolution, in lieu of cash, bought up by
speculators,
44,
45;
Hamilton’s plans for redemption by funding scheme known in advance to members
of; Congress and friends, 46.
_Charleston City Gazette_, on the Jay Treaty, 281.
Chase, Samuel, Judge, and Mrs. William Bingham, 131;
presiding justice in Alien and Sedition trials, 398, 400-02.
Chateaubriand, Viscount de, on Philadelphia, 123, 125.
Chestnut Street Theater, Philadelphia, 137, 185.
Church, Mrs. Angelica, sister-in-law of Hamilton, 12;
letters on Hamilton, 39.
Cincinnati, Society of the, 48.
City Tavern, Philadelphia, 119.
Clinton, George, newspaper attack on Hamilton’s funding plans ascribed to, 50;
Jeffersonian leader in New York, 147;
in bitter fight with John Jay for governorship of New York in 1792, 178;
urged to become candidate for Vice-President in 1792, 181;
receives votes of four States, though not an avowed candidate, 183;
Jeffersonian candidate for Governor in New York election of 1800, 452.
Clymer, George, Representative from Pennsylvania, on Assumption, 58, 62;
dinner party at house of, described, 126, 127.
Cobbett, William, author of reply to Priestley’s addresses, 259;
proprietor of _Porcupine’s Gazette_, q.v.
_Columbian Centinel_, on Funding Bill, 57;
letters to, on Madison and the Funding Bill, 57;
‘Publicola’ (John Quincy Adams) attacks Jefferson, Paine, and democracy, 84;
on Jeffersonians, 152;
on Freneau’s attacks on Hamilton, 164;
on speculative craze, 176, 178;
on Indian expedition of St. Clair, 175;
on Hamilton’s vindication of official conduct of Treasury, 199;
on French Revolution, 207, 211;
on relations with England, 220;
on the Jay Treaty, 278;
on prospects of war with France, 366;
war propaganda, 370, 371.
Congress, meets in New York City, 1;
Washington and Adams declared elected, 2;
ceremonial forms and titles excite much discussion, 3-6;
first tariff measure in, 19;
executive departments established, 19, 20;
jealousy of executive, 20;
Hamilton’s _Report on Public Credit_ debated, 44 ff.;
debate on Funding Bill, 48 ff.;
scandal over speculation by members in certificates, Bank stock, and scrip,
89;;
‘corrupt squadron,’ 89;
bill to pay loan from Bank of United States hotly debated, 190-92;
Giles’s resolutions condemning Hamilton, debates on, 199-203;
resolutions defeated, 203;
Madison’s resolutions on Jefferson’s Report on Commerce, 240;
Non-Intercourse Act, as reply to England’s high-handed seizure of American
vessels,
244;
debates in Senate on Jay Treaty, 272;
debate in House over right to have papers as to treaty, 298;
Alien Bill, debates on, 374-79;
Sedition Bill, debates on, 378, 380.
_Connecticut Gazette_, on French Revolution, 211, 212;
on Genêt, 219.
Cooper, Dr. Thomas, scientist and physician, indicted under Sedition Act, 398;
convicted and imprisoned, 399;
refuses to ask for pardon, 399.
Coxe, Tench, Assistant Secretary of Treasury under Hamilton, and location of
capital,
65.
Croswell, Joseph, poem by, on French Revolution, 208.
Dallas, Alexander James, one of Jefferson’s leaders in Pennsylvania, 148;
aids in preparations for reception of Genêt, 219;
efforts of, in case of brig _Little Sarah_, 227, 228;
defends Duane in prosecution under Alien Law, 396, 397.
Davie, William R., on opposition to Jay Treaty, 281.
Dayton, Jonathan, 148;
scandal over retention of public funds, 466.
Democratic Party. _See_ Jeffersonians.
Democratic Clubs, organized, 222, 223;
Federalists insist they must be abolished, 260;
condemned by Washington in Message, 261.
Democratic Societies. _See_ Democratic Clubs.
De Moustier, French Minister to United States, Jefferson on, 108.
Dodd, William E., quoted on Jefferson, 96.
Duane, William, editor of _The Aurora_, arrested and prosecuted under the Alien
Act;, 396, 397;
is acquitted, 397;
indicted for sedition, 397;
assaulted and beaten by soldiers, 420;
prosecuted under Sedition Law, 442.
Duer, William, financial failure of, in 1792 starts panic, 176, 177;
threatens damaging revelations from debtors’ prison, 187.
Dunlap, William, historian of American theater, 10.
Dwight, Timothy, on newspapers, 156.
Ellsworth, Oliver, Senator from Connecticut, on titles, 4;
and the Assumption Bill, 62;
on French Revolution, 209;
efforts of, to induce Washington to send Hamilton on special mission to England,
247;
on Washington’s delay in signing Jay Treaty, 285.
Emmet, Thomas Addis, Irish refugee (brother of Robert Emmet), of the New York
Bar,
375.
Everleigh, Nicholas, appointed Comptroller of the Treasury, 21.
Excise Bill, warm debate on, in Congress, 71, 73;
amendment proposed to prohibit revenue officers interfering in elections,
73;
debate on duration of tax, 73.
Fairfax estate, Virginia, litigation over, 281.
_Federal Gazette_, Freneau in, opposes Bank Bill, 78.
Federalists, policy to capitalize politically
popularity of Washington, 41;
from beginning under domination of Hamilton, 140;
favored by commercial, intellectual, and professional classes, 140;
leaders men of strength in most of the States, 140, 141;
opposition to, inevitable, 144;
denounce Democrats as conspirators, 151;
attack Jeffersonian newspapers in Federalist organs, 203, 204;
sympathies with royalists in French Revolution, 207, 208;
enforce policy of neutrality in French Revolution wars, 216;
force recall of Genêt, 231;
avert war with England and send Jay to negotiate treaty, 247;
leaders induce attacks on ‘Democratic Societies,’ 261;
defend Jay Treaty, but with wry faces, 285-88;
refuse to confirm nomination of Rutledge as Chief Justice, 289;
pass Alien and Sedition Acts, 375-80;
efforts of leaders to force war with France, 412-28;
mean war to be a Federalist war, 412;
Hamilton is to conduct war with no interference from Adams, 412;
secure appointment of Hamilton as second in command, 415;
conspire to prevent Jeffersonians from securing commissions in army, 416;
war not popular among the people at large, 418;
raising funds for war purposes difficult, 418;
taxes for war arouse resentment, 419;
recruiting slow, 421;
public refuse to believe there is to be a war, 421, 422;
Logan’s visit to France upsets Federalist war plans, 423, 424;
the war hawks disappointed, 425, 426;
Federalists determined on war, 426, 427;
Cabinet conspirators write war Message for Adams, 429;
scheme to override Adams, 430;
caucus, 430;
friends of Adams’s policy in majority, 430;
losing ground politically in 1799, 440;
plan for changing method of counting electoral votes in Presidential election,
441,
442;
bill passes Senate, but fails in the House, 442, 443;
spring elections of 1800 show tide running against them, 448, 451-55;
under Hamilton’s influence leaders plan to defeat Adams for Presidency, 455-58;
hints at secession from Federalist leaders in case of Jefferson’s election,
468;, 470;
party split hopelessly on publication of Hamilton’s attack on Adams, 481,
482;
defeated in election, leaders conspire to have electors vote for Burr, 491;
Hamilton opposed to plan, 491-501;
plan fails, after much balloting, 506.
Fenno, John, protégé of Hamilton, establishes _Gazette of the United States_,
4;;
his paper aspires to be the ‘court journal,’ 4;
King and Hamilton interested in financing paper, 153, 154;
patronage of government printing, 154;
death of, from yellow fever, 381.
Fenno, John Ward, son of founder of Fenno’s _Gazette_, continues publication,
381;.
Fitzsimons, Thomas, Representative from Pennsylvania, speculator in certificates,
47;
Hamiltonians meet at lodgings of, 58;
and the Assumption Bill, 62;
Hamilton’s lieutenant in the House, 186;
introduces resolution asking Hamilton to report plan for redemption of part of national
debt,
186;
resolution precipitates sharp debate, 186, 187;
on Giles’s resolutions attacking Treasury management, 201.
Florida Tea Garden, New York City, 10.
Ford, Paul Leicester, quoted, on Jefferson, 199.
France, revolution in, effect of, in United States, 207;
asked to recall Genêt, 216;
Adams sends mission to, 345;
envoys unsuccessful, 363;
publication of X Y Z papers, 364, 365;
Adams recommends preparations for war with, 365.
Franchise, in 1789 limited in most of the States, 142;
property qualifications, 142;
Jefferson and, 142.
French Revolution, the, its influence in the United States, 207, 208;
Hamiltonians instinctively hostile to purposes of, 208;
denounced by leading Federalist Senators, 209;
supported by Jefferson, 210;
sympathy for, of the common people, 213;
enthusiasm for the French, 213, 214;
enthusiasm for, heightened by arrival of Genêt, 221, 222;
liberty caps and liberty poles, 222;
Democratic and Jacobin Clubs everywhere, 223;
Federalists alarmed, 223;
clubs denounced as vicious ‘nurseries of sedition,’ 223.
Freneau, Philip, ‘Poet of the Revolution,’ induced by Madison to establish newspaper,
154;
appointed to clerkship in Department of State, 155;
establishes _National Gazette_, 155;
Jeffersonians aided, 155;
at once assumes leadership, 155;
paper recognized as Jefferson’s organ, 155;
arouses Federalist rage, 156;
influence of paper felt in back country, 156;
classmate of Madison, Lee, Burr, and Brockholst Livingston at Princeton, 157;
rebel by nature, 158;
his career in the Revolutionary War, 158, 159;
_Gazette_ carefully watched by Hamilton, 163;
attacks Hamilton’s policies, 164-68;
attacked anonymously in Fenno’s _Gazette_, 168;
his dignified reply, 168;
denies any connection of Jefferson with his paper, 169;
renews crusade against Hamilton’s financial policies, 195, 196;
contrast of newspaper with Fenno’s, 163;
criticisms of acts of Administration, 163;
‘Brutus’ article, 164;
‘Sidney’ articles open attacks on Hamilton, 164, 165;
controversy with Fenno, 166, 167;
charges Hamilton with authorship of anonymous articles in Fenno’s _Gazette_,
169;, 170;
‘Patriot’ articles in _National Gazette_, 195-97;
analyzes votes in Congress vindicating Hamilton’s financial policies, 204;
on Genêt and French Revolution, 218, 219;
begins series of attacks on Washington, 221.
Funding of debt, Hamilton’s scheme for, well received, 44;
protests against, because of speculations in certificates, 45.
Funding Bill, acrimonious debate on, in Congress, before passage, 48 ff.
Gallatin, Albert, Representative in Pennsylvania Legislature, denounces Hamilton’s Excise
Bill,
70;
leading Jeffersonian in Pennsylvania, 149;
elected to Senate from Pennsylvania, but not allowed to take seat, on technicality,
289;
elected as Representative, 289;
sketch of, 292-94.
Gates, Horatio, Jeffersonian candidate in New York elections of 1800, 452.
_Gazette of the United States_, ‘court journal,’ 4, 10;
Adams’s ‘Discourses of Davilla’ published in, 17;
Fenno defends speculation in public securities, 48;
Fenno in, on criticisms of proceedings of Congress, 57;
on Funding Bill, 57;
attacks in, on ‘demagogues,’ 63;
on Bank, 79;
Fenno’s verses on passage of Bank Bill, 79;
probably established with aid of Rufus King, 153;
Hamilton interested in raising money for, 154;
tone pro-English, 154;
received government patronage, 154;
controversy with _National Gazette_, 166-70;
Fenno engages in controversy with Freneau, 166, 167, 169;
on Hamilton’s defense of official conduct of Treasury, 199;
on _Boston Argus_, 203;
on French Revolution, 211;
on attacks on Washington, 221;
‘Pacificus’ letters in, by Hamilton, 225, 226;
attacks on Jefferson, 233;
on the Jay Treaty, 282.
Geisse’s Tavern, Philadelphia, 121.
_General Advertiser_, on defeat of Jay by Clinton in New York election, 178.
Genêt, Edmond Charles, Minister from the French Republic, arrives in Charleston,
124;
enthusiastically received everywhere, 218;
his progress to Philadelphia continuous ovation, 218;
formally welcomed at Philadelphia by people, 219, 220;
cordially received by Jefferson, 220;
cold reception of, by Washington, 220;
impudent conduct of, 224.
Giles, William Branch, Representative from Virginia, in favor of Excise Bill,
71;, 72;
opposes Bank Bill, 76;
organizer for Jefferson in Virginia, 149;
opposes bill to repay loan from Bank of United States, 190, 191;
his personal characteristics, 192;
a giant in debate, 194;
selected by Jefferson to lead in attacks on Hamilton’s financial policies,
195,
197;
presents resolutions demanding information from Secretary of the Treasury,
197;
presents resolutions condemning Hamilton’s conduct in management of Treasury,
199;-203;
in conference of Jeffersonian leaders, 205;
on Madison commerce resolutions, 241.
Golden Lion, the, Philadelphia tavern, 120.
Goodrich, Chauncey, on adoption of French Revolution titles, 222.
Gove, Christopher, prominent Massachusetts Federalist, 47;
speculates largely in certificates, 47.
Granger, Gideon, Democratic leader in Connecticut, 145.
Gray’s Gardens, on the Schuylkill, 121, 122.
Graydon, Rev. Alexander, on yellow fever epidemic in Philadelphia, 237.
Greenleaf, Thomas, editor _New York Journal_, 152.
Grenville, Lord William Wyndham, negotiates treaty with John Jay, 269-71.
Grout, Jonathan, opposes Bank Bill, 76.
Gunn, Georgia Senator, votes for ratification with Jay, 283;
burned in effigy along with Jay, 283.
Hamilton, Alexander, an interested spectator at Washington’s inaugural, 7;
appointed Secretary of the Treasury, 21;
a portrait, 22-42;
his personal appearance, 22;
his birth, illegitimate, 23;
his mother brilliant and high-strung, 23;
his ambition always military, 24;
comes from the West Indies to America, 25;
his genius that of writer and thinker on governmental affairs, rather than as
soldier;, 25;
his _Federalist_ writings, 26;
master of invective, 26;
a persuasive orator, 26, 27;
refused permission by Congress to present his reports personally, 27;
essentially an aristocrat, 28;
ideal of government ‘the rule of gentlemen,’ supported by a strong military
force,
29;
distrusted always a democracy, 29;
held public opinion of no value, 29;
disapproved of the Constitution as adopted, but urged its ratification as
better; than nothing, 30;
his own plan presented to the Constitutional Convention radically different from that
adopted,
30,
31;
his republic to be an aristocratic republic, with the States as States abolished,
31;
took little part in Constitutional Convention, 32;
large factor in making the Convention possible, and in securing ratification of
Constitution,
32,
33;
his sense of system, 33;
capable of long-sustained exertion, 33, 34;
a hard fighter, 34;
honesty, 34;
as a party leader, lacking in tact, 35;
never consulted, but directed, 35;
egotistical and vain, 36;
lacking in judgment in handling of men, 36;
unnecessarily offended sensibilities, 36, 37;
lacked sympathy always with the ‘common man,’ 37;
affectionate in his family relations, 38;
with his equals socially delightful companion, 38;
inordinately fond of women and their society, 38, 39;
always of delicate rather than robust health, 39, 40;
not a church member, but a believer in religion, 40;
attitude toward his chief, 41;
obsessed by idea of a strong government, 45;
believed necessary to enlist propertied interest, 45;
indifferent to unpropertied classes, 45;
active in interest of Funding Bill, 49;
bargains with Jefferson on location of new national capital, 66-68;
at high tide of popularity, 69;
considers himself Prime Minister, 69;
offends other Cabinet members, by dictatorial manner, 69;
indifferent to public opinion, 70;
prepares Excise Bill, 70, 71;
takes personal charge of Excise Bill in Senate, 73;
National Bank Bill, 74;
enunciates doctrine of implied powers, 75;
breaks with Jefferson when J. advises Washington Bank Bill is unconstitutional,
78;
Fenno’s _Gazette_ his organ, 154;
_Report on Manufactures_ filed with Congress, 161;
interests capital in developing Passaic Falls, 162;
portrait by Trumbull subscribed for, 162;
attention attracted by Freneau’s _Gazette_, 163;
believes Jefferson responsible for attacks in paper, 166;
attacks Freneau anonymously, 168;
tries to drive Jefferson from the Cabinet, 169;
in Fenno’s _Gazette_ attacks Jefferson, 172;
denies his own unfriendliness to Constitution, 173;
complains of Jefferson’s interference with Treasury Department, 173;
warns Adams of effort to defeat him in 1792 campaign, 181;
possible candidacy of Aaron Burr for Vice-President maddening, 181;
makes strenuous efforts in Adams’s behalf, 181;
urges Adams in dictatorial terms to his duty, 182;
blackmailing of, by Reynolds, 187;
tells complete story of relations with Reynolds’s wife to deputation from
Congress;, 188-90;
amazes House by reports, 198;
his official conduct of the Treasury vindicated by Congress, 203;
alarmed at enthusiasm for French Revolution, 214;
urges Washington to return to Philadelphia, 214;
takes matters into his own hands and decides on proper policy of Jefferson’s Department of
State,
215;
prepares list of questions for Washington to submit to Cabinet, 215;
his position on the reception to be given Genêt, 215;
writes series of papers for Fenno’s _Gazette_ justifying policy of Neutrality
in; French Revolution struggle, 225, 226;
is answered by Madison, 226;
aided by Genêt’s conduct, 227;
is stricken with yellow fever, 237, 238;
sees risk of war with England, 245;
is mentioned as special envoy to England, 246;
declines to have his name considered, 247;
goes in person to put down Whiskey Insurrection, 254-56;
plans to crush the Democratic Societies, 256;
is aided by Washington’s attack on Societies, in Annual Message, 262, 264;
prepares to leave Cabinet, 266;
considers his work finished, 266;
opens law office in New York, 268;
plans to direct Federalist Party in Congress by correspondence, 268;
dubs Jay Treaty an ‘execrable thing,’ 271;
is injured in rioting in New York, 276, 277;
consults with leading Federalists on campaign of 1796, 308;
distrusts Adams, 308;
H. and King decide to offer support to Patrick Henry, 308, 309;
H. turns to Thomas Pinckney, 310;
plans to bring in Adams second, 311;
publishes pamphlet on relations with Mrs. Reynolds, 355;
advises Adams through McHenry on French situation, 362;
prepares to play trump card--X Y Z papers--to force war with France, 364;
advises moderation in framing Alien and Sedition Bills, 376, 377;
is nominated Major-General in prospective war with France, 413;
schemes to be made second in command, 414;
directs fight against Adams through his tools in Cabinet, 414;
in correspondence with Miranda, South American adventurer, 427, 428;
opposed by Burr in 1800 New York elections, 448--55;
contrast between H. and Burr, 449;
plans election of Presidential electors he can control, with view of defeating
Adams,
451;
power broken with defeat of Federalists in New York in 1800, 454;
tour of New England in 1800, 459;
schemes against Adams in contest for Presidency, 459-65;
writes pamphlet attacking Adams, not intended for general publication, 477,
478;;
effect of pamphlet when published, 479, 480.
Hamilton, Mrs. Alexander, daughter of General Schuyler, 134.
Hamilton, William, and trees in Philadelphia, 117.
Hammond, George, British Minister to United States, 246;
more friendly to Hamilton than to Jefferson, 246.
Hancock, John, Jefferson’s aide in forming new party, 144.
Harper, Robert Goodloe, president of Jacobin Club of Charleston, 223;
Representative from South Carolina, 346;
sketch of, 347;
on the Sedition Bill, 379, 380.
Harrowgate Gardens, Philadelphia, 121.
Hawkins, Benjamin, Senator from North Carolina, in conference with Jeffersonian
leaders;, 205.
Henry, Patrick, on Assumption, 60;
Hamiltonians offer him support for Presidency, 309;
declines overtures made through John Marshall, 309.
Higginson, Stephen, on Jay Treaty meetings in Boston, 278.
Holt, Charles, editor of New London _Bee_, convicted of sedition, 403, 404.
Humphreys, William, secretary to Washington, 119.
Hutchinson, Dr. ----, in yellow fever epidemic in Philadelphia, 237.
_Independent Chronicle_, letters to, on Funding Bill, 57, 58;
on Funding Bill, 58;
on First Congress, 79;
correspondents to, reply to letters of ‘Publicola,’ 85;
other letters in, defend ‘Publicola’ letters, 85;
on Freneau’s paper the _Federal Gazette_ (_National Gazette_), 155;
on Indian expedition of St. Clair, 175;
on speculative craze, 176, 177;
on Jay Treaty, 281, 283, 284;
on X Y Z papers, 364.
Indian Queen, Philadelphia tavern, 120.
Iredell, James, Senator from South Carolina, on Genêt, 218.
Izard, Ralph, Senator from South Carolina, on titles, 5;
and the Assumption Bill, 62;
on John Adams, 316.
Jackson, James, Representative from Georgia, later Senator, opposes Hamilton’s financial
measures,
45,
49;
on funding of debt, 49, 50;
on Assumption, 60, 61;
on Excise Bill, 71, 72;
opposes Bank Bill, 76;
aids Jefferson in organizing party, 150.
Jackson, William, secretary to Washington, 119.
Jackson, Mrs. William, sister of Mrs. William Bingham, 135.
Jacobin Club, Democratic Club of Charleston, 223.
Jarvis, Dr. Charles, of Massachusetts, Jeffersonian leader, 144;
on French Revolution, 208;
unsuccessful candidate for Congress against Fisher Ames, 257.
Jay, John, considered by Washington for post of Secretary of the Treasury, 21;
defeated for governorship of New York, in 1792, 178;
appointed special Minister to Great Britain, 247, 248;
obnoxious to Jeffersonians, 248;
his experience in diplomacy, 248;
bitter fight in Senate over confirmation, 249;
concludes treaty with Great Britain, 269-71;
is denounced when provisions of treaty are published, 274;
burned in effigy, 274.
Jay Treaty, the, called ‘Grenville Treaty’ by Jeffersonians, 269;
negotiated by John Jay and Lord Grenville, 269-71;
provisions of, 271;
dubbed by Hamilton an ‘execrable thing,’ 271;
debated at length in Senate, 272;
efforts of Senators to prevent publication, 272;
storm of denunciation over its provisions, 273;
rioting in many places, 274-76;
endorsed at instance of Federalists by chambers of commerce, 279;
mob spirit on account of, in Boston, 279;
protests against, from Charleston, 280, 281;
meetings in opposition to, throughout the country, 281-85;
demands for papers and instructions as to, made by House before making
appropriations required to carry it out, 298;
papers refused by President, 298.
Jefferson, Thomas, shocked at unrepublican tone of New York society, 12;
bargains with Hamilton to aid in passage of Assumption Bill, 66;
afterward claimed Hamilton had deceived him, 67;
letters of, on Assumption, 67;
letters on Treasury policies, 74;
gives Washington written opinion on constitutionality of Bank Bill, 77;
relations with Hamilton strained, 78;
tour through New England, 79, 81;
writes letter commending Paine’s _Rights of Man_, which printer uses as preface to
pamphlet, with
J.’s name and official
title,
83;
J. embarrassed, 83;
Adams angry at J.’s supposed reference to him, 84;
J. explains and Adams satisfied, 85;
J. pleased with effect of newspaper turmoil, 85, 86;
position as friend of the ‘man of no importance’ established, 86;
comment on speculative craze, 87;
makes political issue of speculation by Federalist Congressmen, 90;
begins work of organizing an opposition party, 90;
a portrait of the man, 92-113;
personal appearance, 92;
careless in dress, 92;
dignified, but shy, 93;
thought lacking in frankness, 93;
glance shifty, 93;
entertaining talker, 94;
maternal ancestry aristocratic, 94;
father a Western pioneer, 95;
J. a Westerner with Eastern polish, 95;
educated at William and Mary College, 95;
well trained in the law, 96;
influenced by Locke’s writings, 96;
J.’s democracy inherent, 96;
as member of Virginia House of Burgesses, attacks system of land entail and law of
primogeniture,
97;
never forgiven by Virginia landed aristocracy, 98;
as U.S. Minister to France, intimate of Lafayette, 98;
popular with all classes, 98;
familiarizes himself with French life in the country, 99;
diplomatic reports illuminating, 99;
comments on French system of government, 99;
not hostile to monarchy, 100;
reports to Jay on rioting in Paris, 100;
intimate of the Girondists, 100;
returns to America before the Terror, 101;
a humanitarian, 101;
opposed to capital punishment save for treason, 101;
a humane master, 102;
hostile to slavery, 102;
wrote the Ordinance of the N.W. Territory, 102;
not an atheist nor hostile to Christian religion, 103;
contributed regularly to support of clergy, 103;
hated by the clergy for forcing separation in Virginia of Church and State,
104;;
so-called atheist law, 104;
his view of creation, 104, 105;
not hostile to the Constitution and favored its ratification, 105;
called Convention ‘an assembly, of demigods,’ 105;
first impressions of Constitution unfavorable, 105;
an ardent friend later, 106;
writes Madison praising _The Federalist_ papers, 106;
writes Washington, hoping a Bill of Rights will be added, 106;
his views on, quoted from his _Autobiography_, 107;
without a peer in the mastery of men, 107;
his understanding of mass psychology, 107;
a voluminous letter writer, 107;
valued the press as engine of democracy, 108;
captivating in personal contacts, 108;
led rather than drove, 108;
original ‘Easy Boss,’ 108;
not an orator, 109;
disliked contentious debates, 109;
had great self-control, 109;
never belittled his enemies, 110;
admired Hamilton’s ability, 110;
estranged from John Adams for years, revived in last years the old friendship,
110;
not an idealist, but an opportunist, 110;
a resourceful politician, 111;
his diversified interests, 112;
loved art in all its forms, 112;
arranged in Paris for statue of Washington by Houdon, 112;
visited by Humboldt, 113;
interested in mechanical and scientific inventions, 113, 114;
the life of the farmer his chief interest, 113;
democratic in sympathies, but lived as an aristocrat, 138;
finds commercial interests, professions, and major portion of press Federalist,
140;
notes resentment of farmers and old Revolutionary soldiers, 141;
notes dissatisfaction with Excise Law, 141;
fears doctrine of implied sovereignty, as undermining sovereignty of States,
141;;
problem to reach and arouse masses, 142;
material for opposition party abundant, 142;
J. notes local parties in opposition in every State, 143;
problem to consolidate and broaden local into national issues, 143;
chooses leaders in various States with keen judgment, 143-50;
efforts directed to broaden franchise, 151;
importance of a national newspaper, 152;
sends letter of resignation to Washington, 166;
grows more dissatisfied with policies of Government under Hamilton’s leadership,
168;
is attacked by Hamilton in newspapers, 169;
refuses to be drawn into newspaper controversy with Hamilton, 173;
official associations and social relations, unpleasant, 173;
writes to personal friends with much bitterness of Hamilton’s attacks, 173,
174;;
tries to drive Hamilton from Cabinet, and fails, 203;
no match for Hamilton in field of finance, 206;
sees new issue in position of Federalists on French Revolution, 210;
ardent in support of French, 210;
believes American Republic bound up with success of French Revolution, 210;
senses the sympathies of the ‘people of no importance,’ 213;
his position on question of receiving Genêt, 216;
agrees to Proclamation of Neutrality, 216;
urges Madison to reply to Hamilton’s articles on Neutrality, 226;
and the brig _Little Sarah_, 228;
Genêt’s conduct obnoxious to J., 228;
plans to divorce Jeffersonians from Genêt, 229;
discusses with the President as to Genêt, 230;
prepares letter to American Minister at Paris asking Genêt’s recall, 230;
socially ostracized in Philadelphia, 232-33;
resigns his portfolio as Secretary of State, 233;
his correspondence with both British and French Ministers, impartial, 238;
_Report on Commerce_, and Algerine piracy, 238, 239;
returns to private life, 239;
plans to force fighting in congressional elections of 1794, 256-58;
lives in retirement at Monticello, but active in political plans, 259;
indifferent as to Presidency contest in 1796, 307;
concerned as to health, 307;
his letter to Philip Mazzei on American politics, 308;
Democrats decide in 1796 on J. as their candidate for President, 308;
J. receives only three votes less than Adams, and hence is chosen Vice-President,
312;
J.’s letter to Mazzei again brought up, 351;
bitterly attacked in Fenno’s _Gazette_, 352;
toasted on Washington’s Birthday at Harvard College, in satirical vein, 353;
J. silent under slanderous attacks in newspapers, 353;
his social ostracism in Philadelphia continues, 354;
Jefferson plans opposition to Administration policy toward France, 363, 364;
the Sprigg Resolutions, 363, 364;
publication of X Y Z papers, 365, 366;
his party seeks, on his advice, to moderate war feeling, 374;
outraged by passage of Alien and Sedition Laws, 407;
moves for their repeal, 407;
conference at Monticello, 407;
inspires Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions, 407, 408;
fears insurrection, 418;
election of, as President in 1800, inevitable, 441;
no rival in his party, 444;
his political genius, 444-48;
elected President, 486;
his meeting with Adams in Washington, 489, 490;
farewell to Senate, 507;
inauguration, 509, 510.
Jeffersonians, party of opposition organized by Jefferson (called
‘Jeffersonians,’ ‘Jacobins,’ ‘Democrats,’ and other
names, officially ‘Republicans’), 144-50;
take advantage of divisions among Federalists, 151;
‘Jeffersonian insolence,’ 151;
make gains in the congressional elections, 1792, 180;
strong in Virginia, 180;
five States carried by, in 1792, 183;
gains by, in election of 1794, 312;
sweep West and South in 1796, 312;
embarrassed by publication of X Y Z papers, 364, 365;
aided by excesses of Federalists in pushing prosecutions under Sedition Act,
365;-411;
win in New York elections of 1800, 455;
confident in Presidential campaign of 1800, 465-85;
elect Jefferson President, 506.
Johnson, Samuel, of North Carolina, on Assumption Bill, 63;
chosen director of Bank of United States, 90;
on Jay Treaty, 281.
Jones, Willie, North Carolina leader of Jeffersonians, 149.
Jumel, Madame, 39.
Kentucky Resolutions, written and introduced in Legislature by Breckenridge, at
suggestion; of Jefferson, 408.
King, Rufus, Senator from New York, on Assumption, 60;
Federalist leader in Senate, 60;
and the Assumption Bill, 62;
discouraged at apparent failure of Assumption Bill, 63;
chosen director of Bank of United States, 90;
on French Revolution, 209;
conference of Federalist leaders in Philadelphia lodgings of, 247;
on business in Senate, 298, 299;
on suppression of Irish rebellion, 375;
protests release by British of Irish prisoners, 375.
Kirby, Ephraim, Democratic organizer in Connecticut, 145.
Knox, Henry, Secretary of War, 13;
resents Hamilton’s interference with War Department purchases, 69;
attacked by Jeffersonians for mismanagement of St. Clair expedition against the
Indians,
175;
on reception of Genêt, 215.
Knox, Mrs. Henry, a Mrs. Malaprop, 15.
Langdon, John, Senator from New Hampshire, Democratic leader in New Hampshire,
146;;
votes against Jay Treaty, 282.
Laurance, John, Representative from New York, on Madison’s amendment to Funding
Bill;, 55;
and Assumption Bill, 62;
on Excise Bill, 72;
elected director of Bank of United States, 90;
on Giles’s resolutions attacking Treasury management, 201.
Lear, Tobias, secretary to Washington, 119.
Lee, Richard Henry, Senator from Virginia, on question of titles, 5;
fellow student of Madison at Princeton, 157.
L’Enfant, Pierre Charles, designs Federal Hall, New York City, 2;
employed by Hamilton in planning city of Paterson, 162.
_Little Sarah_, brig, 227.
Livermore, Samuel, on effect of amendment to Excise Bill, 73.
Livingston, Brockholst, classmate of Madison at Princeton, 157;
in New York elections of 1800, 452.
Livingston, Edward, Representative from New York, sketch of, 290, 291;
asks that the papers and instructions pertaining to Jay Treaty be laid before
the; House, 294;
debate on resolutions of, on Jay Treaty, 294-97;
resolutions of, on Jay Treaty, adopted, 297;
on the Alien Bill, 378;
on the Sedition Bill, 379.
Livingston, Robert R., Chancellor of New York State, defeated for Senate through influence of
Hamilton,
36;
leading Jeffersonian, 147.
Logan, Dr. James, Philadelphia, friend of Jefferson, 138;
his visit to France, 423-26.
London Tavern, Philadelphia, 120.
Lyon, Matthew, Democratic leader in Vermont, 146;
ridicules Federalist practice of framing Reply to the President’s Message,
350;
attacked in newspapers, 350, 351;
in disgraceful wrangle with Griswold, 360;
attacked by Griswold, and rough-and-tumble fight ensues, 361;
victim of Reign of Terror, under Sedition Act, 386-88.
McClenachan, Blair, and Jay Treaty, 276.
McCormick, Dan, his House of Gossip, 15.
McHenry, James, on Hamilton, 38;
member of Washington’s military family, 39;
in 1792 campaign, 181, 182;
on John Adams, 324;
Adams’s Secretary of War, sketch of, 334-38;
dismissed by Adams, 456.
Maclay, William, Senator from Pennsylvania, moved to laughter over matter of
titles,
4;
on Hamilton’s funding scheme, 44, 45;
on speculations of Congressmen, 47, 48;
has plan, substitute for Funding Bill, 56;
on his colleague, Scott, 56, 61;
on Assumption, 61;
on Vining, of Delaware, 61;
letters to, from Rush and Logan opposing Assumption, 61;
approached by Morris to join in land speculations, 61, 62;
on attitude of Congressmen and speculators and Assumption, 62;
on Hamilton and Congress, 68;
on Excise Bill, 73, 74;
on Bank Bill, 75;
Jefferson’s aide in Pennsylvania, 148;
on French Revolution, 209;
on John Adams, 317.
Macon, Nathaniel, North Carolina, organizer for Jefferson, 150;
in conference of Jeffersonian leaders, 205.
Madison, James, Representative from Virginia, on Congress, 3;
on titles, 6;
seeks postponement of first tariff measure, 19;
on Hamilton’s _Report on Public Credit_, 46;
on Funding Bill, 51;
part in framing Constitution, 51;
contributions to _The Federalist_, 51;
not an orator, 52;
consulted often by Washington, 53;
cultivated by Hamilton, 53;
loved as a son by Jefferson, 53;
proposes an amendment to discriminate between original owners and purchasers of public
securities,
53,
54;
Federalists and speculators much disturbed, 55, 56;
on resolutions of commercial organizations, 55;
amendment to Funding Bill, voted down, 56;
votes for Assumption Bill, 61;
letter to Monroe, 63;
and bargain on Assumption Bill, 66, 67;
opposes principle of Excise Bill, but votes in favor, 72;
on Hamilton’s doctrine of implied powers, 76;
advises Washington Bank Bill is unconstitutional, 77;
tours New England with Jefferson, 79, 81;
writes articles, attacking Hamilton’s policies, for _National Gazette_, 169;
defends Jefferson’s position on Constitution, 172;
attacks Fenno’s ‘unmanly attack’ on Jefferson, 172;
on Giles’s resolutions attacking Treasury management, 201;
replies to Hamilton’s Neutrality articles, 226;
prepares resolutions based on Jefferson’s _Report on Commerce_, 240;
attacked by Federalists, 240, 241;
excitement in the country, merchants denouncing and populace favoring M.’s
Resolutions, 242-44;
marriage to Dolly Todd, 259;
author of Virginia Resolutions, 409.
Marshall, John, Representative from Virginia (afterward Chief Justice of
the United States), appointed special envoy to France, 345;
his return made an occasion for riotous celebration, 368, 369;
opposes the Alien and Sedition Laws, in letter to _Porcupine’s Gazette_, 382;
opposes plans of his party (Federalist) for change in electoral count, 442;
appointed Secretary of State by Adams, 457.
Martin, Luther, the ‘Federalist bull-dog,’ attacks Jefferson, 352, 353.
_Maryland Journal_, on Hamilton, 69;
on Assumption, 71;
on speculation, 88;
on speculative craze, 177.
Mason, Stevens Thomson, Senator from Virginia, publishes Jay Treaty, 273.
‘Men of no importance,’ feeling among, against Funding and Assumption Bills,
70;
and Excise Bill, 70, 71.
Mercer, John Francis, Representative from Maryland, organizer for Jefferson
in; Maryland, 149;
on Giles’s resolutions attacking Treasury management, 201, 203.
Mifflin, Thomas, Governor of Pennsylvania, 148;
orders militia to parade in honor of President, 359.
Mingo-Creek Society, Democratic Club, 262.
Miranda, Francesco de, soldier of fortune and adventurer, proposes
revolutionary scheme in South America, 427;
in correspondence with Hamilton, 427;
holds out lure of Florida and Cuba to United States, 427.
Monroe, James, Senator from Virginia, of deputation from Congress
to Hamilton on the Reynolds charges, 187;
Minister to France, 341, 342;
banquet in honor of, in Philadelphia, on return from France, 358;
confers with Jefferson and Democratic leaders, 358.
Moore, Thomas, poet, on Jefferson, 90.
Moreau de Saint-Merys, threatened with prosecution under Alien Law, 405, 406.
Morris, Gouverneur, on Hamilton’s speech in Constitutional Convention,
presenting plan for Constitution, 32;
Minister to France, 339-41.
Morris, Robert, Senator from Pennsylvania, on titles, 6;
through business partner, speculated in certificates, 46;
legislative agent of Hamilton, 47;
discusses with Hamilton on location of capital, 65, 66;
rents his residence in Philadelphia as Presidential residence, 119;
Hamilton outlines his Bank policy to, 74;
on Genêt, 217.
Morris, Mrs. Robert, intimate of Mrs. Washington, ‘second lady in the land,’
131.
Morse, Anson, D., quoted, 142.
Muhlenberg, Frederick A. C., Speaker of the House, pokes fun at Senators on
titles;, 5;
favors Assumption Bill, 58;
one of deputation from Congress to Hamilton on the Reynolds charges, 187.
_National Gazette_, on Hamilton’s _Report on Manufactures_, 161, 163;
attacks in, on Hamilton, 166-70;
attacks in, on Washington, 221;
attacks Hamilton’s conduct of the Treasury, 196, 197;
presents analysis of vote vindicating Hamilton’s management of Treasury, 204;
on French Revolution, 207, 211, 212;
on Genêt, 218, 219, 220;
prints Madison’s reply to ‘Pacificus’ letters in _Gazette of United States_,
226;.
Naturalization Act, 264.
Neutrality, Proclamation of, in war between French Republic and England, 216;
dissatisfaction of people, 217, 220;
flouted by both French and British, 224;
justified by Hamilton in brilliant series of articles in Fenno’s _Gazette_,
225;, 226;
the case of the _Little Sarah_, 227, 228.
_New Hampshire Gazette_, on the Jay Treaty, 282.
_New York, Argus_, on the Jay Treaty, 275, 277, 278, 282, 283.
New York City, capital of the Nation in 1789, 1;
First Congress meets in, 1;
preparations for Washington’s Inaugural, 2, 3, 7;
inaugural ball, 7, 8;
life in, 8, 10;
narrow streets, and muddy, 10;
theatrical productions, 10, 11;
cost of living, 12;
tone of society not republican, 12;
republican ‘court,’ 13, 15;
Wall Street fashionable residence street, 15;
slave market and whipping-post prominent in 1789, 9, 10;
taverns, theaters, 11;
yellow fever epidemic, 380.
_New York Daily Advertiser_, on First Congress, 79;
‘Publicola’ letters in _Columbian Centinel_ answered, 84, 85.
_New York Journal_, on Assumption, 63, 64.
_New York Register_, on Madison’s amendment to Funding Bill, 177.
_New York Time Piece_, on X Y Z papers, 365.
Newspapers, stories in, as to speculations in public securities, 50;
on the Funding Bill, 57, 58;
on Assumption, 71;
on Bank, 78, 79;
on Jefferson and Paine’s _Rights of Man_, 84, 85;
on speculative craze, 88, 89, 176, 177;
on Hamilton’s _Report on Manufactures_, 161;
on attacks on Hamilton’s financial measures, 163, 165;
Federalist and Jeffersonian organs, 166-70;
Hamilton’s attacks in, on Jefferson, 172;
on Indian expedition of St. Clair, 175;
on election of Clinton Governor of New York, 178;
in campaign of 1792, 181-83;
crusade against Hamilton, 196;
on Hamilton’s defense of his financial policy, 198, 199, 203, 204;
on French Revolution, 207, 211, 212;
on Genêt, 218-20;
attacks on and defense of Washington, 221;
on the Democratic Societies, 253;
on the Whiskey Insurrection, 254, 255;
on the Jay Treaty, 273-83;
in campaign of 1796, 310, 311;
on the debates in Congress on trouble with France, 350-61;
on the X Y Z papers, 364, 365;
on supposed French outrages, 366-71;
on Alien and Sedition Bills, 374-81;
in Presidential campaign of 1800, 444-85.
Nicholas, George, Kentucky Jeffersonian, challenges Harper to debate on Sedition
Law,
406.
Nicholas, Wilson Carey, of Virginia, in conference with Jefferson at Monticello
on; plans to repeal the Alien and Sedition Laws, 407.
Noailles, Viscount de, visitor to Philadelphia, 135;
appointed Minister by Royal Princes at Coblentz, received by Washington, 219;
Bache’s _Daily Advertiser_ on, 234.
O’Eller’s tavern, Philadelphia, 119, 121, 136;
dinner at, to Genêt, 220.
Order of the Cincinnati, Jefferson on, 262.
Otis, Harrison Gray, on Hamilton, 38;
on Philadelphia, 123, 124;
Representative from Massachusetts, 346;
sketch of, 346.
Paine, Thomas, _Rights of Man_ reply to Burke’s _Reflections upon the French
Revolution_,
82;
publication of pamphlet in Philadelphia creates sensation, 82, 83;
Jefferson’s letter to printer used as preface, 83;
newspaper controversy, 83, 84.
Parsons, Theophilus, pessimistic in campaign of 1792, 179.
Paterson, New Jersey, manufacturing city promoted by Hamilton, 162.
Paterson, William, Senator from New Jersey, and the Assumption Bill, 62.
_Pennsylvania Gazette_, on Bank Bill, 78;
on speculation, 88.
Perry’s Gardens, New York City, 10.
Philadelphia, social background, 116-39;
capital removed to, 116;
appearance of city in 1790’s, 117;
government departments closely connected, 118;
private houses rooming-houses for Congressmen, 120;
lack of ‘respectful manners’ of the ‘common people,’ noted by travelers, 121;
life of working and middle classes not easy, 123;
society luxury-loving and aristocratic, 123;
English influence prominent, 124;
social life, free manners, 126, 127;
yellow fever epidemic in 1793, 235-38.
_Philadelphia Advertiser_, on Hamilton, 162.
Philadelphia County Brigade, 275.
Philosophical Society, Philadelphia, 138;
Jefferson at rooms of, 138.
Pickering, Timothy, and the _Africa_ incident, 287;
writes of British to John Quincy Adams, 287;
Secretary of State under Adams, sketch of, 326-31;
ignores requests of Adams in French troubles, 430;
delays preparation of instructions to French mission, 434;
dismissed by Adams, 456, 457.
Pinckney, Charles, of South Carolina, joins Jefferson, 150;
elected to Senate, 383.
Pinckney, Charles Cotesworth, Minister to France, 342;
joined with Marshall and Gerry in special mission in France, 345;
Federalist candidate for President in 1800, 459 ff.
Pinckney, Thomas, Minister to Great Britain, his efforts to stop
British violations of Neutrality Proclamation, 224;
set aside in negotiations of Jay Treaty, 269;
sketch of, 309, 310;
selected by Hamilton and King as Federalist candidate for President, in 1796,
310;.
Pintard, John, chief of Tammany Society, 148.
_Porcupine’s Gazette_, active in urging war with France, 350-60;
publishes Martin’s attacks on Jefferson, 352, 353;
abusive to Democrats, 354, 355;
on Lyon-Griswold fight in House, 361.
Powell, Mrs. Samuel, aunt of Mrs. William Bingham, 132.
Priestley, Joseph, English liberal, addresses Tammany and other ‘Democratic
Societies;’ in New York, 259.
Randolph, Edmund, Attorney-General under Washington, considers Hamilton’s Bank Bill
unconstitutional,
77;
on reception of Genêt, 215;
succeeds Jefferson as Secretary of State, 239;
and French Minister Faucet, 285;
is dismissed from Cabinet, 286.
Read, Jacob, Senator from South Carolina, denounced in Charleston for supporting Jay
Treaty,
281.
Reign of Terror, Alien and Sedition Laws produce, in 1798, 380-82;
continued through two years, 383;
riotings, 384;
victims, 386-93, 398-406.
_Report on Manufactures_, Hamilton’s, 161;
newspaper comments on, 161.
_Report on the Public Credit_, Hamilton’s, 43-68;
debated in Congress, 44.
Reynolds, James, seeks to blackmail Hamilton, 187.
Ricketts, John, proprietor of the Circus, Philadelphia, 138.
_Rights of Man_, by Thomas Paine, copy lent by printer to Jefferson, 82;
in returning borrowed copy to printer Jefferson writes note commending pamphlet,
83;
Jefferson’s note used by printer as preface, 83;
effect of publication, 83, 84;
newspaper controversy over, 83, 84.
Rittenhouse, David, scientist and friend of Jefferson, 149;
and Jefferson in library of Philosophical Society, Philadelphia, 156;
aids in preparations for reception of Genêt, 219;
president of Democratic Club of Philadelphia, 223.
Rochefoucauld-Liancourt, Duc de La, on Philadelphia, 124, 125;
in Philadelphia, 135.
Rush, Dr. Benjamin, writes letters to Maclay against Assumption, 61;
on Paine’s _Rights of Man_, 84;
letter to Burr, 147;
Jefferson’s friend, 149;
in yellow fever epidemic in Philadelphia, 237.
Rutledge, John, denounces Jay Treaty, 280;
appointment as Chief Justice not confirmed, 289.
Saint Cecilia Society, Democratic Club in Charleston, 223.
St. Clair, General Arthur, failure of expedition against Indians made issue
by; Jeffersonians in campaign of 1792, 175.
Schuyler, Philip, father-in-law of Hamilton, elected Senator from New York,
36;
letter of Hamilton to, on Washington, 41, 42;
and the Assumption Bill, 62.
‘Scrippomony,’ Jefferson on, 87.
Sedition Bill, purpose to crush Jeffersonian press, 376, 377;
debates on, in Congress, marked by disorder, 378;
passed by small margin, 380.
Sedgwick, Theodore, speculator in public securities, defends Funding Bill, 48,
49;;
on funding of debt, 48, 49, 50;
on Madison’s plan to amend Funding Bill, 55;
speech on the Assumption Bill, 62;
and Excise Bill, 72;
and amendment to Excise Bill, 73;
on Giles’s resolutions attacking Treasury management, 201;
recommended Adams’s nomination as Vice-President, in 1789, 325;
on results of 1798 elections, 383.
Sedgwick, Mrs. Theodore, 134.
Sherman, Roger, Representative and Senator from Connecticut, on titles, 3.
Sign of the Sorrel Horse, Philadelphia tavern, 119.
Smith, Mrs. Margaret Bayard, on Jefferson, 92, 93.
Smith, Samuel, on Madison commerce resolutions, 241.
Smith, Jeremiah, on Philadelphians, 116.
Smith, William, Representative from South Carolina, on Madison’s amendment to Funding
Bill,
55;
chosen director of Bank of United States, 90;
on Giles’s resolutions attacking Treasury management, 201, 203;
on Madison’s commerce resolutions, 240, 242.
Southwark Theater, Philadelphia, 137.
Speculation, in government securities, 44-47;
members of Congress involved, 46-48;
in stock and scrip, 87;
fraud and counterfeiting, 88;
Hamilton shocked and concerned, 88;
bubble bursts in 1792, 176;
Hamilton’s policies charged as cause of panic, 177;
newspaper comments on, 177.
_Spooner’s Vermont Journal_, on the Jay Treaty, 283.
Steele, John, North Carolina, 181.
Stewart, Mrs. Walter, daughter of Blair McClenachan, social leader
of Philadelphia, 132.
Strong, Caleb, Senator from Massachusetts, 9;
and the Assumption Bill, 62.
Sullivan, James, lawyer, pamphleteer, and orator for the Democrats, 145.
Tammany, Sons of, rival organization to Society of the Cincinnati, 148;
at first non-partisan, then fervid Jeffersonians, 148.
Tariff, in First Congress, 19;
in Second Congress, 161;
Hamilton’s _Report on Manufactures_ excites little attention, 161.
Taylor, John, of Caroline, a Jeffersonian leader in Virginia, 149, 150;
Jeffersonian leaders confer at home of, 205;
pamphlet analyzing vote in Congress vindicating Hamilton, attributed to, 205,
206;;
introduces Virginia Resolutions in Legislature, 409.
Tilley, Count, 135.
Treaty with the Southern Indians, Washington’s attitude on presentation to the
Senate,
21,
22.
Trumbull, John, paints portrait of Hamilton, 162.
Tucker, George, editor of Blackstone’s _Commentaries_, 169.
Twining, Thomas, in Philadelphia, 120.
_United States Chronicle_, on Freneau’s attacks on Hamilton, 164.
Venable, Abraham B., of deputation from Congress to Hamilton on the Reynolds
charges,
187.
_Vermont Journal_, on Hamilton’s Passaic Falls scheme, 162.
Vining, John, Representative from Delaware, and Assumption, 61;
Maclay on, 61.
Virginia Resolutions, written by James Madison, and introduced in
Legislature by John Taylor of Caroline, 409;
contemporary opinions of, 409-11.
Wadsworth, Jeremiah, Representative from Connecticut, speculator in
certificates, 47 n.;
sneers at soldiers of Revolution, 55, 56;
elected director of Bank of United States, 90.
Warville, Brissot de, and Mrs. Bingham, 128, 129.
Washington, George, reception on arrival in New York, 6, 7;
inaugurated President, 7;
bored by dignities and ceremonial of office, 16, 17;
his solemn dinners, 18;
presents in person treaty with Southern Indians for ratification by Senate,
20;;
annoyed by proposal to refer treaty to committee, 21;
rents house of Robert Morris in Philadelphia, 119;
endeavors, unsuccessfully, to effect reconciliation between Jefferson and
Hamilton;, 171;
Hamilton refuses to discontinue attacks in Fenno’s _Gazette_, 172;
and the French Revolution, 214;
issues Neutrality Proclamation, 216;
and Jefferson in the case of the _Little Sarah_, 228;
reluctantly accepts Jefferson’s resignation, 233, 234;
appoints Jay special envoy to Great Britain, 247;
attacks Democratic Societies in Message, 261;
delays signing Jay Treaty, 285;
his prestige used to make Treaty more acceptable, 286;
is attacked by Democratic press, 286-88;
refuses to comply with request of House for papers pertaining to Jay Treaty,
298;;
refuses to be a candidate for a third term, 308;
accepts chief command of army in prospective war with France, 413;
selects Hamilton, Pinckney, and Knox as major-generals, 413.
Washington City, new capital, in 1800, 486-89;
‘city of magnificent distances,’ but mud roads, 487.
Whiskey Boys, the. _See_ Whiskey Insurrection.
Whiskey Insurrection, the, 250-56;
grew out of enforcement of Excise Law, 251;
Hamilton active in suppressing, 254-56;
ringleaders arrested, harshly treated, and jailed, 255;
most of prisoners acquitted on trial, 255;
two convicted, but pardoned by Washington, 256;
tempest in a teapot, 256.
Williamson’s Gardens, New York City, 10.
Willing, Thomas, business partner of Robert Morris, elected director of Bank of
United; States, 90.
Wingate, Paine, on Federal Hall, 2.
Witherspoon, John, president of Princeton, 157.
Wolcott, Mary Ann, sister of Oliver Wolcott, afterward Mrs. Chauncey Goodrich,
134;.
Wolcott, Oliver, of Connecticut, on Hamilton’s religious views, 41;
mouthpiece for Hamilton, 59, 60;
on Philadelphians, 116;
on demonstrations against Jay Treaty, 275;
Adams’s Secretary of the Treasury, sketch of, 331-34.
Wolcott, Mrs. Oliver, called ‘the magnificent,’ 134.
Wythe, George, Virginia lawyer and politician, 96;
presides at meeting in Richmond denouncing Jay Treaty, 282.
X Y Z papers, Federalists familiar with, before publication, 364;
Hamilton sees trump card in them for war party, 364;
Jeffersonians kept in ignorance, 364;
excitement intense on publication, 365, 366;
‘millions for defense, but not one cent for tribute,’ a clarion call, 366;
rioting in Philadelphia, 367.
Yellow Cat, the, Philadelphia tavern, 120.
Yellow fever, in Philadelphia, 237, 238;
in New York, Boston, and Philadelphia, 380.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] Pickering (Wingate to Pickering), II, 447.
[2] Ames, I, 31.
[3] _Writings_, I, 450.
[4] Ames, I, 31, 32.
[5] Pickering (Wingate to Pickering), II, 447.
[6] Ames, I, 31; Pickering, II, 447.
[7] _Republican Court_, 120-22; _Story of a Street_, 101.
[8] Ames, I, 32-34.
[9] _Writings_, I, 450.
[10] Ames (to Minot), I, 41-42.
[11] _Republican Court_, 122, note.
[12] Adams’s explanation, _Works_, VIII, 511-13.
[13] Maclay, 2-3.
[14] Maclay, 7-10.
[15] _Ibid._, 22-24.
[16] _Ibid._, 25-27.
[17] Maclay, 37.
[18] _Writings_, I, 470-71.
[19] Ames, I, 46.
[20] June 3, 1789.
[21] Maclay, 31.
[22] _Daily Advertiser_, April 24, 1789.
[23] _Ibid._
[24] _Story of a Street_, 221.
[25] Maclay, 7-10.
[26] _Ibid._
[27] _Gazette of the United States_, May 2, 1789.
[28] _Ibid._
[29] _Ibid_, May 8, 1789.
[30] _Daily Advertiser_, May 8, 1789.
[31] _Daily Advertiser_, May 8, 1729.
[32] _Gazette of the United States_, May 9, 1789.
[33] Governor Page complained bitterly of hogs and mud. _Memorial
History_, III, 48.
[34] The _Daily Advertiser_ advertises the specifications April 13,
1789.
[35] Maclay, 90.
[36] _Gazette of the United States_, June 27, 1789.
[37] _Memorial History_, III, 47.
[38] _Daily Advertiser_, March 6, 1789.
[39] _Memorial History_, III, 45.
[40] Daily Advertiser, April 15, 1789.
[41] _New York in 1789_, 117.
[42] _Memorial History_, III, 65; _New York in 1789_,
117-20.
[43] _New York in 1789_, 172-75.
[44] _Ibid._, 176.
[45] _Ibid._, 178.
[46] May 9, 1789.
[47] _Gazette of the United States_, May 13, 1789.
[48] Maclay, 31.
[49] _Gazette of the United States_, June 6, 1789.
[50] _Ibid._, September 19, 1789.
[51] _Story of a Street_, 112.
[52] Gibbs, I, 22.
[53] _Ibid._, I, 43.
[54] _New York in 1789_, 19.
[55] _Ibid._, 119.
[56] Warville, 96-97.
[57] _Republican Court_, 210, note.
[58] Brooks, _Knox_, 217-18.
[59] Mrs. Iredell; McRee, _Iredell_, II, 296-97.
[60] _Gazette of the United States_, May 16, 1789.
[61] _Ibid._, May 30, 1789.
[62] _Daily Advertiser_, June 19, 1789.
[63] _Gazette of the United States_, April 15, 1789.
[64] Maclay, 257-58.
[65] Wharton, _Salons, Colonial and Republican_, 53.
[66] Maclay, 266.
[67] _Ibid._, 73-74.
[68] _Story of a Street_, 112, 114-17, 121.
[69] Richmond Hill, at present site of Charlton and Varick Streets.
[70] _Letters of Mrs. Adams_ (to Mrs. Shaw), II, 201;
(to Thomas Brand-Hollis), II, 205.
[71] Ames (to Minot), I, 34; Maclay, 375; _Familiar
Letters_, 86-89.
[72] Adams, _Works_, VIII, 491-92.
[73] Thayer’s _Washington_, 180-81.
[74] _Gazette of the United States_, May 6, 1789.
[75] _Republican Court_, 149, note.
[76] _Autobiography_, Ford, I, 171.
[77] Maclay, 138.
[78] Iredell, II, 138.
[79] Maclay, 138.
[80] _Ibid._, 138, 206.
[81] _Ibid._, 101.
[82] Maclay, 38.
[83] _Ibid._, 50.
[84] Bassett, _The Federalist System_.
[85] Gerry, _Annals_, May 20, 1789.
[86] _Writings_ (to Randolph), I, 471-73.
[87] Jackson, _Annals_, I, 486-89.
[88] Page, _Annals_, I, 548-52.
[89] Maclay, 128-31.
[90] Iredell (Lowther to Iredell), II, 258-59.
[91] _Writings_, I, 471-73.
[92] Warville, 102.
[93] _Familiar Letters_, 236-37.
[94] Oliver, 114.
[95] Gibbs, I, 22.
[96] _Autobiography_, 278.
[97] Morris, _Diary_, II, 456.
[98] Oliver, 15.
[99] See Appendix, Lodge, _Alexander Hamilton_.
[100] _Works_, IX, 405-06; letter to brother.
[101] _Ibid._, X, 109.
[102] _Intimate Life_, 3.
[103] _Life_, by son, I, 4.
[104] Fiske, I, 104-05.
[105] _Life_, by son, I, 10.
[106] _Ibid._, 22.
[107] _Ibid._, 263-74.
[108] Payne’s _Journalism_, 191-92.
[109] _Works_, I, 202.
[110] _Ibid._, I, 213-39.
[111] _Ibid._, I, 243-87.
[112] _Life_, by son, II, 277.
[113] _Ibid._, I, 69.
[114] _Works_, VI, 276.
[115] _Life_, by son, I, 69.
[116] _Ibid._, I, 318.
[117] _Ibid._
[118] Lodge, 26.
[119] Oliver, 27.
[120] _Intimate Life_, 47.
[121] Oliver, 161-62.
[122] Lodge, 177-78; Oliver, 163-64.
[123] Oliver, 86.
[124] _Ibid._, 263.
[125] _Ibid._, 376.
[126] _Works_, VI, 457.
[127] Oliver, 149.
[128] Fiske, 120; Lodge, 58.
[129] Beck, 75.
[130] Oliver, 156.
[131] _Works_, I, 347-69.
[132] Beck, 76.
[133] _Life_, by son, II, 487.
[134] _Ibid._, 487.
[135] _Ibid._, 488.
[136] _Ibid._
[137] _Ibid._
[138] _Ibid._, 516.
[139] Lodge, 60.
[140] _Works_, I, 404.
[141] Gordy, I, 70.
[142] _Works_, I, 417.
[143] _Ibid._
[144] _Works_, I, 420.
[145] Lodge, 62-63.
[146] Statement to Tench Coxe quoted by Jefferson, _Works of
Jefferson_, Ford, I, 338.
[147] Letter to G. Morris, _Works_, X, 425.
[148] Morris, _Diary_, II, 456.
[149] _Works_, X, 480.
[150] _Intimate Life_, 75.
[151] _Life_, by son, I, 398.
[152] Parton’s _Jefferson_, 358.
[153] _Familiar Letters_, 236-37.
[154] Oliver, 177-78.
[155] _Works_, X, 3; letter to King.
[156] Jefferson’s _Anas_, I, 180.
[157] Morris, _Diary_, II, 456.
[158] Lodge, 156.
[159] _Works_, X, 354.
[160] Morris, _Diary_, II, 456.
[161] Cabot, 298-300.
[162] _Intimate Life_, 48.
[163] _Life_, by son, I, 236.
[164] _Ibid._, 233.
[165] Lodge, 81.
[166] _Ibid._, 144.
[167] Oliver, 40.
[168] _Works_, X, 90-91.
[169] _Ibid._, X, 425-26.
[170] _Works_, X, 123-26; letter to Lloyd.
[171] Parton’s _Jefferson_, 355.
[172] _Intimate Life_, 46.
[173] _Works_, IX, 256-58.
[174] _Familiar Letters_, 236-37.
[175] Morison’s _Otis_ (to Mrs. Otis), I, 141-43.
[176] Cabot, 204-05.
[177] Morison’s _Otis_, I, 141.
[178] Lodge, 272.
[179] Oliver, 76.
[180] _Ibid._, 381.
[181] Griswold, 173.
[182] _Intimate Life_, 55.
[183] _Ibid._, 56.
[184] _Ibid._, 60.
[185] _Ibid._, 259.
[186] _Ibid._, 73.
[187] _Intimate Life_, 17.
[188] _Works_, V, 61 (to Washington); X,
256 (to William Smith); X, 275 (to King);
X, 343 (to Pickering).
[189] _Life_, by son, reminiscences of Troup, I, 10.
[190] _Ibid._
[191] _Works_, VI, 276.
[192] _Ibid._, X, 432-37.
[193] _Intimate Life_, 334.
[194] _Ibid._, 406.
[195] Oliver and Sumner.
[196] _Intimate Life_, 261.
[197] _Works_, IX, 232-37.
[198] _Ibid._, X, 356-57.
[199] _Daily Advertiser_, October 9, 1789.
[200] Gerry and Clymer, both supporters of the _Report_, objected.
_Annals_, January 9, 1790.
[201] Maclay, 177.
[202] _Writings, J. Q. Adams_, I, 49.
[203] _Connecticut Gazette_, February 19, 1790.
[204] Lodge, 90-91.
[205] _Ibid._
[206] Madison’s _Writings_ (letter to Pendleton), I,
507-09.
[207] Maclay, 179. The member of Congress who sent the vessels was
Jeremiah Wadsworth of Connecticut.
[208] Professor C. A. Beard makes a conclusive case against both in his
_Economic Origins of Jeffersonian Democracy_.
[209] _Works of Jefferson_, I, 354.
[210] Mr. Amory, H. G. Otis, and William Wetmore.
[211] _Writings of J. Q. Adams_, I, 56-59.
[212] Maclay, 177-78.
[213] Beard’s _Economic Interpretation_, 104-12.
[214] _Gazette of the United States_, ‘Common Sense,’ January 30, 1790.
[215] _Annals_, January 28, 1790.
[216] _Ibid._
[217] Maclay, February 1, 1790.
[218] Maclay, 194.
[219] _Annals_, February 10, 1790.
[220] _New York Daily Advertiser_, February 13, 1790.
[221] _Familiar Letters_, 108.
[222] _Gazette of the United States_, April 15, 1790.
[223] Fiske, 187.
[224] Ames (letter to Minor), I, 35.
[225] _First Forty Years of American Society, Family Letters of Mrs.
Margaret Bayard Smith_, 61.
[226] _Works of Jefferson, Ford_, I, 86.
[227] Mrs. Smith, 63.
[228] _Annals_, February 11, 1790.
[229] Madison’s _Writings_, I, 507.
[230] _Annals_, February 15, 1790.
[231] _Writings_ (to Randolph), I, 512.
[232] White, _Annals_, February 16, 1790.
[233] White, _Annals_, February 16, 1790.
[234] Maclay, 199.
[235] _Ibid._, February 22, 1790.
[236] _Writings_, _J. Q. Adams_, I, 49.
[237] _Gazette of the United States_, June 12, 1790.
[238] _Centinel_, February 24, 1790.
[239] _Ibid._, March 20, 1790.
[240] _Pennsylvania Gazette_, copied in _Maryland Gazette_, February
26, 1790.
[241] Boston, _Independent Chronicle_, March 4, 1790.
[242] Boston, _Independent Chronicle_, March 25, 1790.
[243] _Ibid._, April 15.
[244] Maclay, 202.
[245] _Ibid._, 205.
[246] _New York Advertiser_, February 20, 1790.
[247] _Ibid._, February 22, 1790.
[248] Comptroller of the Treasury.