CHAPTER V

The Great Sorrow

14

The German crazy-quilt, of many hues and colors, and how this

blanket was patched and mended through the years.

¶ From the 18th Century, and indeed before that time, to say nothing

of years to come as late as 1871, there was in fact no Germany. The

term was a mere geographical "designation." We shall hear more of

this, as Bismarck assumes the stupendous task of German unity, in a

real sense of the word; but we will never understand what Bismarck and

other statesmen who hoped for German unity had to deal with, unless we

take a broad survey of conditions in Germany from the year 1750; not

only from the political but also from the social and domestic side, as

represented in 300-odd German principalities that like a crazy-quilt

were thrown helter-skelter from Hamburg on the North to Vienna on the

South.

¶ Many of the holdings were gained through musty papers from rulers of

the ancient Holy Roman Empire, a nation Voltaire declared "neither

holy, nor empire, nor Roman."

¶ There were free cities, great landlords, and there were great

robber-barons--thieves of high or low degree.

¶ At Cologne, Treves and Mayence archbishops held the lower valley of

the Moselle, also some of finest parts of the Rhein valley.

¶ Next, came dukes, landgraves, margraves, cities of the Empire, and

then still smaller, duchies in duodecimo, down through some 800 minor

landlords who as the owners of some borough or village walked this

earth genuine game cocks on their own dunghills. Political conditions

were distressing; old feuds, old hates prevailed.

There were restrictions on commerce, statute labor, barbarous penal

laws, religious persecution and Jew-baiting.

* * * * *

¶ In short, to make 300-odd jealous princelings join hands in national

brotherhood is the complex problem that goes down through the years;

generation after generation; till at last the one strong man appears,

Otto von Bismarck, who in his supreme rise to power sees clearly that

the only hope for Germany is in a complete social and political

revolution, in which the changes in the German mind concerning

political unity in governmental affairs must be as unusual as the

transformations in the German mode of life.

* * * * *

¶ During the early part of the 18th Century, of which we are now

writing, a certain bold political doctrine still stood unchallenged.

It had come out of the dim and hoary past, and in effect it proclaimed

the power of the fist. For centuries unnumbered the idea prevailed

that a state defends itself against foreign foes, and otherwise

conserves its existence through the direct will of a strong ruler,

preferably a king brought up in arms.

Thus the "genius of the people" meant in effect the wisdom or the

ignorance of the line of kings.

Under this theory, Prussia by slow degrees and through many sacrifices

of blood and treasure, had become a great power.

¶ Fred: Wm. I., (1713-40), who was indeed a miser and a scoffer, freed

little Prussia from debt and rebuilt cities ruined by the wars. He

likewise established a system of compulsory education, made

schoolmasters state officers, and contributed mightily to a higher

standard.

And he went further still: he welcomed religious exiles from other

parts of Germany; he settled thousands of immigrants on the raw lands;

he saved his money, economized to the last pfennig, was prudent in a

worldly sense, and to the end of his life remained intolerable foe of

idleness.

¶ It was from this severe master that the Great Frederick (1740-86)

learned the trick of laying his cane over the backs of peasants and

crying out in rage: "Get to work!"

¶ Old Fritz continued his line of battle from 1740 to 1763, in various

unequal contests with the Allies. He fought Austria, France, Russia,

Sweden, Saxony, and Poland, and for a while he fought their allied

strength. The upshot was that Prussian enemies at home and abroad were

defeated and Prussia won first rank as a military and political power.

This idea of military discipline, united with large worldly sagacity

in the management of state affairs, marks and explains Prussia's rise

to power.

¶ But the decline was equally manifest under Fr: Wm. II, the Great

Frederick's nephew. Although he inherited a domain of six millions of

people, banded under an excellent administrative system, sustained by

the disciplined army of "Old Dessauer" (Prince Leopold), and although

Fr: Wm. II found the huge sum of 40,000,000 thalers in his fighting

uncle's treasure chest, yet within a few years all these splendid

advantages were frittered away in idle dalliance and the weak king

found himself twenty millions in debt.

By the time he died, 1797, Prussia was riding to a fall; and

disregarding plain measures for her own safety, she had reached the

sad place where the sturdy old Prussian spirit of prudence and

independence had become so compromised that Prussia almost deemed it

unessential to preserve her own political life!

¶ Thus, within three generations, Prussia repeated the old story of

human life, wherein the weak descendant eats up the strong sire's

goods. Frederick the Great died Aug. 17th, 1786. Within three years,

France struck at the German lands; and within 20 years the old

Constitution of the Empire was scoffed at by encircling enemies along

the frontiers, led by France, while at home political disputants

destroyed National spirit by exciting revolution after revolution.

"Everywhere," says Zimmermann, (Germany, p. 1618), "one felt the

morning breeze of the new dispensation." The cry of the people had to

be answered, and the common man wanted to know not only "Why!" but

"When!"

¶ For the ensuing 85 years clamor, disruption and disunion continue

often accompanied by bloodshed; till through Bismarck's great work

over which he toiled for 40-odd years, came the final answer of the

Imperial democracy, 1871.

* * * * *

¶ It is to be the labor of years with confusion worse confounded, as

we go along. The Feudal system, with which Germany has been for

centuries petrified, must be thrown off; the peasant laborers freed in

some sort, whether social or political, the absurd restrictions of

countless customs houses walling-in each petty principality, must be

destroyed. Before a new Germany may emerge, if Germany is to emerge at

all, a National faith must be stimulated, fighting blood stirred, wars

waged. Then, and then only, may this idea of German Unity, long the

puzzling mental preoccupation of the fathers, become a geographical

actuality and a political fact.

¶ The German peasants' sense of respect for vested authority, even

when held by hated kings, made the common people of the various German

states almost ox-like in their patience under harsh political

conditions.

Between the power of petty tyrants and of foreign despots, there was

no freedom worthy of the name.

The German lived for himself, aloof, suspicious, not caring

particularly to change his condition.

Compromise after compromise, failure after failure, sorrow after

sorrow must be recorded in the great story; but do not despair. In

amazing manner, through blood and iron, Otto von Bismarck, our blond

Pomeranian giant, will face, fight and finally conquer the bewildering

cross-forces of his time--till "German national faith" is supreme.

* * * * *

¶ Paying no attention to its neighbor, each German state stood off by

itself; each princeling had his army, in some instances only 25 men;

each ruler had his castle, in imitation of Versailles; each state its

custom house, its distinct court and rural costumes.

To go ten miles north or south was to find yourself in a new world;

you could scarcely understand the mush-talk of the peasants, whereas

the various Liliputian courts chattered in mongrel French, aped from

Versailles.

¶ The minor courts of Germany imitated the excesses of Versailles;

had dancing teachers from Paris, French barbers, French governesses,

and French prostitutes.

Every young man of wealth was sent to Paris to acquire what was called

"bon ton," that is to say, familiarity with the vices of the day; the

etiquette of the fan and the study of new ways to spend money wrung

from over-taxed peasants of German provinces was also regarded as very

important.

Even to speak German was held a mark of vulgarity; and what more

despicable than to be ashamed of one's ancestry?

¶ Unmoved by the sufferings of the peasants, Augustus III of Saxony

applied himself to grand operas, written by queens of French society.

While the peasants were living like beasts, Frederick Augustus, the

successor, spent his time hunting red deer. The dukes of Coburg and

Hildburghausen were miserable bankrupts. As a result of social

excesses, Charles VII of Bavaria left a debt of forty millions.

Charles Theodore, in some respects an enlightened monarch, is

particularly remembered for three strange facts: That he once gave an

opera in German and not in French; that he tried to sell off Bavaria,

his inheritance, and move to a more congenial locality; and third,

that he hired Rumford, the great chemist, to invent a soup, at low

cost, to feed the poor, whose miseries had been growing on account of

the bad government.

¶ Nor should we overlook the monarch at Zweibrucken, the Pfalzgraf

Charles. His mania took the form of collecting pipes and toys, of

which he had innumerable specimens from the ends of the earth. He kept

also one thousand five hundred horses and a thousand dogs and cats.

Every traveler had to take off his hat and bow at sight of the spire,

on pain of being beaten by the Count's constable.

¶ Charles Eugene, of Wuertemberg, slave to luxury, played pranks when

he was not indulging in vices. He liked to alarm peasants at night

with wild cries; and when a woman stuck her head out of the window,

the monarch would throw a hoop and try to drag her outside. In a deep

forest he built his castle "Solitude."

¶ On his 50th birthday, he wrote to his subjects, promising to mend

his life; the letter was read in all the churches. The people decided

that he was in earnest, promised him more money, of which he was in

sore need. His first step was to contract a left-handed marriage with

Francisca von Bernedin, whom he raised to the rank of countess.

¶ His next step was to build a queer bird-cage for his new mate.

Menzel says of this episode: "Records of every clime and of every age

were here collected. A Turkish mosque contrasted its splendid dome

with the pillared Roman temple and the steepled Gothic church. The

castled turret rose by the massive Roman tower; the low picturesque

hut of the modern peasant stood beneath the shelter of the gigantesque

remains of antiquity; and imitations of the pyramids of Cestius, of

the baths of Diocletian, a Roman senate-house and Roman dungeons, met

the astonished eye."

* * * * *

¶ Another amiable peculiarity of French-mongering German princelings

in their petty monarchies, was man-stealing. Hard-pressed for funds,

the practice was to kidnap peasants and sell them into foreign

military service. The vile trade was dignified by court authority;

followers of the game were known as "man merchants."

¶ The Wuertemberg monarch in order to raise funds to complete the

absurd castle for his mistress, took it into his head to sell 1,000

peasants to the Dutch, for the war in the Indies; and so deep lay the

curse of tyranny that no public protest was raised. It is true that

Schiller, the noble poet, who at this time was a student at Charles

College, fled in disgust, but Schaubert, another poet, was not so

fortunate; he was seized and imprisoned for ten years.

¶ The vile practice of man-stealing from the wretched peasantry long

continued as a monarchical privilege. The Landgrave Frederick of

Hesse-Cassel, on one occasion sent 12,800 Hessians to the British, to

fight in America. English commissioners came over and inspected the

captive men as though picking out stock at a cattle show. Should a

parent protest, a son, a wife or a widow, the answer was the lash.

Hanau furnished 1200 of these slave-soldiers, Waldeck several hundred.

Seume, who was himself a victim to the system, deported to America,

tells us in his Memoirs: "No one was safe; every means was resorted

to, fraud, cunning, trickery, violence. Foreigners were thrown into

prison, and sold."

"There is a Hessian prince of high distinction," says Huergelmer. "He

has magnificent palaces, pheasant-preserves, at Wilhelmsbad, operas,

mistresses, etc. These things cost money. He has, moreover, a hoard of

debts, the result of the luxury of his sainted forefathers. What does

the prince do in this dilemma? He seizes an unlucky fellow in the

street, expends fifty dollars on his equipment, sends him out of the

country, and gets a hundred dollars for him in exchange."

* * * * *

¶ Frederick of Bayreuth expended all his revenues in building a grand

opera house, for giving balls, parties, receptions and official

functions to aristocrats. His successor Alexander fell under the sway

of Lady Craven, a British adventuress, who led the peasants a merry

chase for the cash; man-stealing was the old game; and one order alone

from the British government called for 1,500 peasants.

* * * * *

¶ But why continue the recital of man's inhumanities?

Charles of Brunswick, a spendthrift, who sold subjects into captivity,

paid his ballet-master 30,000 a year. Frederick of Brunswick on one

occasion sold 4,000 peasants to Britain, for the army.

¶ The terrible famine of 1770-72 added to the discontent of the common

man, throughout Germany; he began to feel that it was the duty of

kings to feed the hungry; bark, grass, leaves, carrion were eaten;

disease spread; emigrations depopulated the Rheinlands; 20,000 left

Bavaria alone; while upwards of 180,000 Bavarians died of hunger; in

Saxony, the number that starved to death is placed at 100,000. Other

kingdoms suffered heavily.

¶ In many of the provinces were laws to prevent immigration; those who

tried to get Bavarians to leave the country were guilty of a crime,

punishable by hanging. A similar punishment was exacted for marrying

out of one's native province.

¶ Also, the wretched condition of the roads added to the isolation of

the various German provinces. Exacting customs' duties, military

espionages, a weak postal system, contributed to keep Germans

unacquainted, except with near neighbors. He, indeed, was a bold man

who had gone over the mountains or beyond his native valley. Even a

journey of two days caused grave anxieties; the carriage was almost

certain to be overturned in some deep rut and the travelers injured or

killed; robbers lay in wait in the mountains; protection was almost

unheard of; life and property were insecure; every traveler had to be

his own policeman, and never issued forth on a journey without dagger,

pistol and sword.

* * * * *

¶ Thus, 300 princelings, great or small, were determined to rule in

their individual capacities; there was no Germany in fact, and that

much of the German Empire that had outlived the gradual ruin of the

old Holy Roman Empire, the great-ancestor of Germany, was now

approaching complete dissolution.

The power lay no more in states, but in 300-odd local political

bureaus, scattered everywhere, dominated often enough by an ambitious

French prostitute, or by some lucky ballet-master.

¶ Then, there was August of Saxony, who is said to have been the

father of 300 children. This foolish fellow's fetes cost thalers by

the wagon-load; one set of Chinese porcelains ran into the millions,

and it cost 6,000 thalers to gild the gondolas for a night in June, to

say nothing of the fancy ball.

¶ The Baden monarch, Charles William, built Carlsruhe in the deep

forest, the better that his orgies be kept from prying eyes.

¶ Eberhardt of Wuertemberg gave the whole conduct of his government

over to women and Jews--and by the way the Jews were the only saving

force. As for the Graevenitz woman, she was king in petticoats. She

mortgaged crown lands and raised hell generally. One day in church she

made a fuss about not being mentioned among royal rulers, and the

pastor immediately replied: "Madam, we mention you daily in our

prayers when we say: 'O Lord, deliver us from all evil!'" Once, in

time of famine, Charles William scattered loaves of bread; the rabble

maddened by hunger fought to the death for the dole!

¶ Also, there were Ernest of Hanover and Tony of Brunswick, two

precious rascals, with all their retinue of mistresses, mistresses'

maids, mothers, hangers-on, and pimps. Carl Magnus had his Grehweiler

palace costing 180,000 guelden. He grew so desperate that the Emperor

sent him to a fortress for ten years' imprisonment, for forging

documents to raise the wind. Count Limburg-Styrum was a princeling

whose army consisted of one colonel, six officers and two privates!

Count William of Bueckeburg had a fort with 300 guns, defending a

cabbage patch. Count Frederick of Salm-Kyrburg swindled the churches;

and in tiny Schwarzburg-Sondershausen, only 15 miles square, was a

royal palace of 350 rooms with clocks of all sizes, great and small,

in each apartment. This count went mad over clocks, but was popular

with the working class; often he would take a man off a job in order

to laugh and joke.

Also, Frederick had original taste in military affairs; his army

comprised 150 soldiers, with 28 guards on horseback. The prince prided

himself on being a wrestler, and one day when a yokel threw the

prince, the prince set up a great cry, "I slipped on a cherry

stone!"--and this regardless of the fact that it was not the time of

the year for cherries.

¶ There was another local ruler, Ludwig Guenther, who was fond of

painting horses, and on his death 246-odd horse pictures adorned the

walls of his palace.

* * * * *

¶ "Show a German a door and tell him to go through, and he will try to

break a hole in the wall."

¶ "Here, every one lives apart in his own narrow corner, with his own

opinions; his wife and children round him; ever suspicious of the

Government, as of his neighbor; judging everything from his personal

point of view, and never from general grounds."

¶ "The sentiment of individualism and the necessity for contradiction

are developed to an inconceivable degree in the German."

¶ The problem of directing this intense individualism is the problem

of German unity.

* * * * *

¶ With rough manners, blunders, extravagances, absurdities, the

hereditary princes continued to sponge on the peasants, generation

after generation, till wretchedness spread far over the German lands.

They had their châteaux, their dancing girls, their dogs, horses,

cats, mistresses and their royal armies.

¶ The misery of centuries of oppression existed; petty monarchs

exercised powers of life and death.

¶ The South German mocked the North German's pronunciation. One set

vowed that the "g" in "goose" is hard, the other proclaimed that the

"g" is soft. One side went about mumbling with hard "g's," "A

well-baked goose is a gracious gift of God," whereupon the other side

replied that all the "g's" are "j's," that the "gute ganz" is really

"jute janz," and "Gottes" "Jottes." And duels were fought over it.

¶ Nor was this all. An intense local pride expressed itself in

grotesque dialects, unsoftened by intercourse with the outer world;

also, there were outlandish fashions in dress and other domestic

affairs.

¶ In Brunswick the women wore green aprons, curious black caps, the

men buff coats, red vests with four rows of buttons, caps with crazy

pompons, buckled slippers and gay ribbon garters.

¶ In lower Saxony the women wore flat straw hats, like a dinner plate,

hair plastered down, head-dresses of gigantic black ribbons, aprons of

gay stripes, and ten petticoats coming only a little below the knee.

The men wore farce-comedy costumes, not unlike coachmen.

¶ In Pomerania-Rugen the women admired scarlet petticoats,

knee-length, capes like turko-rugs, black veils, green garters and

blue stockings. The men wore aprons like butchers, caps and

long-tailed coats.

¶ The Hessian women preferred turbans of red, vestees of gay stuffs,

blue, green or yellow knee-length skirts.

* * * * *

¶ The Baden men folk liked reds, greens and yellows, vests adorned

with many ribbons, top boots, high white collars and funny-looking

black coats. The women had their green aprons, puffed sleeves, and ten

short petticoats.

¶ In East Prussia men wore double and triple vests. As for the women,

they looked like animals in the zoo.

¶ In Wuertemberg, a typical landlord wore a blue peajacket with two

rows of large silver buttons, two vests of high contrasting colors, a

black sash, salmon-colored trousers, polished boots;--and carried a

meerschaum pipe.

¶ In Bavaria one saw green vests, yodlers' hats with tiny feathers,

green leggings, or military boots; and among the women gay vestees,

bright shawls and white kerchiefs.

* * * * *

¶ Thus, the dead-weight of centuries still lay like a mountain on the

various German states.

¶ This dead-weight of olden times kept the German states bickering

among themselves.

For long years past, the people were divided by political brawls,

altercations, affrays, squabbles, feuds, often with the loss of life.

The general disposition was choleric, pugnacious, litigious.

There was bad blood over principles and procedure, policies and plans.

To transform aloofness to neighborliness, tumult to conciliation,

quarreling to friendliness, hostility to good will, dissent must give

way to assent, distrust to faith, denial to admission, misgiving to

conviction, political atheism to political revelation.

Such are some of the peculiarities of the human animal; and in

political life human animals are prone to fight for self-interest,

like dogs over a bone.

* * * * *

¶ We are not going to try to tell you of the many efforts by rash

reformers, in the half-century of the dead-weight, leading to the rise

of Prussia.

Again and again, far-sighted Germans, sick unto death at the way

things were going, urged equality for all men before the law, equal

taxation, restriction of the power of the nobles.

Strange as it may seem, the peasants themselves stood in the way. They

did not care to change their condition, miserable as it was. They

dreaded the future, preferred present miseries than to risk new ills.

For example, on one occasion, a certain political idealist excited the

peasants in revolt, assassinated 120 nobles, destroyed 264 castles.

This was in the time of Joseph II, of Austria, the ruler filled with

amazing ideas of equality. The peasants themselves were the first to

protest, much as they detested the nobles; and the unsupported leaders

died on the wheel, while 150 miserable followers were buried alive.

And yet, at that very moment, the idealistic Joseph, who with an

excess of zeal, tried for political equality, made enemies of his

nobles, enemies of his peasants, likewise. The great reformer was held

a fanatic, intent on destroying government. Too far ahead of his time,

his plans for political semi-equality failed.

¶ This monarch, thinking to make a lesson, had swindling nobles placed

in the stocks, like common thieves.

Joseph was one of the first great democrats, in the modern sense. To

him, the cause of the common man was sacred. He believed in genuine

equality, but alas, he did not know how to bring about the political

Millennium.

¶ He threw open the parks to the people; he proclaimed free speech and

free thought; he abolished serfdom; he labored to construct a

state-machine with one system of justice and one National plan.

Joseph, though overbrimming with emotions for the common man's

political salvation, failed to allow for the ignorance of his people,

their stubborn avowal of local self-interests.

¶ And it fell out that his people thought that Joseph was trying to

enslave them the more; ingratitude and misapprehensions followed,

destroying the liberal reformer's most cherished plans for his beloved

Austria-Germany.

The word was passed alone that Joseph was a tyrant. You see, as

frequently happens, the people preferred old abuses to new ways. The

general population hugged their chains and refused to be delivered.

This singular belief in the past, rather than in the future, is indeed

a human weakness and has checked and restrained the rise of

intellectual freedom since the world began.

* * * * *

¶ It might all have been a good lesson to republicans, but the

nobility assumed a threatening attitude and the peasants did not

understand a monarch like Joseph.

Their idea of a king was a man going upstairs on horseback and eating

spiders. A king must have powers of life and death and bags of gold. A

citizen king was absurd.

The peasantry, on whom Joseph had endeavored to bestow many large

democratic privileges, rose against him. He died Feb. 20, 1790, "a

century too early," says Jellenz, and as Remer adds, "misunderstood by

a people unworthy of such a sovereign."

* * * * *

¶ Germany, in the sad period between 1750 and 1806 had long been a

European political jest; these are hard words, but it is the language

of truth.

She had sunk so low that she saw no degradation in going off to fight

French or British wars, while at home remaining a mere political

nonentity.

She had sunk so low, under French influences, and through her own lack

of self-control, that she forgot her great ancestors and her noble

traditions.

She had sunk so low that her very children were brought up to despise

the language of the Fatherland; the children scoffing at the parents,

aped foreign ways rather than support German originality, strength and

national genius; young men coming of age preferred to leave the land

of their birth, mocked the simple German virtues, and occupied

themselves in idle dalliance in Paris, or failing in this, set up

imitations of French courts in the petty German monarchies.

Thus, finally Germany became insensible, indifferent and debased by

stupid and selfish ideals from beyond the Vosges; till at last Germany

became, literally, a land without a people, a people without a land.

¶ Worse still, the time came when, under these false teachings, a

sense of shame no longer lived, to arouse great national interests and

to recall degenerate sons to their solemn duties to their Fatherland.

Hundreds of noble Germans, at one time or another, during these dark

years, tried in vain by voice or pen to restore national

consciousness, but failed. The problem of German liberty seemed

incapable of solution; and as for the still larger problem of German

unity--that became a mere dream.

* * * * *

¶ We glorify here and now, the genius and the manhood of Bismarck as

the one man who had the strength of purpose to recall to Germans the

heroic tale of a free and united Fatherland.

It took him thirty years or more, through well-nigh superhuman

striving; he preached, he cursed, he vilified, he used the iron rod.

He would have absolutely nothing to do with the political ideas from

over the Vosges; he knew too well the curse of olden times, and his

one great central emotion was to end that condition--as he hoped

forever.

You are to read of the battles of a giant, filled with immense

compassion for the follies and weaknesses of his misled countrymen,

filled, too, with fanatical zeal to punish, that good might come of it

at last.

Bismarck used the strong military arm, the hell fires and the

lightnings.

His nature scorned any further mere palliation of the weaknesses of

human nature. Like all supermen, Bismarck struck straight from the

shoulder; in turn to be misunderstood, cursed and reviled by the very

people he would serve; but in the end aroused German manhood to a just

comprehension of the power and dignity of a free and united

Fatherland.

* * * * *

¶ For upwards of 100 years before Bismarck's great hour, the French

had been accustomed to exploit Germany. To fill the pocketbook, to

provide soldiers for wars, or to afford opportunities for buccaneering

expeditions, were all the same.

We do not say this to bring up any "moral" issue, but we make the

statement merely as one uses the word dung or manure.

That is to say, certain historical facts stink to heaven.

Annexations, concessions, raids, riots at the hands of the French

conspired to keep Germany disunited, belligerent and mutinous; and as

the years passed Germany, to a large extent, seduced by French ways,

lost a sense of her dignity. France had looked to Germany to furnish

allies to help fight Prussia, Austria or England; then England turned

the trick against France. It is discouraging to add that even the

great Goethe was so seduced by the glamour of Napoleon's genius that

he wrote these strange words in praise of the French tyrant:

Doubts that have baffled thousands, he has solved:

Ideas o'er which centuries have brooded,

His giant mind intuitively compressed.

¶ Thus, you have before you this spectacle: Germany's greatest

poetical genius forgets the sad reality of his broken, dispirited and

disrupted country and leaves her to her wretched fate; passing his

time as a sentimental voluptuary in the splendor of the Weimar court,

where he concerns himself with such works as "Elective Affinities," a

frank endorsement of adultery.

¶ On the other side, the noble Schiller, poet of the people, recalled

to his fellow countrymen the faded glory of Germany. "Schiller stands

forth," says Menzel, "as the champion of liberty, justice and his

country."

In a word, it took Germany 100 years to learn by suffering that if she

is ever to regain her fallen prestige as a nation, she must fight her

enemies at home and abroad; she must restore the military ideal of

ancient times. And here, in a nutshell, is the very root of all this

cry about militarism: The man who will not fight for what he regards

as his political rights, remains a slave his whole life long; for it

is the essential nature of man to exercise tyrannous power over human

lives, whenever such practice holds out promise of advantage.

Therefore, Bismarck again trained Germany to be a fighting nation; and

if an ideal of a free and united people is no justification, then

words have no meaning.

15

The French peasant's son, returning from the wars brings his

wife a diamond necklace.

¶ The cross-angles of politics, for years, lead as far as one cares to

go, in this German family fight. Each petty state has its intrigues

and its grievances; you become befuddled; it is all weariness of the

flesh.

¶ However, behind all the political jargon, mighty forces are taking

form; and little by little, certain outstanding facts come to view,

involving every king, knight, bishop, prince and pauper on the German

map, from the North Sea to the Black Sea.

After 1789, the German was down with that new disease, French

constitutionalism; liberty, fraternity and equality. No human being

knew exactly what it meant. It was a political fever that had to be

gone through with; and blood-letting was the only cure.

Monarchs seemingly secure on their thrones from the days of old, now

shivered like ghosts as the mobs marched the streets of Vienna and

Berlin, waiving new flags and crying "Liberty!"

¶ The word "liberty" went to the crook-backed German peasant's brain

like wine; he grew mad with the idea of an impossible world, in which

he could decree as he desired and all would bow to him, though he in

return would bow to nobody; in short, liberty for him, but death to

the others; and were it possible to confiscate the property of the

princes and redistribute the loot among the peasants, so much the

better.

¶ Before we go into this thing, let us remember that as the French

armies marched over Europe, the doom of kings had been cracking and

rumbling.

The soldiers carried everywhere the idea of French equality, that is

to say, to the popular mind an opportunity to share the loot.

Napoleon himself, reflecting on his own career and on the follies of

the French revolution, said: "Let us now turn ourselves to something

practical; the bombastic ideas of the Revolution have exhausted

themselves in grotesque efforts at self-government. All the Revolution

means is an opportunity for a man of talents to show what he can do."

¶ And the French soldiers, returning from the wars, brought their

wives and daughters gold rings, bracelets and diamond necklaces, the

loot of the capitals of Europe.

¶ As for Napoleon, he, of course, took the lion's share; but a diamond

necklace to a soldier's wife is indeed a powerful argument on the

importance of the new democratic era, in which peasants' sons wear

gold lace and their womankind ride in carriages.

Also, many of the generals of France were sons of peasants; and an

account of Napoleon's marshals would show the humble origin of men of

the hour, sons of soap boilers, tavern keepers, stable-bosses.

¶ One may imagine the result of such surprising overturnings of caste,

in old-world conditions. Henceforth the peasants of all lands will

naturally regard their respective kings as so many dogs, to be shot to

death at the first splendid opportunity! And Germany is no exception.

¶ Forward march, ye sons of the soil, there are stormy days ahead for

you, through your "new" ideas.

Blood and Iron Origin of German Empire As Revealed by Character of Its Founder, Bismarck · 第 5 / 18 章