ORGANIZATION OF THE GOVERNMENT (1789-1793).
69. REFERENCES.
BIBLIOGRAPHIES.--W. E. Foster, _References to Presidential
Administrations_, 1-5; _References to the Constitution_, 18, 19; Justin
Winsor, _Narrative and Critical History_, VII. 299-309, 323-329, 413-418,
446, 454, VIII. App.; P. L. Ford, _Bibliotheca Hamiltonia_; Channing and
Hart, _Guide_, §§ 157-161.
HISTORICAL MAPS.--Nos. 1 and 3, this volume, and No. 1 in W. Wilson,
_Division and Reunion_ (_Epoch Maps_, Nos. 6, 7, and 8); T. MacCoun,
_Historical Geography_; Scribner, _Statistical Atlas_, Plate 13.
GENERAL ACCOUNTS.--J. B. McMaster, _People of the United States_, I.
525-604, II. 1-88; R. Hildreth, _United States_, IV. 25-410; J. Schouler,
_United States_, I. 74-220; H. Von Holst, _Constitutional History_, I. 64-
111; T. Pitkin, _Political and Civil History_, II. 317-355; Gen. Tucker,
_United States_, I. 384-503; J. S. Landon, _Constitutional History_, 97-
119; Bryant and Gay, _Popular History_, IV. 100-123.
SPECIAL HISTORIES.--George Gibbs, _Memoirs of the Administrations of
Washington and Adams_, I. 28-88; J. C. Hamilton, _History of the
Republic_, IV.; W. G. Sumner, _Alexander Hamilton_; H. C. Adams,
_Taxation in the United States_ (1789-1816); W. G. Sumner, _Financier and
Finances of the American Revolution_, II. chs. xvii.-xxxii.; J. T. Morse,
_Life of Hamilton_, I. chs. vii.-xii.; M. P. Follet, _Speaker_; H. C.
Lodge, _Hamilton_, 88-152, and _Washington_, II. 1-128; J. T. Morse, _John
Adams_, 241-264, and _Jefferson_, 96-145; S. H. Gay, _Madison_, 128-192.
CONTEMPORARY ACCOUNTS.--W. Maclay, _Journal_ (1789-1791) (a racy account
of the Senate in the First Congress); Thomas Jefferson, _Anas_, in
_Works_, ix. 87-185 (confessedly made up twenty-five years later); William
Sullivan, _Familiar Letters on Public Characters_, 36-47 (written in reply
to Jefferson); Joel Barlow, _Vision of Columbus_, 1787 (an epic poem);
correspondence in works of Washington, Hamilton, Madison, Jefferson, and
John Jay; newspapers, especially the _Columbian Centinel_, _Gazette of the
United States_, _National Gazette_.--Reprints in _American History told
by Contemporaries_, III.
70. GEOGRAPHY OF THE UNITED STATES IN 1789.
[Sidenote: Boundary questions.]
What were the physical, social, and political conditions under which the
new government was to be established? In 1789 the exterior boundaries of
the country were loosely defined by treaty (§ 46), but were not yet marked
out, and there were several serious controversies. From the mouth of the
St, Croix River to the head of the Connecticut the boundary was in
confusion, and no progress had been made towards settling it. The water-
line through the St. Lawrence and the Lakes was still unadjusted. It was
found that the headwaters of the Mississippi lay to the south of the Lake
of the Woods, so that there was a gap on the northwest. On the south Spain
disputed the right of Great Britain to establish the boundary, insisted
that her own undoubted settlements lay within the territory claimed by the
United States, and declined to grant the free navigation of the lower
Mississippi to the sea. Still more humiliating was the presence of British
garrisons at Fort Niagara, Detroit, and other points within the undisputed
boundaries of the United States.
[Sidenote: Interior boundaries.]
The interior boundaries of the country were in a like unsettled condition.
Neither North Carolina nor Georgia had yielded up their western claims (§
52). Vermont had not yet been recognized by New York as outside of her
jurisdiction, and the Western Reserve lay along the southern shore of Lake
Erie as an outlying part of Connecticut. No territorial government had
been established for the Northwest territory, although settlement had
begun to pour in. The southern territory was in complete confusion:
Kentucky and the Tennessee valley were practically independent
communities; and Georgia claimed the whole region south of them.
71. THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES IN 1789.
[Sidenote: Population.]
A census taken in 1790 gives us the number of inhabitants as a little
under 4,000,000. Of these, 750,000--nearly one-fifth of the whole
population--were negroes. Of the 3,170,000 whites, the ancestors of eight-
tenths were probably English, and most of the others spoke English and
were a homogeneous part of the community. Counting by sections, the States
north of Maryland had a population of 1,968,000, and those south of
Pennsylvania had 1,925,000; the States which were to be permanently slave-
holding contained, therefore, a population about equal to that of New
England and the Middle States. Only a small part of this population was to
be found west of the mountains. Settlement was working into central New
York, southwest Pennsylvania, the neighboring parts of Virginia, and the
upper waters of the Tennessee; but the only considerable western community
was in Kentucky. These distant settlers had an important influence on the
Union, since they lay within easy reach of the Spanish settlements, and
occasionally threatened to withdraw.
[Sidenote: Intellectual life.]
The intellectual life of the people was little developed. Schools had not
sensibly improved since colonial times. The graduating classes of all the
colleges in 1789 count up to about 170. There were but two schools of
medicine in the country, and no regular school of law. In one department
of literature alone were the Americans eminent: the state papers of public
men such as Washington, Hamilton, and Jefferson are written with the force
and directness of the best school of English. Poetry there was; its
character may be judged by a single quotation from Barlow's "Vision of
Columbus," a favorite epic, published in 1787:--
"There stood stern Putnam, seamed with many a scar,
The veteran honours of an earlier war;
Undaunted Stirling, dreadful to his foes,
And Gates and Sullivan to vengeance rose;
While brave McDougall, steady and sedate,
Stretched the nerved arm to ope the scene of fate."
[Sidenote: Economic conditions.]
In economic conditions the United States were little more advanced than
had been the colonies. The country abounded in natural resources: timber
clad the whole Appalachian range, and spread far into the Mississippi
valley; the virgin soil, and particularly the rich and untouched prairies
of the West, were an accumulation of unmeasured wealth. Yet it was little
easier to get from the sea to Lake Erie or to the Ohio than it had been
forty years before. It seemed impossible that a country could be held
together when it was so large that a courier might be two months on his
way from the seat of government to the most distant frontier; and
Jefferson predicted that it would be a thousand years before the country
would be thickly settled as far west as the Mississippi. The chief
resource of the country was agriculture; almost every State raised its own
food, and there were considerable exports, particularly of wheat and
flour. Manufactures were chiefly imported from England, the only widely
known American industry being the distilling of New England rum. The chief
source of wealth was still commerce; in 1790 the exports and imports were
about twenty million dollars each, or five dollars per head of the
population. The movement of vessels to foreign ports was tolerably free,
but the vexatious restrictions and taxes imposed by England tended to
throw an undue part of the profit into the hands of the English merchants.
Business of every kind was much hampered by the want of bank capital and
by the state of the currency.
72. POLITICAL METHODS IN 1789.
[Sidenote: Current political theories.]
The chief intellectual interest of the people was in politics. The State
and the national constitutions both protected freedom of speech, and
Americans were accustomed freely to discuss public men and public
measures. Public opinion was, however, created by a comparatively small
number of persons,--the leading planters of the South, merchants and great
families in the Middle States, the gentlemen and clergy in New England.
Already two different schools of political thought had appeared. The one
is typified by John Adams's elaborate work, "The Defence of the American
Constitutions," published in 1787. "The rich, the well-born, and the
able," he says, "... must be separated from the mass and placed by
themselves in a senate." The leading spirit in the other school was Thomas
Jefferson. He wrote in 1787: "I am persuaded that the good sense of the
people will always be found the best army. They may be led astray for a
moment, but will soon correct themselves." The accepted principle of
republican government was nevertheless that there should be a limited
number of voters, following the lead of experienced statesmen of a higher
social class.
[Sidenote: Political methods.]
A few symptoms of a change in political methods were visible. In 1788 a
nominating convention was held in Harrisburg; this method of selecting
candidates by representatives of the voters of their party was rapidly
extended. In 1789 the secret Columbian Order, or Tammany Society, was
formed in New York. At first benevolent and literary, the correspondent of
the Massachusetts Historical Society, by 1800 it had become a political
organization and was controlling local elections. In several States, and
particularly in New York, factions had grown up about leading families of
public men; in a few years they became political machines subject to the
direction of a few leaders. Buying of votes was almost unknown, but there
was much disorder at elections.
[Sidenote: Respect for authority.]
In many respects both the State and national governments were weak. The
legislatures had, during the Revolution, been accustomed to ride roughshod
over the minority, and they were still inclined to grant charters and
privileges only to party friends; Federalist legislatures would charter
only Federalist banks. Americans enjoyed their individual liberty, but
resented the use of force either for collecting taxes or for upholding the
authority of government; and the States were not accustomed unhesitatingly
to accept the action of Congress. On the other hand, the Anglo-Saxon
respect for law was recovering from the shock of the Revolution. There was
a strong feeling of loyalty to the State governments, and the beginning of
national interest and patriotism. By common consent the new Constitution
was put quietly into effect by those who expected its success.
73. ORGANIZATION OF CONGRESS (1789).
[Sidenote: First congressional election.]
The first step in the organization of the government was to elect senators
and representatives. The Senate was small, and was expected to be a kind
of executive council. In due time John Adams was chosen vice-president,
and became chairman. The Senate sat for several years in secret session;
but from the journal of William Maclay, senator from Pennsylvania, we
learn many interesting details, and know that the casting vote of the
chairman was often necessary to settle important questions. The time and
manner of electing members of the House was left to the States. In some
cases all the members from a State were elected on one general ticket; in
others the State was divided into districts. Among the distinguished
members were Theodore Sedgwick and Elbridge Gerry of Massachusetts,
Jonathan Trumbull of Connecticut, and James Madison of Virginia. From the
first, the custom obtained that a member of the House should be a resident
of the district from which he was chosen.
[Sidenote: Organization of Congress.]
The House organized April 6. In the Speaker appeared an officer until now
unknown in the Federal system. At first he was only a moderator; after
about a year he was given the power to appoint committees; and from that
time dates the growth of those powers which have made him second in
influence only to the President of the United States. The procedure was
modelled partly on that of the old Congress, and partly upon that of the
State legislatures: it is noticeable, however, that the system of
permanent committees so familiar during the previous twelve years was not
immediately readopted; It began to come in about 1794. The first act on
the statute book was passed June 1, 1789, and prescribed a form of oath.
Congress voted itself a moderate per diem of six dollars. The only other
important question relative to the form of Congress was that of
apportionment. On April 5, 1792, a bill allotting the members of the House
to the States was the subject of the first executive veto.
[Sidenote: Amendments.]
One important function was performed before Congress adjourned, by
submitting to the States twelve amendments to the Constitution. These were
made up by comparison of the propositions submitted by the States at the
time of ratification, and practically constituted a brief bill of rights.
In due time all but two unimportant clauses were ratified by the States,
and the great objection to the Constitution was thus removed.
The importance of the First Congress was that the general forms adopted
for the transaction of its business have continued without serious change
to the present day. Its officers have increased, its powers have
developed, its political importance has expanded; but its parliamentary
procedure is still much the same as in 1789.
74. ORGANIZATION OF THE EXECUTIVE (1789, 1790).
[Sidenote: The first President.]
While the senators and representatives were being selected, Presidential
electors were also chosen in all the eleven States except New York. The
States exercised their constitutional discretion: in some the electors
were chosen by the legislatures, in others by general ticket, and in
others by districts. In one thing they agreed: when quorums of both houses
were obtained, so that the votes could be counted, April 6, 1789, it was
found that every elector had cast a ballot for George Washington. On April
30 he took the oath of office in Federal Hall on Wall Street, New York,
and Maclay records for the benefit of posterity that "he was dressed in
deep brown, with metal buttons with an eagle on them, white stockings, a
bag, and sword." As the presidency was an entirely new office, there was
much difficulty and some squabbling over the details of his place. The
question of title was raised; and it was understood that Washington would
have liked to be called "His High Mightiness, the President of the United
States and Protector of their Liberties." No action was taken, and the
simple title of "Mr. President" was by common consent adopted.
[Sidenote: Executive departments.]
[Sidenote: Treasury Department.]
The duties of the President were clearly defined by the Constitution. It
now became necessary to make some provision for subordinate executive
officers. Here for the first time the importance of the legislation of the
First Congress is visible. They had it in their power to put flesh and
blood upon the dry bones of the Constitution: they might surround the
President with a vigorous, active, and well-centred body of subordinates;
or they might go back to the practice of the old Congress, and create
executive officers who should be practically the servants of Congress.
They resolved to trust the President. The first executive department to be
established was the Department of Foreign Affairs, of which the name was a
little latter changed to the Department of State. In due time Thomas
Jefferson was appointed Secretary of State; among his successors have been
John Marshall, James Madison, James Monroe, John Quincy Adams, Henry Clay,
Martin Van Buren, Daniel Webster, John C. Calhoun, James Buchanan, and
William H, Seward. The War Department bill passed August 7, and Henry
Knox, who had been the head of the army under the old system, was
reappointed. In establishing the Treasury Department a strong effort was
made to create a Secretary of the Treasury as an agent of Congress rather
than as the officer of the President. The details of the office were
therefore carefully regulated by the statute, and specific duties were
assigned to the Secretary. He was, however, appointed by the President,
and the question was raised whether he was also removable by the
President. The Senate insisted that the removal should not be valid
without its approval; the House insisted that the President should be
unrestrained by the casting vote of the Vice-President the latter system
was adopted. The first Secretary of the Treasury was Alexander Hamilton.
[Sidenote: Relations with Congress.]
Then came the question of the relations of cabinet officers to Congress.
Maclay records that on August 22, 1790, the President appeared in the
Senate with Knox, and intimated that the Secretary of War would explain a
proposed Indian treaty. The only remark that Knox seems to have made was:
"Not till Saturday next;" but Maclay was convinced that he was there "to
overawe the timid and neutral part of the Senate." With some displeasure,
the Senate referred the matter to a committee. Hamilton desired an
opportunity to address the House; but it was not accorded, nor does it
appear that the privilege has ever been granted to any cabinet officer.
Knox's speech is the nearest approach to the Parliamentary system which
has been known in Congress.
75. ORGANIZATION OF THE COURTS (1789-1793).
[Sidenote: The Judiciary Act.]
By the Constitution there was to be a supreme court and such inferior
courts as Congress should create. By the Act of Sept. 24, 1789 the federal
judicial system was organized substantially as it now stands. Following
the precedent of some of the States, two grades of inferior courts were
created,--the district and the circuit. The judicial business of the
country was small, and for the time being the supreme justices were to
hold the circuit courts. Prosecuting officers and marshals were appointed,
and here is to be found the germ of the present system of limited terms
for public officials: they were to have commissions which should run four
years; it seems to have been tacitly understood that they would be
reappointed. A few brief clauses defined the manner in which suits could
be appealed from the State courts to the national. This statute has made
it possible to apply federal law in the same way throughout the Union:
errors of construction, and divergencies of judgment involving the
national Constitution, laws, and treaties, are corrected through this
power of appeal to one central supreme tribunal. A little later an Act was
passed defining crimes against the United States. The courts were speedily
organized, and John Jay of New York was made the first chief justice.
[Sidenote: Important decisions.]
For a few years no important decisions were made by the court; but in
February, 1793, a suit was entertained against the State of Georgia; soon
after, one was entered against the State of Massachusetts. Georgia replied
by passing a statute punishing with death any United States marshal who
might attempt to serve a process upon her. Massachusetts urged the passing
of an eleventh constitutional amendment; it was duly adopted in 1798, and
prohibited suits before a federal court against a State, by a citizen of
another State or of a foreign country.
76. REVENUE AND PROTECTION (1789-1792).
[Sidenote: Revenue scheme.]
The first necessity of the new government was to lay the taxes authorized
under the new Constitution for its own support, for the payment of
interest, and eventually for sinking the principal of the public debt. Two
days after the House organized, Madison introduced a scheme, which
eventually passed into the first tariff act. On May 13, 1789, after
agreeing to a duty on "looking-glasses and brushes," it was moved to lay a
tax of ten dollars each on imported slaves. A Georgia member protested
against the tax as intended for the benefit of Virginia, and "hoped
gentlemen would have some feeling for others;" the proposition failed.
[Sidenote: Question of protection.]
Another amendment, however, raised the most important political question
connected with taxation. April 9, 1789, a Pennsylvania member wished to
increase the list of dutiable articles, so as "to encourage the
productions of our country and to protect our infant manufactures." A
South Carolina member at once objected. Two days later a petition from
Baltimore manufacturers asked Congress to impose on "all foreign articles
which can be made in America such duties as will give a just and decided
preference to our labors." New England opposed the proposed duties because
molasses, hemp, and flax were included; molasses was a "raw material" for
the manufacture of rum; and hemp and flax were essential for the cordage
of New England ships. Lee of Virginia moved to strike out the duty on
steel, since a supply could not be furnished within the United States, and
he thought it an "oppressive, though indirect, tax on agriculture."
[Sidenote: The first tariff.]
The act as passed July 4, 1789, bore the title of "An Act for the
encouragement and protection of manufactures;" yet the highest ad valorem
duty was fifteen per cent. To be sure, the high rates of freight at that
time afforded a very large additional protection; but no general revenue
act ever passed by Congress has imposed so low a scale of duties.
[Sidenote: Hamilton's scheme.]
By the time the revenue had begun to come in under this Act, Secretary
Hamilton had worked out in his mind a general financial system, intended
to raise the credit and to strengthen the authority of the Union. The
first step was to provide a sufficient revenue to pay running expenses and
interest. Finding that the first tariff produced too little revenue, in
1790 and again in 1792 it was slightly increased, at Hamilton's
suggestion. The second part of his scheme was to lay an excise, an
internal duty upon distilled spirits. In 1791 a tax, in its highest form
but twenty-five cents a gallon, was laid on spirits distilled from foreign
or domestic materials. The actual amount of revenue from this source was
always small; but Hamilton expected that the people in the interior would
thus become accustomed to federal officers and to federal law. The effect
of the revenue Acts was quickly visible: in 1792 the annual revenue of the
government had risen to $3,600,000.
77. NATIONAL AND STATE DEBTS (1789, 1790).
[Sidenote: The debt funded.]
The third part of Hamilton's scheme was to fund the national debt into one
system of bonds, and to pay the interest. When he assumed control of the
Treasury he found, as nearly as could be calculated, ten millions of
foreign debt with about two millions of accrued interest, and twenty-nine
millions of domestic debt with eleven millions of accrued interest,--a
total of more than fifty-two millions. So far as there was any sale for
United States securities they had fallen to about twenty-five per cent of
their par value. Jan. 14, 1790, Hamilton submitted one of a series of
elaborate financial reports; it called on Congress to make such provision
for principal and interest as would restore confidence. By this time an
opposition had begun to rise against the great secretary, and Madison
proposed to inquire in each case what the holder of a certificate of debt
had paid for it; he was to be reimbursed in that amount, and the balance
of the principal was to be paid to the original holder. Hamilton pointed
out that in order to place future loans the Treasury must assure the
public that bonds would be paid in full to the person holding a legal
title. Congress accepted Hamilton's view, and an act was passed by which
the interest was to be promptly paid, and an annual sum to be set apart
for the redemption of the principal. The securities of the United States
instantly began to rise, and in 1793 they were quoted at par. The credit
of the government was reestablished.
[Sidenote: Assumption proposed.]
Now came a fourth part of Hamilton's scheme, upon which he laid great
stress: he proposed that the outstanding State debts should likewise be
taken over by the general government. The argument was that the States had
incurred their debts for the common purpose of supporting the Revolution.
There was strong opposition, particularly from States like Virginia, which
had extinguished the greater part of their own debt. The House showed a
bare majority in favor of the assumption project; on the appearance of
members from North Carolina, which had just entered the Union, that
majority was, on April 12, 1790, reversed.
[Sidenote: The seat of government.]
[Sidenote: Compromise.]
Meanwhile the old question of the permanent seat of the federal government
had been revived, and, as in the days of the Confederation, it seemed
impossible to agree. It was expected that the capital would lie somewhere
in the Northern States; at one time Germantown was all but selected. The
Virginia members suddenly took fire, and Lee declared that "he was averse
to sound alarms or introduce terror into the House, but if they were well
founded he thought it his duty;" and Jackson of Georgia declared that
"this will blow the coals of sedition and injure the Union." The matter
was laid over until the middle of 1790. It was evident that the friends of
assumption were in a small minority, and the friends of a Northern capital
in a small majority. Hamilton worked upon Jefferson to secure a
compromise. The matter was adjusted at Jefferson's table: a few Northern
votes were obtained for a Southern capital, and two Virginia members
agreed to vote for assumption. By very narrow majorities it was therefore
agreed that the national capital should be placed on the Potomac River,
and that State debts amounting to $21,500,000 should be assumed. A few
months later the President selected the site of the present national
capital, and in due time the debts were taken up.
78. UNITED STATES BANK (1791, 1792).
[Sidenote: A bank proposed.]
Having thus reorganized the finances of the country, Hamilton now proposed
the fifth part of his scheme,--the establishment of a national bank. In a
report of Dec. 14, 1790, he presented the subject to the attention of
Congress. He urged that it would benefit the public by offering an
investment, that it would aid the government in making loans and by
collecting taxes, and that its notes would be a useful currency. Hamilton
drafted a bill, which was an adaptation of the charter of the Bank of
England. The capital of $10,000,000, and the management of the bank, were
to be private; but the government was to be a stockholder, and to have the
right of requiring periodical statements of the bank's condition.
The Senate passed the bill without a division, substantially as drawn by
Hamilton. Apparently it was on the point of going through the House, when
Smith of South Carolina objected, and Jackson of Georgia declared that he
had never seen a bank bill in the State of Georgia; "nor will they ever
benefit the farmers of that State or of New York;" and he called it an
unconstitutional monopoly.
[Sidenote: The question of implied powers.]
After a week's debate on the question whether the bank was authorized by
the Constitution, it passed the House by a vote of 39 to 20, and was sent
to the President. He called for the opinions of the members of his cabinet
in writing, and the answers submitted by Hamilton and Jefferson are still
among the most important documents on the construction of the
Constitution. Jefferson's standpoint was simply that, since the
Constitution nowhere expressly authorized the creation of a bank, Congress
had gone beyond its powers. Hamilton asserted that if the bank were
"necessary and proper to carry out any of the specific powers, such as
taxation and the borrowing of money, then Congress might create a bank, or
any other public institution, to serve its ends." The President accepted
Hamilton's view, and the act was signed. The capital of the bank was
speedily subscribed, and it immediately entered on a prosperous and useful
career.
79. SLAVERY QUESTIONS (1789-1798).
[Sidenote: Anti-slavery memorials.]
The question of the extent of the powers of Congress had already once been
raised. On February 11 and 12, 1790, there were presented to Congress two
memorials, the one the "Address of the People called Quakers, in their
Annual Assembly convened;" the other the "Memorial of the Pennsylvania
Society for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery." These memorials asked
Congress to "exert upright endeavors, to the full extent of your power, to
remove every obstruction to public righteousness," particularly in the
matter of slavery. The motion to commit instantly roused Southern members.
Jackson of Georgia said that "any extraordinary attention of Congress to
the petition would hold their property in jeopardy." The matter was sent
to a subcommittee, composed chiefly of Southern members. On March 8th that
committee reported the principles under which Congress acted during the
next seventy years. They said that Congress had no power to interfere with
slavery or the treatment of slaves within the States; they might pass laws
regulating the slave-trade, but could not then stop the importation of
slaves from foreign countries into the United States. Another resolution,
to the effect that Congress would exercise its powers for the humane
principles of the memorial, was struck out by the House. The anti-slavery
organizations from which these memorials had proceeded kept up a brisk
fusillade of petitions. In some cases the House refused to receive them,
but Congress did pass several laws reducing the evils of the slave-trade.
[Sidenote: Fugitive slaves.]
In 1793 the question came up, how fugitive slaves should be restored if
they had fled and taken refuge in another State. An act was passed by
which the United States assumed authority in the matter; the claimant was
simply to satisfy any national or State magistrate that he was entitled to
the person claimed. The act had hardly gone into effect before a fugitive
was apprehended in Massachusetts. Josiah Quincy, who was employed to
defend him, tells us that he "heard a noise, and turning round he saw the
constables lying sprawling on the floor, and a passage opening through the
crowd, through which the fugitive was taking his departure, without
stopping to hear the opinion of the court." From the very first,
therefore, we find in vigorous action the paraphernalia of the later anti-
slavery movement,--societies, petitions, laws, and deliberate violation of
laws.
80. THE SUCCESS OF THE NEW GOVERNMENT.
[Sidenote: The government established.]
The end of Washington's first administration in March, 1793, saw the
government completely organized, and accepted throughout the Union. The
distinction between friends and opponents of the Constitution had entirely
disappeared. There was no longer any suggestion of substantial amendment.
Two Congresses had gone through their work, and had accustomed the people
to a national legislature. The President had made appointments, sent
ambassadors, commanded the army, and vetoed bills, and yet there was no
fear of a monarchy. The national courts were in regular and undisturbed
session. The Union was complete, and two new States, Vermont and Kentucky,
had been admitted.
This remarkable success was due in considerable part to the personal
influence of a few men. Washington's great popularity and his
disinterested use of his new powers had taken away a multitude of fears.
The skill of Hamilton had built up a successful financial system. In
Congress Madison had been efficient in working out the details of
legislation. Washington, with his remarkable judgment of men, had selected
an able staff of officials, representing all the sections of the country.
[Sidenote: Prosperity]
Yet, as Washington himself had said, "Influence is not government." One of
the chief elements of the Union's strength was that it pressed lightly
upon the people. For the first time in the history of America there was an
efficient system of import duties. They were almost the sole form of
taxation, and, like all indirect taxes, their burden was not felt. Above
all, the commercial benefits of the new Union were seen from North to
South. Trade between the States was absolutely unhampered, and a brisk
interchange of products went on. The country was prosperous; its shipping
increased, and foreign trade was also growing steadily.
[Sidenote: Relations with the States.]
So far the Union had met no violent resistance either from insurgents or
from the States. In the Virginia convention of 1788 Patrick Henry had
said: "I never will give up that darling word 'requisitions;' my country
may give it up, the majority may wrest it from me, but I never will give
it up till my grave." Nevertheless, when the requisitions on the States
were given up, the chief cause of dispute in the Union was removed. Up to
this time the only distinctly sectional legislation had been the
assumption of the State debts and the fixing of the national capital; and
these two had been set off against each other. If peace continued, there
was every prospect of a healthy growth of national spirit.