shall rank among the most laudable of their religious ceremonies, most
of the rest consisting purely in the vain ceremonies, and superstitious
romances of their conjurers. When any of their people are hungry, as
they term it, or in distress, orders are issued out by the headmen for a
war-dance, at which all the fighting men and warriors assemble; but
here, contrary to all their other dances, one only dances at a time,
who, after hopping and capering for near a minute, with a tommahawke in
his hand, gives a small hoop, at which signal the music stops till he
relates the manner of taking his first scalp, and concludes his
narration, by throwing on a large skin spread for that purpose, a string
of wampum, piece of plate, wire, paint, lead, or any thing he can most
conveniently spare; after which the music strikes up, and he proceeds in
the same manner through all his warlike actions: then another takes his
place, and the ceremony lasts till all the warriors and fighting men
have related their exploits. The stock thus raised, after paying the
musicians, is divided among the poor. The same ceremony is made use of
to recompence any extraordinary merit. This is touching vanity in a
tender part, and is an admirable method of making even imperfections
conduce to the good of society.
Their government, if I may call it government, which has neither laws or
power to support it, is a mixed aristocracy and democracy, the chiefs
being chose according to their merit in war, or policy at home; these
lead the warriors that chuse to go, for there is no laws or compulsion
on those that refuse to follow, or punishment to those that forsake
their chief: he strives, therefore, to inspire them with a sort of
enthusiasm, by the war-song, as the ancient bards did once in Britain.
These chiefs, or headmen, likewise compose the assemblies of the nation,
into which the war-women are admitted. The reader will not be a little
surprised to find the story of Amazons not so great a fable as we
imagined, many of the Indian women being as famous in war, as powerful
in the council.
The rest of the people are divided into two military classes, warriors
and fighting men, which last are the plebeians, who have not
distinguished themselves enough to be admitted into the rank of
warriors. There are some other honorary titles among them, conferred in
reward of great actions; the first of which is Outacity, or Man-killer;
and the second Colona, or the Raven. Old warriors likewise, or
war-women, who can no longer go to war, but have distinguished
themselves in their younger days, have the title of Beloved. This is the
only title females can enjoy; but it abundantly recompences them, by the
power they acquire by it, which is so great, that they can, by the wave
of a swan’s wing, deliver a wretch condemned by the council, and already
tied to the stake.
Their common names are given them by their parents; but this they can
either change, or take another when they think proper; so that some of
them have near half a dozen, which the English generally increase, by
giving an English one, from some circumstance in their lives or
disposition, as the Little Carpenter to Attakullakulla, from his
excelling in building houses; Judd’s friend, or corruptly the Judge, to
Ostenaco, for saving a man of that name from the fury of his countrymen;
or sometimes a translation of his Cherokee name, as Pigeon to Woey, that
being the signification of the word. The Over-hill settlement is by
these two chiefs divided into two factions, between whom there is often
great animosity, and the two leaders are sure to oppose one another in
every measure taken. Attakullakulla has done but little in war to
recommend him, but has often signalized himself by his policy, and
negotiations at home. Ostenaco has a tolerable share of both; but policy
and art are the greatest steps to power. Attakullakulla has a large
faction with this alone, while Oconnestoto, sir-named the Great Warrior,
famous for having, in all his expeditions, taken such prudent measures
as never to have lost a man, has not so much power, and Ostenaco could
never have obtained the superiority, if he had not a great reputation in
both.
On my arrival in the Cherokee country, I found the nation much attached
to the French, who have the prudence, by familiar politeness, (which
costs but little, and often does a great deal) and conforming themselves
to their ways and temper, to conciliate the inclinations of almost all
the Indians they are acquainted with, while the pride of our officers
often disgusts them; nay, they did not scruple to own to me, that it was
the trade alone that induced them to make peace with us, and not any
preference to the French, whom they loved a great deal better. As
however they might expect to hasten the opening of the trade by telling
me this, I should have paid but little regard to it, had not my own
observations confirmed me, that it was not only their general opinion,
but the policy of most of their headmen; except Attakullakulla, who
conserves his attachment inviolably to the English.
I shall be accused, perhaps, for mentioning policy among so barbarous a
nation; but tho’ I own their views are not so clear and refined as those
of European statesmen, their alliance with the French seems equal,
proportioning the lights of savages and Europeans, to our most masterly
strokes of policy; and yet we cannot be surprised at it, when we
consider that merit alone creates their ministers, and not the
prejudices of party, which often create ours.
The English are now so nigh, and encroached daily so far upon them, that
they not only felt the bad effects of it in their hunting grounds, which
were spoiled, but had all the reason in the world to apprehend being
swallowed up, by so potent neighbours, or driven from the country,
inhabited by their fathers, in which they were born, and brought up, in
fine, their native soil, for which all men have a particular tenderness
and affection. The French lay farther off, and were not so powerful;
from them, therefore, they had less to fear. The keeping these
foreigners then more upon a footing, as a check upon one another, was
providing for their own safety, and that of all America, since they
foresaw, or the French took care to shew them, that, should they be
driven out, the English would in time extend themselves over all North
America. The Indians cannot, from the woods of America, see the true
state of Europe: report is all they have to judge by, and that often
comes from persons too interested to give a just account. France’s
circumstances were not in such a flourishing condition as was
represented; the French were conquered, and a war carried into the heart
of the Cherokee country; many of their towns were sacked and plundered
without a possibility of relieving them, as they lay straggled on a
large extent of ground, many miles from one another; it was then their
interest, or rather they were compelled, to ask for peace and trade,
without which they could no longer flourish.
Were arts introduced, and the Cherokees contracted into a fortified
settlement, governed by laws, and remoter from the English, they might
become formidable; but hunting must be then laid more aside, and tame
cattle supply the deficiency of the wild, as the greater the number of
hunters, the more prey would be required; and the more a place is
haunted by men, the less it is resorted to by game. Means might be
taken, would the Cherokees follow them, to render the nation
considerable; but who would seek to live by labour, who can live by
amusement? The sole occupations of an Indian life, are hunting, and
warring abroad, and lazying at home. Want is said to be the mother of
industry, but their wants are supplied at an easier rate.
Some days after my reception at Chilhowey, I had an opportunity of
seeing some more of their diversions. Two letters I received from some
officers at the Great Island occasioned a great assembly at Chote, where
I was conducted to read them; but the Indians finding nothing that
regarded them, the greater part resolved to amuse themselves at a game
they call nettecawaw; which I can give no other description of, than
that each player having a pole about ten feet long, with several marks
or divisions, one of them bowls a round stone, with one flat side, and
the other convex, on which the players all dart their poles after it,
and the nearest counts according to the vicinity of the bowl to the
marks on his pole.
As I was informed there was to be a physic-dance at night, curiosity led
me to the town-house, to see the preparation. A vessel of their own
make, that might contain twenty gallons (there being a great many to
take the medicine) was set on the fire, round which stood several goards
filled with river-water, which was poured into the pot; this done, there
arose one of the beloved women, who, opening a deer-skin filled with
various roots and herbs, took out a small handful of something like fine
salt; part of which she threw on the headman’s seat, and part into the
fire close to the pot; she then took out the wing of a swan, and after
flourishing it over the pot, stood fixed for near a minute, muttering
something to herself; then taking a shrub-like laurel (which I supposed
was the physic) she threw it into the pot, and returned to her former
seat. As no more ceremony seemed to be going forward, I took a walk till
the Indians assembled to take it. At my return I found the house quite
full: they danced near an hour round the pot, till one of them, with a
small goard that might hold about a gill, took some of the physic, and
drank it, after which all the rest took in turn. One of their headmen
presented me with some, and in a manner compelled me to drink, though I
would have willingly declined. It was however much more palatable than I
expected, having a strong taste of sassafras: the Indian who presented
it, told me it was taken to wash away their sins; so that this is a
spiritual medicine, and might be ranked among their religious
ceremonies. They are very solicitous about its success; the conjurer,
for several mornings before it is drank, makes a dreadful howling,
yelling, and hallowing, from the top of the town-house, to frighten away
apparitions and evil spirits. According to our ideas of evil spirits,
such hideous noises would by sympathy call up such horrible beings; but
I am apt to think with the Indians, that such noises are sufficient to
frighten any being away but themselves.
I was almost every night at some dance, or diversion; the war-dance,
however, gave me the greatest satisfaction, as in that I had an
opportunity of learning their methods of war, and a history of their
warlike actions, many of which are both amusing and instructive.
I was not a little pleased likewise with their ball-plays (in which they
shew great dexterity) especially when the women played, who pulled one
another about, to the no small amusement of an European spectator.
They are likewise very dexterous at pantomime dances; several of which I
have seen performed that were very diverting. In one of these, two men,
dressed in bear-skins, came in, stalking and pawing about with all the
motions of real bears: two hunters followed them, who in dumb shew acted
in all respects as they would do in the wood: after many attempts to
shoot them, the hunters fire; one of the bears is killed, and the other
wounded; but, as they attempt to cut his throat, he rises up again, and
the scuffle between the huntsmen and the wounded bear generally affords
the company a great deal of diversion.
The taking the pigeons at roost was another that pleased me exceedingly;
and these, with my walking and observations, furnished me with amusement
for some time; but the season not always permitting my going abroad, and
as I had so little to do at home, I soon grew tired of the country. The
Indian senate indeed would sometimes employ me in reading and writing
letters for them; of which I generally acquitted myself to their
satisfaction, by adding what I thought would be acceptable, and
retrenching whatever might displease.
On the 17th, a party came home from hunting on Holston’s River, bringing
with them an eagle’s tail, which was celebrated at night by a grand
war-dance, and the person who killed it had the second war-title of
Colona conferred upon him, besides the bounty gathered at the war-dance,
in wampum, skins, &c. to the amount of thirty pounds; the tail of an
eagle being held in the greatest esteem, as they sometimes are given
with the wampum in their treaties, and none of their warlike ceremonies
can be performed without them.
This Indian acquainted the headman of a current report in the English
camp, that a large body of English were to march next spring through the
Cherokees country, against the French. There was little probability or
possibility in such a report, yet it was received with some degree of
belief; every thing of news, every flying rumour, is swallowed here by
the populace. The least probability is exaggerated into a fact, and an
Indian from our camp, who scarce understands four or five words of a
conversation between two common soldiers, who often know as little of
the state of affairs as the Indians themselves, turn all the rest of it
to something he suspects, and imagines he has heard what was never once
mentioned; and this, when he returns to his own country, is passed about
as a certainty. From hence flows the continual mistakes the Indians
unavoidably make in their councils; they must act according to
intelligence, and it requires a great penetration indeed to discern the
truth, when blended with so much falsity: thus they are often obliged to
act according to the report of a mistaken or lying Indian, who are all
but too much addicted to this vice, which proved a continual fund of
uneasiness to me all the time I remained in their country.
On the 26th of January, advices were received from the Great Island,
that some Cherokees had been killed by the northern Indians, who had
been encouraged, and much caressed, by the commanding officer. This
piece of news seemed greatly to displease them; they suspended however
their judgment, till further intelligence. I began to be very uneasy for
the return of an express I had sent out on my arrival, who was to come
back by the Great Island, and was the only person who could give me any
accounts I could rely on, as I was sensible the Indian one was
infinitely exaggerated. We were yet talking of this, when the _News
Hallow_ was given from the top of Tommotly town-house; whereupon
Ostenaco rose from the table, and went immediately to the town-house,
where he staid till day. On asking him next morning, What news? he
seemed very unwilling to tell me, and went out of the house, seemingly
very much displeased. I then made the same question to several other
Indians, whose different stories convinced me it was something they
endeavoured to conceal.
I was under some apprehension at this unusual incivility. It was no
wonder I was alarmed; had the English given any encouragement to these
northern ravagers, nay, had the French faction persuaded their
countrymen of our countenancing them in the slaughter, the meanest of
the deceased’s relations had it in his power to sacrifice me to their
manes, and would certainly have done it, since, in default of kindred,
their revenge falls on any of the same country that unfortunately comes
within their reach; and nothing could be a protection to an hostage,
when capitulating could not save the garrison of Fort Loudoun: a body of
Indians pursued them, and breaking through the articles, and all the
laws of war and humanity, surprised and butchered them. Disguising,
however, my uneasiness, I seemingly took to some diversions, while I
sent M‘Cormack to pry into the true cause of such a change; he following
my host, found no difficulty in shuffling amongst the crowd into the
town-house, where Ostenaco made the following speech.
“We have had some bad talks lately from the Great Island, which I hope
nevertheless are not true, as I should be very sorry that the peace, so
lately concluded with our brethren the English, should be broke in so
short a time: we must not judge as yet of what we have heard from the
Great Island. If Bench the express does not return soon, I myself will
raise a party, and go to the Great Island, where I shall get certain
information of all that has happened.”
This speech was received with shouts of applause, and the assembly
betook themselves to dancing.
On the 28th, I was invited to a grand eagle’s tail dance, at which about
600 persons of both sexes were assembled. About midnight, in the heat of
their diversion, news was brought of the death of one of their principal
men, killed at the Great Island by the northern Indians. This put a
sudden stop to their diversion, and nothing was heard but threats of
vengeance. I easily concluded that this could only proceed from the
confirmation of the ill news already received. I tried as much as laid
in my power to mollify their anger, by telling them, that, if any
accident had happened to their people, it was neither by consent or
approbation of the English; that tho’ the northern Indians were our
allies as well as they, I was certain more favour would be shewn them
than their enemies, as Capt. M‘Neil, who commanded the fort, was a good,
humane, brave officer, and had always shewn so much friendship for their
nation, as to leave no room to doubt of his protection to any of their
people who should be under his care. This satisfied them so well, that
some proposed dancing again; but as it was late, they agreed to give
over their diversion for that night.
On the 4th of February, an account came in almost contradictory to this.
An Indian woman from Holston’s River was the messenger, who related,
that the northern Indians had turned their arms against the English, and
were then actually building a breast-work within a quarter of a mile of
Fort Robinson; that, whilst one half were employed in carrying on the
work, the other observed the motions of our people; but this lie was
even too gross for Indians to digest; tho’ the next day, another who
came in confirmed it, and moreover affirmed the enemy’s fortifications
to be already breast high.
The 15th was the day appointed for the return of the Little Carpenter;
and his not arriving began to give his friends a great deal of
uneasiness. Ostenaco bore likewise his share in it, as his brother was
of the party. Here is a lesson to Europe; two Indian chiefs, whom we
call barbarians, rivals of power, heads of two opposite factions, warm
in opposing one another, as their interest continually clash; yet these
have no farther animosity, no family-quarrels or resentment, and the
brother of the chief who had gained the superiority is a volunteer under
his rival’s command.
For my part, I was no less anxious about the express. I dispatched my
servant out to meet him, and bring me the particulars of what had been
transacted at the Great Island; he returned in about five or six days,
with the letters the express had been charged with, leaving him to make
out the rest of the journey as his fatigue would permit. Among others
was a letter from Capt. M‘Neil, informing me, that a party of about
seventy northern Indians came to Fort Robinson a short time after I had
left it, who told him, that they came from Pittsburg, with a pass from
the commanding officer, to join us against the Cherokees, not knowing
that we had already concluded a peace. They seemed very much
dissatisfied at coming so far to no purpose, and demanded if any
Cherokees were near? They were answered, that a party were out a
hunting; but, if they would be looked upon as friends to the English,
they must not meddle with them, while under the protection of the
commanding officer. The Indians, however, paying but little regard to
this admonition, went immediately in pursuit of them, and finding them a
few hours after, as in no apprehension of any enemy, they fired on them
before they discovered themselves, killing one, and wounding another,
who however made his escape to the fort. His countrymen all did the
same, without returning the fire, as few of their guns were loaded, and
they inferior in number. Their enemies pursued them to the fort, but
could never see them after, as Capt. M‘Neil took great care to keep them
asunder. Finding therefore no more likelihood of scalping, the northern
Indians marched away from the fort.
This was the same party I encamped with the first night after my
departure from the Great Island, and were surprised at the same place,
where they had still continued.
He farther informed me, that I should probably find Fort Robinson, and
all the posts on the communication, evacuated, as the regiment was to be
broke.
I made this letter public, with which they seemed tolerably well
satisfied, particularly when I feigned the wounded Indian was under the
care of an English surgeon, who would not fail to cure him in a little
time.
I now began to be very desirous of returning, and acquainted Ostenaco of
my anxiety, desiring him to appoint fifteen or twenty headmen, agreeable
to the orders I had received from Col. Stephen, as likewise to collect
all the white persons and negroes, to be sent conformable to the
articles of peace, to Fort Prince George. He replied, that, as soon as
the white prisoners returned from hunting, where they then were with
their masters (the white people becoming slaves, and the property of
those that take them) he would set about the performance. Some time
after this, when all the prisoners were come in, I again attacked
Ostenaco; but then his horses could not be found, and there was a
necessity of having one or two to carry my baggage and his own. I then
waited till the horses were found; but I supposed all things ready for
our departure, I was greatly surprised to find it delayed. Ostenaco told
me, that one of the Carpenter’s party, which was on its return home, had
come in the night before, and reported, that the Carolinians had renewed
the war before they had well concluded a peace. The Indian had,
according to custom, a long account of it; but tho’ I shewed the
improbability of such a story, Ostenaco refused to set out before the
Carpenter arrived, which was not till the 23d following. He brought in
the same report, but owned he did not believe it, as it was told him by
a person who he thought wanted to raise some disturbance.
I now began to be very pressing with Ostenaco, threatening if he would
not set out immediately, to return without him. This however would have
been my last resource, as I was for the space of 140 miles ignorant of
every step of the way. I at last prevailed on him; but on the 10th of
March, while we were again preparing for our departure, the _Death
Hallow_ was heard from the top of Tommotly town-house. This was to give
notice of the return of a party commanded by Willinawaw, who went to war
towards the Shawnese country some time after my arrival. After so many
disappointments, I began to think I should never get away, as I supposed
this affair would keep me, as others had done, two or three days, and
till some new accident should intervene to detain me longer. About
eleven o’clock the Indians, about forty in number, appeared within sight
of the town; as they approached, I observed four scalps, painted red on
the fleshside, hanging on a pole, and carried in front of the line, by
the second in command, while Willinawaw brought up the rear. When near
the town-house, the whole marched round it three times, singing the
war-song, and at intervals giving the _Death Hallow_; after which,
sticking the pole just by the door, for the crowd to gaze on, they went
in to relate in what manner they had gained them. Curiosity prompted me
to follow them into the town-house; where, after smoaking a quarter of
an hour in silence, the chief gave the following account of their
campaign.
“After we left Tommotly, which was about the middle of January, we
travelled near 400 miles before we saw the least sign of the enemy; at
last, one evening, near the river Ohio, we heard the report of several
guns, whereupon I sent out several scouts to discover who they were, and
if possible where they encamped, that we might attack them early next
morning; about dark the scouts returned, and informed us they were a
party of Shawnese, hunting buffaloes; that they had watched them to the
river-side, where, taking to their canoes, they had paddled across the
river; and seeing a great many fires on the other side, where our scouts
directed our sight, we concluded it to be a large encampment; we
thereupon began to consult, whether it would be more adviseable to cross
the river over night, or early next morning: it was decided in favour of
the former, notwithstanding its snowing excessively hard, lest we should
be discovered. We accordingly stripped ourselves, tying our guns to our
backs, with the buts upwards, to which we hung our ammunition, to
prevent its getting wet; we then took water, and swam near half a mile
to the other side, where we huddled together to keep ourselves warm,
intending to pass the remainder of the night in that manner, and to fall
on the enemy at daybreak; but as it continued snowing the whole time, it
proved so cold, that we could endure it no longer than a little past
midnight, when we resolved to surround the enemy’s camp, giving the
first fire, and, without charging again, run on them with our
tommahawkes, which we had tucked in our belts for that purpose, should
there be occasion. We accordingly surrounded them; but when the signal
was given for firing, scarce one fourth of our guns went off, wet with
the snow, notwithstanding all the precautions we had taken to preserve
them dry: we then rushed in; but, before we came to a close engagement,
the enemy returned our fire; as, it was at random, not being able to see
us before we were upon them, on account of the darkness of the night,
and the thickness of the bushes, we received no damage. They had not
time to charge again, but fought us with the buts of their guns,
tommahawkes, and firebrands. In the beginning of the battle we took two
prisoners, who were continually calling out to their countrymen to fight
strong, and they would soon conquer us; this made them fight much
bolder, till the persons who had the prisoners in custody put a stop to
it, by sinking a tommahawke in each of their skulls, on which their
countrymen took to flight, and left every thing behind them. As soon as
it was day, we examined the field, where we found two more of the enemy
dead, one of which was a French warrior, which, with the prisoners we
had killed, are the four scalps we have brought in. We lost only one
man, the poor brave Raven of Togua, who ran rashly before us in the
midst of the enemy. We took what things we could conveniently bring with
us, and destroyed the rest.”
Having finished his account of the expedition, out of his shot-pouch he
pulled a piece of paper, wrapped up in a bit of birch-bark, which he had
taken out of the Frenchman’s pocket, and gave it to me to look at,
asking if I did not think it was his commission? I replied in the
negative, telling him it was only some private marks of his own, which I
did not understand. It appears to me to have been his journal, every
seventh line being longer than the others, to denote the Sunday; the
death’s head, and other marks, relate to what happened on the several
days; but having filled his paper long before his death, he had supplied
it by interlining with a pin. These are my conjectures, I have however
annexed it here from the original, still in my possession, that each
reader may make his own.
About one o’clock the baggage and all things being ready, Ostenaco took
leave of his friends, tho’ this ceremony is unusual among them, and we
began our march sooner than I expected. Passing thro’ Toqua, we saw
several Indians weeping for the death of their relations, killed in the
late battle. In an hour’s time we arrived at Chote, where we found a
great number of headmen assembled to give us a talk, containing
instructions to my Indian conductors, to remind the English of their
promises of friendship, and to press the Governor of Virginia to open a
trade; for the Indians to behave well to the inhabitants when they
arrived, as that was the only way to keep the chain of friendship
bright; that we should keep a good look-out, as the enemy were very
numerous on the path. What occasioned this precaution, and probably
Ostenaco’s delaying his departure so long, was, the defeat of a party of
about thirty Indians, who went cut to war some time before, the same way
that we were to go, eight of whom had been killed or taken. They
attributed this loss to the want of arrows, the northern Indians having
poured several vollies of arrows, and done great execution, before the
Cherokees could charge again, after the first fire. This was especially
disadvantageous to the Cherokees, as both parties met unexpectedly on
the top of a mountain, which they were both crossing, and engaged so
close, that the northern Indians availed themselves of this advantage,
and the superiority of their numbers.
Two pieces of cannon were fired when we had got about 200 yards from the
town-house, after which Ostenaco sung the war-song, in which was a
prayer for our safety thro’ the intended journey; this he bellowed out
loud enough to be heard at a mile’s distance. We did not march above
three miles before we encamped, in order to give time to some Indians
who were to accompany us, but had not yet joined us, which they did in
the evening, about fourteen or fifteen in number. Next morning, the 11th
of March, we rose tolerably early, marching to Little River, about
twenty miles from the nation, where we encamped.
At this place had formerly been an Indian town, called Elajoy; and I am
surprised how the natives should ever abandon so beautiful and fertile a
spot. Were it in a more polished country, it would make the finest
situation for a gentleman’s seat I ever saw.
We marched the next day to Broad River, which we crossed about four
o’clock in the afternoon, without much difficulty, by reason of the
lowness of the waters; but the river, which is here 700 yards over, runs
with great rapidity, and the banks extremely steep on either side. We
encamped directly, and were all employed in making a large fire to dry
ourselves, as most of us had got very wet.
Before sun-set I perceived a considerable number of Indians passing at
the same place, whom I at first imagined to be enemies; but the arrival
of some of them shewed them to be Cherokees, who kept continually
dropping in, so that I was greatly surprised next morning at their
numbers. I demanded where they were going? to which they replied, To
Virginia; that the headmen had thought proper to send a reinforcement,
thinking it unsafe for so small a body to march through a country so
much frequented by the enemy, where, if I met with any accident, the
blame would fall upon them. I thanked them; but at the same time told
them peremptorily to go back, and give themselves no further trouble on
my account; that I had no occasion for them; and that it would be
impossible for so large a body to subsist when passed the hunting
grounds, as the people on the frontiers of Virginia had been so
impoverished by the late war, they would not be able to supply us with
provisions. This made no impression on them, and they marched, on
without saying another word, and persisted in going, notwithstanding all
the efforts Osteco and I could make to prevent them. Indeed I was more
earnest to have them return, as I found it was the scent of presents,
more than the desire of escorting me, that was the real motive of all
this good-will.
We left the camp the next day, about 165 in number, and marched without
any extraordinary occurrence till the 15th, about mid-day, when we heard
our scouts on the left (for we always kept on both flanks) fire pretty
quick after one another, and in less than a minute seventeen or eighteen
buffaloes ran in amongst us, before we discovered them, so that several
of us had like to have been run over, especially the women, who with
some difficulty sheltered themselves behind the trees. Most of the men
fired, but, firing at random, one only was killed, tho’ several more
wounded. Our scouts likewise killed another, and brought in the best
parts of the meat, all which was cooked over-night for our departure
next morning.
After passing a very disagreeable night on account of the rain, which,
as the evening had been clear, I had taken no precaution to shelter
myself self against. We had as disagreeable a march, it proved very
rainy, and were again obliged to encamp to a great disadvantage for the
convenience of good water.
On the 17th, about two o’clock in the afternoon, we met an Indian who
left the Great Island some time after me, with a party of ten or twelve,
destined to Williamsburg, who, after he had eat, drank, and smoaked,
told us the party that he belonged to had been attacked two days before;
that two of them had been killed, two or three taken, and the rest
dispersed; that he had reason to believe there were a great many of the
enemy upon the path, as he had seen a great many tracks and other signs.
On this intelligence, Ostenaco ordered all his men to fresh prime their
guns, and those that had bows and arrows to put them in readiness,
sending out some scouts, and desiring all to keep a good look-out. After
these dispositions we parted with the fugitive Indian, and continued our
route. At night our scouts came in, and informed formed us, that they
had seen some old tracks, and a piece of an old red waistcoat, dropped
by the enemy, to inform us they were thereabouts. We made large fires to
dry ourselves, while Ostenaco, and four or five others, took out and
waved their eagles tails, then turning towards the place where the
tracks had been discovered, gave the war-hoop several times extremely
loud. This was to let the enemy know, if within hearing, and disposed
for an engagement, where he and his party lay. This however Ostenaco
probably would not have done, had he not confided in the number of his
party, being greatly superior to what commonly go to make war on one
another. Before the Indians went to sleep, he gave them a strong
caution, and instructions how to act in case they were attacked.
We decamped pretty early next morning, in order, if possible, to reach
the Great island that day; but the scouts had not been out an hour
before some returned with an account of fresh tracks and other signs of
the enemy. I really expected a skirmish with the northern Indians, as
they might probably imagine some Cherokees would return with me when I
left their country; and it was probable the party I had received an
account of, and had given so many checks to the Cherokees since, were
still waiting.
As we marched very slow, on account of receiving intelligence from our
scouts, which they brought in every two or three hours, we encamped
short of the Great Island about seven or eight miles.
The next morning we were in no great hurry to decamp, as we intended to
go no farther than the Great Island that day. By this retardment each
man had time to put his arms in proper order. We set out about eleven
o’clock, and, after four or five miles march, Ostenaco desired me to go
before, to see if any of the enemy were there. The northern Indians
being at peace with us, was urged as a sufficient protection, tho’, at
setting out, they seemed a little apprehensive of my falling into such
desperadoes hands, or rather of their losing their share of the
presents. I was to tell the enemy, if I met them, that the Cherokees
were but few in number, and but indifferently armed; after which Sumpter
and I were furnished with horses, and went forward pretty briskly, till
we reached Holston’s River, the crossing place of which was within a
mile of Fort Robinson. We had not forded above half-way over, when we
heard the report of a gun, which made us conclude that our suspicions of
the enemy’s being there were but too justly grounded; we rode gently
towards the fort to make our observations; but no enemy appearing, on
entering the clear ground about the fort, and perceiving some smoak from
one of the chimnies, we rode within an hundred yards of it, and
hallowed, but nobody appearing, we went to the gate, and gave another
hoop, which, to my great surprise, instead of the enemy, brought a white
man out of one of the houses, whom I immediately recollected to be
M’Lamore the interpreter, that accompanied the discomfited party of
Cherokees, I lately mentioned, to Virginia, and he was soon followed by
the man who had fired the gun.
I returned to the party, highly satisfied at my good fortune, in not
being obliged to displease the Indians, by breaking thro’ so
disagreeable and dangerous a commission, who had already crossed the
river when I joined them.
We found in the fort eleven or twelve hundred weight of flour, left by
the garrison when they evacuated the place, which abundantly recompensed
the Indians for all their fatigues.
We remained here all next day to rest ourselves, and mend our mockasons,
tho’ such fine weather was scarce to be lost, considering the very bad
we had experienced most of the way from the Cherokee country; this made
me extremely anxious to be going forward, but the Indians seldom hurry
themselves when they were to leave such good cheer, after having passed
most of the way without bread. I was informed by M’Lamore, that the
flour had been left for want of horses to carry it away, as well as the
goods I had observed in one of the storehouses, belonging to a private
trader; that the northern Indians, after defeating the small party to
which he belonged, and taking him and two more prisoners, came to the
fort, where, notwithstanding our alliance with them, they destroyed a
great quantity of the flour and goods, and carried a great quantity more
away, as well as the man that had the care of them; but that, after some
days march, all the prisoners found means to make their escape: that
they two returned to the fort, one proposing to wait my coming, and
return with me to Virginia, and M’Lamore to go back to the Cherokee
country.
I next day intreated Ostenaco to order his men to get ready for the
march, as the weather was fine, and it would be agreeable travelling;
but notwithstanding all he or I could say, not a man of them would stir;
their excuse was, that one of their horses was lost, and the owner out
in search of him. We waited his return till night, when he came, but no
horse was to be found. I was very much mortified at this accident, as I
was anxious to know what was become of my camp-equipage, cloaths, &c. I
had left at Fort Attakullakulla.
On the 22d, we rose early in the morning, to make a good day’s march,
but the horse was not found till near twelve o’clock: I then thought our
immediate departure certain, but was again disappointed; the person who
had the care of the goods, missing a piece of broad-cloth, charged the
Indians with the theft, and a general search was made to no purpose.
Ostenaco then ordered all within the fort, while he and the conjuror
went into the house from whence it was stole, to beg the devil’s advice
about recovering it. The conjuror might perhaps have saved himself that
trouble, for tho’ I am at a loss to guess in what manner, I am inclined
to believe he had as great a hand in the loss as in the recovery of it.
I desired him to trouble himself no farther about it, chusing rather to
pay for it, than be detained any longer; but all I could say could not
divert him from his conjuring, which however furnished me with a few
more of their oddities.
After staying some time, the conjuror sallied out blindfolded, and
groped about, till he came to the skirts of the woods, where, pulling
off the blind, he went straight forwards, a considerable way, and
returned in about five minutes with the broad-cloth on his shoulders. I
observed his cheek tied up with a bit of twine, which, when untied, bled
very much. I gave the conjuror two yards as a reward for playing the
fool, and we marched forward, encamping about ten miles from the fort.
We called in our way at Fort Attakullakulla, which was likewise
evacuated, looked for my cloaths, &c. but they were all stolen and
carried off by the soldiers, except a small trunk, with a few trifles, I
found afterwards at New River.
Some time after, we met Capt. Israel Christian going with a cargo of
goods, to trade in the Cherokee country. I here endeavoured to send back
the greatest part of the Indians; but notwithstanding all the
persuasions the Captain and I could make use of, not a man of them would
return, till the Captain promised the same presents to those that would
go back, as would be given to those that went forward, not doubting but
that he would be reimbursed, as the charge of victualling of them would
be entirely saved; but as this expence fell entirely upon me, as will
appear in the sequel, it was rather taking the burthen off me than off
the public. I am heartily sorry, however, this gentleman has suffered,
as well as myself, for his good intentions, and more so, that it is not
in my power to discharge the public debt, and reimburse him. But even by
this we could only reduce our number to about seventy-two.
We called at Fort Lewis, where we found William Shorey the interpreter,
who, by order of Col. Stephen, had waited our coming, to accompany the
Indians to Williamsburg. I received here between seventy and eighty
pounds that was due to me, which came very opportunely to defray our
expences to Williamsburg; where we arrived in about eleven days after
our departure from Fort Lewis.
On my arrival, I waited on the Governor, who seemed somewhat displeased
with the number of Indians that had forced themselves upon me. Orders
however were issued out for their accommodation, and a few days after a
council was called, at which Ostenaco, and some of the principal
Indians, attended. After the usual ceremonies, and mutual promises of
friendship, the Indians were dismissed, and presents ordered them, to
the amount of 125_l._ currency; 12_l._ 10_s._ for Ostenaco, the same sum
to be sent back to King Kanagatucko, and the rest to be divided among
the party, who seemed much displeased when it came to be divided, being,
as they said, like nothing among them. I was apprehensive of some bad
consequence should they return dissatisfied, and therefore advanced
pretty considerably out of my own pocket to content them.
A few days before they were to depart for their own country, Mr.
Horrocks invited Ostenaco and myself to sup with him at the College,
where, amongst other curiosities, he shewed him the picture of his
present Majesty. The chief viewed it a long time with particular
attention; then turning to me, “Long,” said he, “have I wished to see
the king my father; this is his resemblance, but I am determined to see
himself; I am now near the sea, and never will depart from it till I
have obtained my desires.” He asked the Governor next day, who, tho’ he
at first refused, on Ostenaco’s insisting so strongly upon it, gave his
consent. He then desired, as I had been with him so long, that I might
accompany him to England: this I was to do at my own expence; but the
Governor told me he would recommend me to the minister of state, which
he did in as strong terms as I could desire.
I was then upon the point of entering into a very advantageous commerce,
which I quitted to please the Indians, and preserve them ours, yet
wavering to the French interest. I prepared every thing necessary for my
voyage; but this was not my only expence, the Indians having no money,
expect the person who travels with them to treat them with whatever they
take a fancy to.
We set out for Hampton about the beginning of May, where we were to
embark; but contrary winds, and other delays, retarded us till the 15th,
during which time it generally cost me between 15 and 20_s._ per day.
We had very fine weather during the whole voyage, yet both the Indians
and myself were sea-sick all the way. We parted with a convoy we had
under our care off Newfoundland, in a very thick fog, notwithstanding
all the efforts Capt. Blake could make, by ringing bells, and firing
every quarter of an hour, to keep them together, tho’ I afterwards heard
him severely accused in England of taking this opportunity to leave his
charge.
We had the misfortune here to lose the interpreter Shorey, who was much
regretted by us all, but especially by the Indians, as he was a thorough
master of their language. He had lingered some time in a consumption,
caught in passing a small river, for, being drunk, his Indian spouse
plunged him in to sober him, but was unable to draw him out, and had not
some Indians come to her assistance he must have been drowned. This was
an effectual means of sobering him, but by it he contracted the malady
that carried him off.
During our voyage the Indians conceived very advantageous ideas of our
naval force; the Captain having chased and brought too about sixteen
sail, found them all to be English or neutral vessels, on which the
Cherokees concluded the French and Spaniards were certainly afraid to
put to sea.
On the 16th of June we arrived at Plymouth, where, before we went on
shore, the Indians had their desire of seeing a large man of war
gratified, by being carried on board the Revenge, a seventy-four gun
ship, with which they were equally pleased and surprised.
While in the boat that took us to shore, Ostenaco, painted in a very
frightful manner, sung a solemn dirge with a very loud voice, to return
God thanks for his safe arrival. The loudness and uncouthness of his
singing, and the oddity of his person, drew a vast crowd of boats,
filled with spectators, from all the ships in the harbour; and the
landing-place was so thronged, that it was almost impossible to get to
the inn, where we took post for London.
We stopped at Exeter, where the Indians were shewed the cathedral, but,
contrary to my expectation, were as little struck as if they had been
natives of the place. They were much better pleased the next day with
Lord Pembroke’s seat at Wilton, till they saw the statue of Hercules
with his club uplifted, which they thought so dreadful that they begged
immediately to be gone.
We arrived the next day in London, without any other accident than the
breaking down of the chaise in which the Indians were, but happily none
of them were hurt.
Capt. Blake waited on Lord Egremont, to acquaint him with our arrival.
We were immediately sent for, and, after some few questions, dismissed.
Lodgings were ordered, and taken by Mr. N—— Caccanthropos. We were again
sent for by Lord Egremont, but more to gratify the curiosity of some of
his friends than about business. I however took this opportunity of
flipping my letter of recommendation into his Lordship’s hands, which he
read, and assured me he would shew it to the King that day; telling me
to let the Indians or myself want for nothing; that as I was a perfect
stranger, he had ordered Mr. Caccanthropos to provide whatever we
desired.
My first care was to equip the Indians. I attended Mr. Caccanthropos, to
order all after the mode of their own country.
As several days passed before I had any further orders, the Indians
became extremely anxious to see the King. “What is the reason,” said
they, “that we are not admitted to see the Great King our Father, after
coming so far for that purpose?” I was obliged to reply, “That his
Majesty was indisposed, and could not be waited on till perfectly
recovered,” which in some measure pacified them. We were taken not long
after to court; but I was only asked a few questions, of which I gave
the interpretation to the Indians that might be most favourably
received.
The uncommon appearance of the Cherokees began to draw after them great
crowds of people of all ranks; at which they were so much displeased,
that home became irksome to them, and they were forever teizing me to
take them to some public diversion. Their favourite was Sadler’s-Wells;
the activity of the performers, and the machinery of the pantomime,
agreeing best with their notions of diversion. They were likewise very
fond of Ranelagh, which, from its form, they compared to their
town-house; but they were better pleased with Vauxhall, tho’ it was
always against my inclination I accompanied them there, on account of
the ungovernable curiosity of the people, who often intruded on them,
and induced them to drink more than sufficient. Once, in particular, one
of the young Indians got extremely intoxicated, and committed several
irregularities, that ought rather to be attributed to those that enticed
them, than to the simple Indians, who drank only to please them. I
cannot indeed cite sobriety as their characteristic; but this I can say,
these excesses never happened at home. A bottle of wine, a bowl of
punch, and a little cyder, being the ordinary consumption of the three
Indians, Sumpter, and myself; and as we were seldom at home, it could
not put the nation to a great expence. If the bills given in for these
articles were to the greatest degree excessive, let them that charged
them answer who consumed them; I only know that no more was ever drank
by us.
This was not the only thing laid to my charge; I was accused of
receiving money for admission to see the Indians. The sheep was accused
by the wolf of rapine, who carried his point. He was a thorough-paced
under-courtier; the sheep, a raw Virginian, who, ignorant of little
arts, innocently believed others as honest as himself, and could never
believe such impudence existed, as to accuse another of crimes his
conscience assured him he was sole actor of. I was so prepossessed with
these opinions, that I can scarce as yet, however severely I have felt
it, believe that some men have no ideas of conscience, and esteem it the
prejudices of education, and a narrow mind; and that blasting an
innocent person’s character, whenever it answered their ends, or that
robbing the nation was no crime, when they could escape punishment.
It was a long time before I knew any thing of these money-taking works.
The following accident was what brought it to light. Finding myself
entirely confined by the continual crowds of visitors, I resolved to
lessen the number, by ordering the servants to admit none but people of
fashion. This was what would have been at once agreeable to the Indians,
and raised their ideas of the English nation. So far from these orders
being complied with, the whole rabble of the town was ushered in the
next day. Not a little mortified, I complained to Lord Egremont, who,
already perhaps prepossessed against me, only told me coldly, that he
would speak of it to Mr. Caccanthropos. At my return, tho’ I found the
house full of people, I said nothing more.
Some days after, Sumpter, who had contracted some genteel acquaintance,
some of whom he was bringing to see the Indians, was stopped by the
servant, Mr. Caccanthropos’s relation, who refused to admit them without
money. The young man, who had faced all dangers for the service of his
country in the war, who had been so highly instrumental in saving us
from the dangers that threatened us in going to their country, and had
accompanied us ever since, received that affront from an insolent
servant; but not being able to bear the insult, he took a warrior’s
satisfaction, and knocked him down. A blunt Virginian soldier cannot
know the laws of England, as little can he bear an insult from so mean a
quarter.
The servant informed his kinsman, who came next day open-mouthed,
threatening Sumpter with the crown-office. He next gave me such
scurrilous language, that I was perfectly at a loss how to retort it
adequately; I had subject enough, but being accustomed to gentlemen’s
company, I could scarce understand his dialect: piqued, however, at the
stinging truths I told him, he threatened me with confinement also,
assaying to intimidate me from publishing them, by reminding me that he
was a justice of the peace. Happily I reflected on the disparity of his
years and strength to mine; my hands had near disgraced me, by striking
a person I so much every way despised. He dared not, however, put his
threats into execution; his only vengeance for affronting me, was
ordering the people of the house to feed us for the future on ox-cheek,
cow-heel, and such like dainties, fit entertainment for Indians
accustomed to only the choicest parts of the beast, and very fit to
raise their opinion of England. I however understanding Lord Egremont’s
orders in a different light, took care to provide whatever was requisite
for the Indians, avoiding at the same time all appearance of
extravagance.
Sumpter’s company were not the only persons to whom admittance was
refused; the same servant had even the impudence to stop Lady T-r—l-y.
Her Ladyship sent immediately for Mrs. Quin, the gentlewoman of the
house, to enquire if I encouraged the servants in taking money for
seeing the Indians. Mrs. Quin set her Ladyship to rights in that
particular; but still whatever exactions these fellows made, the public
generally laid to me. I was cleared, however, by Cacanthropos himself,
who once attempted to stop Mr. Montague; and his fear and confusion on
finding whom he had offended, in some measure revenged me.
Soon after these disturbances, orders were given by Lord Egremont, that
no person whatever should be admitted, without an order from himself, or
Mr. Wood, under Secretary of State: but instead of the throngs
decreasing by this order, it rather increased; and I really believe few
persons have more friends than Mr. Wood, if he knew but half of those
that were ushered in under that name; nay, grown bolder by that
sanction, they pressed into the Indians dressing room, which gave them
the highest disgust, these people having a particular aversion to being
stared at while dressing or eating; on which last occasion, if I was
irksome myself, judge what a crowd of strangers must be. They were so
disgusted, that they grew extremely shy of being seen, so that I had the
greatest difficulty in procuring Lord C—t—f—d a sight of them; on which,
being a little angry, I was afterwards informed his Lordship had been
offended at something I am yet a stranger to. It ever was against my
inclination to give offence to even the lowest class of mankind, much
less to Lord C—t—f—d.
I was not only, however, accused of receiving money at our lodgings, but
at the public places we frequented. To this I answer, so far from making
by them, it generally cost me pretty considerable to the servants,
besides coach-hire; for tho’ one was allowed us, we could command it no
oftener than Mr. Cacanthropos was pleased to do us that favour; and this
expence was entirely out of my own pocket, without any prospect of
reimbursement.
As to the charge laid against me, the proprietors are still alive, and
any person that entertains the smallest doubt, may, and would oblige me,
by enquiring of themselves, whether I ever demanded or took directly or
indirectly any money or consideration whatever from them.
But let us now return to the Indians. Some time before they left
England, they were admitted to a conference with his Majesty at St.
James’s. Ostenaco’s speech on that occasion contained nothing more than
protestations of friendship, faithful alliance, &c. To which an answer
was afterwards given in writing, to be interpreted in their own country,
as I was not conversant enough in their language to translate it; though
I understood whatever they said, especially the speech, which I gave
word for word to his Majesty, as Shorey had likewise explained it before
his death, except the last part, which was so much in my favour that I
was obliged to suppress it, and was in some confusion in finding
wherewith to supply it; till I at last told his Majesty, that it was
only in some manner a repetition of the first part of his discourse.
They were struck with the youth, person, and grandeur of his Majesty,
and conceived as great an opinion of his affability as of his power, the
greatness of which may be seen on my telling them in what manner to
behave; for finding Ostenaco preparing his pipe to smoak with his
Majesty, according to the Indian custom of declaring friendship, I told
him he must neither offer to shake hands or smoak with the King, as it
was an honour for the greatest of our nation to kiss his hand. You are
in the right, says he, for he commands over all next to the Man above,
and nobody is his equal. Their ideas were likewise greatly increased by
the number of ships in the river, and the warren at Woolwich, which I
did not fail to set out to the greatest advantage, intimating that our
Sovereign had many such ports and arsenals round the kingdom.
Some days before the Indians set out on their return to their own
country, Lord Egremont sent for me, and informed me that the Indians
were to be landed at Charles Town; but this was so contrary to their
inclination, that Ostenaco positively declared, that, unless he was to
land in Virginia, he would not stir a step from London. His Lordship
then desired me to tell them that they should land at Virginia, but at
the same time gave me to understand, that the ship being to be stationed
at Charles Town, they must absolutely be landed there. I informed his
Lordship that it was entirely out of my power to accompany them there,
having scarce five shillings remaining out of the 130 pounds I had
received, the best part of which I laid out for the Indians use, rather
than apply to Mr. Cacanthropos; that I was ready to obey his Lordship,
if he would please to order me wherewith to defray my expences from
Charles Town to Virginia. My Lord replied, that no more could be
advanced; that if I refused to accompany them, others must be found that
would.
Sumpter was immediately sent for by Mr. Wood; but he refused the employ
till he had obtained my approbation; nay, I was obliged to use the most
persuasive arguments to determine him to go; so that it was then in my
power (had I been the man I was represented) to have made what terms I
pleased, since the Indians would not have gone without one of us, and
Sumpter had too much honour to accompany them to my prejudice. I scorned
so low an action; but told Sumpter, that tho’ I had only asked my
expences, which might amount to about twenty or twenty-five pounds,
there was a difference between his going and mine; that he must make the
voyage in the view of advantage, whereas I had sought none in it, except
returning to my native country. The terms agreed on were fifty pounds in
hand, and a hundred on his arrival; and it was even in his power to
insist on more.
Had I really had the money, I should not have troubled the government,
or deserted the Indians; but to be landed in a strange country without
money, and far from my friends, did not seem very eligible. I was
extremely rejoiced at the young man’s advantage; yet could not but think
it hard to be left in England for so small, so reasonable a demand, as
no other business than the Indian affairs had brought me there, when
seven times the sum was granted to another. Lord Egremont indeed had
informed me that the King, in consideration of my services in the
Cherokee country, had ordered me a Lieutenancy in an old regiment, which
I should receive from Sir Jeffery Amherst in North America, and
positively assured me, I should never be reduced to half-pay; so that,
had I been in my own country, I had reason to be satisfied; but I had no
money to carry me there.
The Indians soon re-imbarked in the same vessel that brought them, and
left England about the 25th of August; so that I was now entirely at my
own expence, without money or friends. I continually solicited Lord
Egremont for money sufficient to defray my passage to Virginia, during
which my circumstances were continually growing worse. I disclosed my
distressed situation to a Gentleman with whom I had contracted an
intimacy, who advised me to present a petition to the King, assuring me
at the same time, that he would speak to a Nobleman of his acquaintance
to second it. I went to the Park next morning with a petition that my
friend approved, but was very irresolute whether to deliver it or not;
my necessities, however, at last determined me.
Some days after I was sent for by Mr. Wood, who, after a short reverie,
told me, that Lord Egremont had ordered a hundred pounds, _if that would
do_. I knew from whence these orders came; but, as he industriously
avoided mentioning the petition, I only answered that it would. I was
since informed, that two hundred pounds were ordered me; but even one
had been sufficient, had I received it at one payment; but getting it at
different times, before I had paid my debts, and received it all, I was
again run short.
Upon applying to the treasury for this money, I was asked by Mr. M—t-n
if I was not the person that accompanied the Cherokees to England? On
answering in the affirmative, he desired me to revise Mr. Cacanthropos’s
accounts, exclaiming against their extravagance. On looking over them, I
did not find them quite so extravagant as I expected, being only
overcharged by about 150 pounds; but what I mean by overcharging, is
what the Indians never had; for I cannot be so sensible of what was
overcharged by other means. _The Indians being remarkable for their
skill in mathematics, but unfortunate in not having sufficient workmen
among them, he had wisely stocked the whole nation with instruments._
Mr. W—— the optician’s bill being to the amount, as near as I can
remember, of fifty odd pounds in these costly play-things for the
Cherokees; but as neither they nor I had ever seen or heard of such
instruments, although I was desired to order all things they might have
occasion for, as best judge of what was necessary, I am inclined to
think they were turned to a much better purpose. There was another bill
from Mr. L—d for stocks and stockings, to the amount of forty odd
pounds. Wampum, I suppose, is become so scarce among the Indians, that
they are resolved to adopt the English custom of stocks. It is a little
unconscionable to have forty pounds worth in change; but then Mr.
Cacanthropos can easily account for that. These people wear a great deal
of vermilion, and are naturally not over cleanly, so of consequence
their stocks would very soon be dirty; besides, they cannot be expected
to wear so long as everlasting wampum. Very true! very provident, Sir!
And I suppose you presume too the bushes would tear a great many
stockings; but if I can judge of Indians, they are a great deal wiser
than to be fine in stockings among the briars, at the expence of their
legs, which good leggons keep unscratched, and a great deal warmer. This
does not however, dear Sir, prevent my admiring your provident views;
they are absolutely too striking ever to admit of that.
Five yards of superfine dove-coloured cloth, at a guinea a yard, was
charged at the woollen-draper’s. Ah! dear Sir, you were short sighted
here; two yards and three-quarters make a match-coat and leggons, five
yards will not make two; a coarser cloth would have suited Indians, and
another colour would have pleased them much better; for I am much
mistaken if these are not the only Indians that ever wore other than
their favourite colours of red and blue; but the laceman’s bill will
clear up this affair. Let me see! Vellum lace, broad and narrow: Was it
for button holes for a Cherokee mantle? Sure Ostenaco never once had the
ridiculous fancy of putting useless, and solely ornamental, buttons upon
a match-coat; where the duce then were the button-holes placed? But I
may, I believe, give a history of that affair, without being matter of
an uncommon penetration. A certain _Man-Killer_ wanting a holiday suit
to appear in, at the installation of some royal and noble knights of the
garter—but here some critic, a pretended judge of Indian affairs, will
perhaps say, that Indians have no such installations, and that they
would never become the laughing-stock of their countrymen, by being
swathed up in English cloaths. Well, sharp-eyed critic, good cloaths
will never want wearers; it is a pity good things should be lost, and
the gentleman that provided them most absolutely be obliged to wear them
himself, since the Indians will not. What goodness! Condescend to wear
the Indians refusals! _O tempora! O mores!_ The washerwoman’s bill, with
many others, I had already paid; but as it had not paid toll _en
passant_, it found its way into the treasury, with an increase of five
or six pounds, being just as much again as the contents of the bill; so
summing up the gentleman’s profits on what was really received, I
imagined it to be about _cent. per cent._
Mr. Martin desired me to take the accounts home to revise at my leisure,
which I soon after returned with alterations, little to the honour of
the original accomptant, however great his skill in figures. But as his
character has been sufficiently known in several late affairs, I shall
spend no more of my time, or the reader’s patience, in quoting numerable
instances of the same dye. I shall only mention the injury done to Mr.
Quin, whose house was so spoiled by the rabble that came to see the
Indians, that he was at a great expence to put it to rights; but instead
of Mr. Cacanthropos’s allowing out of the immense profits of the show,
wherewith to repair the damage, he got him to sign a receipt in full,
and then curtailed and perquisited three pounds.
But it is now time to return to my own misfortunes. After paying the
debts I had contracted, my finances were, as I have already hinted, so
low, that I had not wherewith to defray my passage. I made no doubt of
getting credit for a part till my arrival. At the Virginia Coffee-house
I found a Captain of my acquaintance, bound to Virginia, into whose
hands I deposited ten guineas to secure my passage; but the ship, thro’
some unaccountable delays, did not quit her moorings till December, when
the Captain told me she would go round to Portsmouth, which place he
thought would be more convenient for me to embark at. I readily
acquiesced with this, as I thought my passage would be long enough
without any addition. But before I arrived at Portsmouth, my money ran
so short, that I was forced to borrow of the landlord, to pay the last
stage. I had staid here nine or ten days, in expectation of the ship,
when a letter arrived from the Captain, to define me to return
immediately to London, or repair to Deal, as his employers had sent him
orders not to touch at Portsmouth, but to proceed immediately to sea. I
was thunderstruck. The tavern-keeper had just sent in his bill for
payment, the instant I received this letter. I was obliged to deposit
cloaths and other effects to the amount of forty pounds, and borrow ten
guineas to return.
As soon as I arrived at London, I sent my servant to enquire if the ship
had fallen down the river, who shortly after returned with information
that she had. I then went to Gravesend, where my money running short
again, I had recourse to the landlady. I sent to the office, to know if
such a ship had cleared, and was agreeably informed there had not. After
expecting the ship four or five days, I sent my servant to London, to
procure some money on my watch, with orders to inquire after the ship at
every place between London and Gravesend. On his return the next day he
informed me the ship, with several more, were frozen up at Deptford. I
now began to be under the greatest uneasiness about my return to
Virginia, fate seeming determined to detain me where misfortunes daily
increased. I sent to the Captain for the ten guineas I had advanced for
my passage, since I found it impossible to go with him, and returned to
London, where my first concern was, to enquire at the war-office whether
there had lately arrived any returns from Sir Jeffery Amherst? I was
informed there had, and, on turning over the books, found myself
appointed Lieutenant in the forty-second or Royal Highland regiment of
foot, with several months subsistence due to me, which I received soon
after from Mr. Drummond, the agent, to whom I made known my
circumstances, intreating him to lend me fifty pounds more, without
which I found it impossible to get out of England. He obligingly told
me, that if I could get any gentleman to accept a bill payable in four
months, he would willingly advance that sum. I applied to a gentleman in
the city, who was kind enough to accept the bill.
I agreed with a Captain of a ship bound to Virginia, about the middle of
March, and paid him thirty-two guineas for my wife’s passage and my own;
for I had married, or rather made a young lady a companion of my
misfortunes some time before; but her father having refused his consent
to our union, had the barbarity to deny us the least assistance, nay,
refused me even ten guineas that I found deficient, after paying my
debts, and laying in what was necessary. All affairs being seemingly
settled, I went to Billingsgate over-night to save expences, by going in
a Gravesend boat the next day, but was prevented by a bailiff, who, as
soon as I was up, arrested me, at the suit of a person, who, not making
any demand upon me, in my confusion I forgot, or rather did not know
where to find.
I was carried immediately to Wood-Street Compter, where I wrote to a
friend for money to discharge it but being disappointed, I was obliged
to pay away the little I had reserved for my expences, so that I had but
two shillings left. We now embarked for Gravesend; but before we had got
two miles down the river, the boat ran foul of a ship’s hawser, by which
we were almost overset. We staid a considerable time, to no purpose, to
get her clear, but were obliged at last to go ashore and return to
Billingsgate, where we staid all night, and next morning, for want of
money to discharge our reckoning, I was forced to sell a gold seal that
cost me four guineas, for only eleven shillings.
I then embarked in another boat, and got within four miles of Gravesend
without any further interruption; but the tide being spent here, we were
obliged to walk to Gravesend on foot, where the ship came down, and
anchored next morning.
The Captain informed me, that two gentlemen and a lady, passengers in
the ship, would be glad that we should all dine together. This I readily
consented to, but begged a couple of guineas that I had been deficient
in my old reckoning at the White-Hart. Unwilling to borrow any more from
the Captain, I sent my servant with a pair of new crimson velvet
breeches that cost me three guineas, who returned with thirteen
shillings that he had raised on them. Being now on board, I thought
myself secure from all further demands or impediments; but we no sooner
arrived in the Downs than my servant left me, and demanded four guineas
for the time he had served me; a gentleman that was going ashore did me
the favour to pay him the money he demanded.
This detail may seem very dry to a reader; but this must effectually
convince the public, that had I made money of the Indians, nay, partook
of the great sums that were clandestinely made by them, I should not
have been so soon reduced to the necessities I underwent.
After some difficulties in getting out, we had a very good passage to
Virginia. I staid there but just long enough to settle my affairs, and
then set out for New York to wait on Sir Jeffery Amherst for my
commission; but to save the expences of going by land, I embarked in an
old worm-eaten sloop that belonged to a gentleman at New York, who had
been obliged to send a Captain to bring her home, her former one having
deserted her in that ruinous condition. She had, however, tolerable
pumps and sails, and three good hands besides the Captain.
The first day the wind was very fair, and gave us hopes it would
continue so the whole passage, but shifting next day to the northwest
quarter, we experienced a perfect hurricane, in which the vessel made
water so fast, that the men were constantly at the pumps to clear her.
The sea ran so high, and the vessel was so old and crazy, that I
expected each wave would dash her to pieces; the third day we shewed a
little sail, though it continued blowing very fresh till evening, when
it became pretty fair; yet she still made water at a prodigious rate,
and extremely fatigued the men. We saw land next day, but were becalmed
till the morning after, when a fresh gale springing up fair, we went at
the rate of eight knots an hour till four in the afternoon, when a pilot
came on board; the Captain told him that he must run the vessel quite to
New York that night, as he had no cable to bring her to an anchor. Had I
known this circumstance before, which even the pilot was astonished at,
I should not, I believe, have trusted so much to fair weather. We
arrived, however, safe at New York.
I waited next morning on Sir Jeffery Amherst, who gave me my commission,
with orders immediately to join my regiment, which was then on its way
to Pittsburg. I dined with his Excellency next day; after which he told
me to wait on Col. Reid, and not be in a hurry to join my regiment. A
packet it seems had arrived from England the same day I received my
commission, which, I suppose, brought a list of the officers to be
reduced on half pay, and on waiting on Col. Reid, I found I was of the
number. I related Lord Egremont’s assurances to the contrary, and
produced this his Lordship’s Letter to Sir Jeffery Amherst in my favour.
_Whitehall, July 23, 1762_.
“Sir,
Mr. Fauquier, Lieutenant Governor of Virginia, having represented the
long and very useful services, particularly in the Cherokee country,
of Mr. Timberlake, and having strongly recommended him to some mark of
his Majesty’s royal favour, and Mr. Timberlake having accompanied some
chiefs of the Cherokee nation to London, where he has constantly
attended them, and has conducted himself entirely to the King’s
satisfaction: I am to acquaint you that his Majesty, in consideration
of the above services of Mr. Timberlake, has been pleased to command
me to signify to you his royal pleasure, that you should appoint him
to the first Lieutenancy in an old regiment, which shall become vacant
in North America, after you receive this letter. I am, &c.
(Signed)