MDCCLXV.

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THE

PREFACE.

After extracting this detail from my Journal, and supplying many

circumstances from my memory, I was very much at a loss what title to

give it. MEMOIRS seemed to answer my design with the greatest propriety;

but that being so commonly misapplied, I was afraid the public would

expect a romance, where I only intended laying down a few facts, for the

vindication of my own conduct. I do not, however, by this mean to

suggest to my reader, that he will find here only a bare uninteresting

narrative; no, I have added all in my power to make it useful and

agreeable to others, as it was necessary to myself; and indeed it was

highly so, since a person who bears ill treatment without complaining,

is generally held by his friends pusillanimous, or believed to be

withheld by secret motives from his own justification. I know not what

mine think, but it will not be amiss to inforce their good opinion of

me, by laying all my actions open to their view, And as once publishing

will be more general, and save many repetitions of a disagreeable

narration, this motive first induced me to write, to exchange my sword

for a pen, that I wield as a soldier, who never dreamt of the beauties

of stile, or propriety of expression. Excuse then, gentle reader, all

the faults that may occur, in consideration that these are not my

weapons, and that tho’ I received almost as good an education as

Virginia could bestow on me, it only sufficed to sit me for a soldier,

and not for a scholar; but tho’ this was the chief end I proposed from

it, I have, occasionally deviating from my main design, added whatever I

thought curious and entertaining, that occurred to my observation, in

the Cherokee country, and my travels to and from it, not omitting the

principal dangers I have passed through, and the expences I have been

at, that the reader, weighing them and the rewards I have received, may

judge where the balance is due. I do not doubt but I shall be censured

for exposing so freely the actions of Mr. Κακοανθροπος; but to this I

was constrained by the clamours made against the unnecessary and

extravagant expences into which the reception of the Indians had drawn

the government. To unveil where the unnecessary and extravagance of it

lay, became my duty; and I cannot say but I took some pleasure in

detecting the person in the crime he so arfully had laid to my charge:

It is, I presume, very pardonable in a person who has so much reason to

complain of his unfair practices towards him. As to the manners of the

Indians, I grant they have been often represented, and yet I have never

seen any account to my perfect satisfaction, being more frequently taken

from the reports of traders, as ignorant and incapable of making just

observations as the natives themselves, than from the writer’s own

experience. These I took upon the spot, and if I have failed in relating

them, it is thro’ want of art in expression, and not of due knowledge in

point of facts. As, however, I did not take upon me to write as an

author who seeks applause, but compelled by the necessity of vindicating

myself, I once more beg the public to pass over, with a candid

indulgence, the many faults that may deserve their censure.

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THE

MEMOIRS, &c.

Notwithstanding my aversion to formal beginnings, and any thing that may

relish of romance, as the reader may desire some knowledge of the person

who has submitted his actions to his judgment, I shall, in hastening to

my principal design, just acquaint him, that my father was an inhabitant

of Virginia, who dying while I was yet a minor, left me a small fortune,

no ways sufficient for my support, without some employment. For some

time, by the advice of my friends, I proposed following the more

lucrative one of commerce, but after my minorship was elapsed, my genius

burst out. Arms had been my delight from my infancy, and I now resolved

to gratify that inclination, by entering into the service. Pursuing this

resolution, I made my first campaign in the year 1756, with a company of

gentlemen called the Patriot Blues, who served the country at their own

expence; but whether terrified by our formidable appearance, or superior

numbers, the enemy still avoided us; so that, notwithstanding many

recent tracks and fires, we never could come to an engagement. On our

return, I made application for a commission in the Virginia regiment,

then commanded by Col. Washington; but there being at that time no

vacancy, I returned home.

In the year 1758, a new regiment was raised for that year’s service, to

be commanded by the Hon. William Byrd, Esq; from whom I not only

received an ensigncy, but as subalterns were to be appointed to a troop

of light-horse, he honoured me with the cornetcy of that also. I was

soon after ordered on an escort, in which service I continued till July,

when I joined the army at Ray’s-Town, where I found General Forbes

already arrived. The army then marched to Fort Ligonier, on the way to

Fort Du Quesne. I was seized here by a violent fit of sickness, caught

in searching for some of the troop-horses that were lost, by overheating

myself with running, and drinking a large quantity of cold water, which

rendered me incapable of duty. I got something better about the time the

troops marched for Fort Du Quesne and could sit my horse when helped on,

but was ordered back by the General, who, however, on my telling the

doctor I hoped to do duty in a day or two, permitted me to continue the

march. We heard the French blow up their magazine, while yet some miles

off; and, on our arrival, we found the barracks, and every thing of

value, in flames. My malady rather increased, so that I was at last

compelled to petition for my return. I lost my horse at Fort Ligonier,

the third I had lost during the campaign; and being obliged to mount a

very weak one, I met with great difficulty in crossing the Allegany

mountains; and before I reached Ray’s Town my horse was entirely knocked

up. I bought another, and proceeded to Winchester, where, in a little

time, I got perfectly recovered.

Those light-horsemen that survived the campaign, were herein want of all

necessaries; and no money being sent up from Williamsburg to pay them, I

advanced upwards of an hundred pounds, intending to reimburse myself

from the first that should arrive; mean while the troops I belonged to

were disbanded, and I, in consequence, out of pay. I had no further

business at Winchester than to wait for this money, which I did, till my

patience being quite exhausted, I resolved to go down the country in

search of it. On my arrival at Williamsburg, I was informed the money

had been sent up to me by the paymaster. I returned immediately to

Winchester, near 200 miles, where I found the paymaster had paid it to

the Lieutenant of the troop, who had appropriated it to his own use. He

returned me fifty pounds, but it has never been in his power to pay me

the remainder, and to all appearance it never will.

After such unfortunate essays I began to give over all thoughts of the

army, when Col. Byrd was appointed to the command of the old regiment,

in the room of Col. Washington, who resigned; on which I was

unfortunately induced to accept another commission. I served another

campaign in the year 1759, under General Stanwix, in the same quarter;

but on our arrival at Pittsburg, formerly Fort Du Quesne, I had little

employment, except looking over the men at work, till the fall of the

leaf, when the General gave me the command of Fort Burd, about sixty

miles to the eastward of Pittsburg, where I continued about nine months

at a very great expence, partly through hospitality to those who passed

to and from Pittsburg, and the dearness of necessaries, and partly by

building myself a house, and making several improvements, and finishing

the half-constructed fort, for which I never received any gratuity. I

was relieved by a company of the Pensylvania regiment in the spring, and

returned to Pittsburg, but found Col. Byrd with one half of the regiment

ordered against the Cherokees, now become our most inveterate enemies;

while the remainder under Col. Stephen were destined to serve on the

Ohio. I will not fatigue the reader with an account of campaigns

wherewith all our news-papers were filled, but confine myself to what

more immediately concerned me.

I remained at Pittsburg till autumn, when I obtained permission to pass

the winter at home. I accordingly set out in company with an Ensign

named Seayres, who had obtained the same permission: we found great

difficulties from the badness of the road, of which I may quote the

following instance. After marching three whole days from Pittsburg to

the place where General Braddock first crossed the Yawyawgany river

(little better than sixty miles), and leaving one of my horses fast in

the mire, we found, to our great surprise, the river about twelve feet

high. We waited a whole day in hopes of its falling, but had the

mortification to find it had rather rose a foot; our provisions

beginning to run short, we hunted to recruit them, but without any

success, which obliged us to come to an immediate determination. We at

last resolved to look for some other crossing-place; we found about two

miles lower, a part of the river, which by its breadth we judged to be

fordable; but as the water was muddy, and the bottom could not be seen,

there was a considerable risk in attempting it, especially as it lay

under a fall, from whence the current darted with great impetuosity.

After some deliberation, we resolved to venture it; pushed on by the

fears of starving, if we remained any longer where we were, Mr. Seayres

proposed himself to try it first; mounting therefore the best of our

horses, he plunged into the stream: for the first hundred yards the

water reached little higher than the horse’s belly, but before he got to

a small island in the middle, which we had resolved to rest at, he was

quite up to the saddle-skirts; after halting a little time, he set out

again for the opposite side, but found it impossible to proceed, a deep

channel lying between him and the shore, into which he often plunged,

but was as often obliged to turn back, at a great hazard of being

carried away by the current. Despairing at last of being able to cross

it, yet unwilling to return, he forced up the shallow part about an

hundred yards, towards the falls, making several attempts to cross,

which he at last effected; but the banks being excessively steep, he

found as much difficulty and danger in climbing them, as he had before

done in crossing. We then followed, and tho’ we now knew exactly what

course to keep, as our horses were weaker, and more heavily loaded, our

task was not less dangerous or difficult. We found the bottom so rocky

and irregular, that the horses staggered with their loads. The rapidity

of the stream, and the false steps they made, threatened every moment to

leave their burthens and lives in the middle of the stream. One of them,

on which my servant was mounted, actually fell, letting my portmantua

into the water, which luckily lodged among the limbs of an old tree,

that had been washed down by the current; the horse recovered himself,

and all the damage occasioned by this accident was, the spoiling of my

cloaths, and to the amount of forty pounds in paper money, which got so

wet, and stuck so fast together, that the greatest part of it was

rendered entirely useless. Happy, however, that this was our only loss,

and that we escaped with our lives.

In the spring 1761, I received orders to return to my division, which

was to proceed to the southward, and join the other half against the

Cherokees. Soon after this junction we began our march towards the

Cherokee country. Col. Byrd parted from us at a place called Stalnakres,

and returned down the country, by which the command devolved on Col.

Stephen. We marched, without molestation, to the great island on

Holston’s river, about 140 miles from the enemy’s settlements, where we

immediately applied ourselves to the construction of a fort, which was

nearly completed about the middle of November, when Kanagatucko, the

nominal king of the Cherokees, accompanied by about 400 of his people,

came to our camp, sent by his countrymen to sue for peace, which was

soon after granted by Col. Stephen, and finally concluded on the 19th

instant. All things being settled to the satisfaction of the Indians,

their king told Col. Stephen he had one more favour to beg of them,

which was, to send an officer back with them to their country, as that

would effectually convince the nation of the good intentions and

sincerity of the English towards them. The Colonel was embarrassed at

the demand; he saw the necessity of some officer’s going there, yet

could not command any on so dangerous a duty. I soon relieved him from

this dilemma, by offering my service; my active disposition, or, if I

may venture to say, a love of my country, would not permit its losing so

great an advantage, for want of resolution to become hostage to a

people, who, tho’ savage, and unacquainted with the laws of war or

nations, seemed now tolerably sincere, and had, seeing me employed in

drawing up the articles of peace, in a manner cast their eyes upon me as

the properest person to give an account of it to their countrymen. The

Colonel seemed more apprehensive of the danger than I was myself, scarce

giving any encouragement to a man whom he imagined going to make himself

a sacrifice, lest he should incur the censure of any accident that might

befall me.

The 28th was fixed for our departure; but, on making some inquiries

about our intended journey, the Indians informed me that the rivers

were, for small craft, navigable quite to their country; they strove,

however, to deter me from thinking of that way, by laying before me the

dangers and difficulties I must encounter; almost alone, in a journey so

much further about, and continually infested with parties of northern

Indians, who, though at peace with the English, would not fail to treat,

in the most barbarous manner, a person whose errand they knew to be so

much against their interest. They professed themselves concerned for my

safety, and intreated me to go along with them: but as I thought a

thorough knowledge of the navigation would be of infinite service,

should these people even give us the trouble of making another campaign

against them, I formed a resolution of going by water; what much

conduced to this, was the slowness they march with when in a large body,

and the little pleasure I could expect in such company. On the day

appointed the Indians set out on their journey, and a little after I

embarked on board a canoe to pursue mine: my whole company consisted of

a serjeant, an interpreter, and servant, with about ten days provisions,

and to the value of twenty odd pounds in goods to buy horses for our

return: this was all our cargo, and yet we had not gone far before I

perceived we were much too heavy loaded; the canoe being small, and very

ill made, I immediately ordered my servant out, to join the Indians,

giving him my gun and ammunition, as we had two others in the canoe;

little could I foresee the want we were soon to experience of them. We

then proceeded near two hundred weight lighter, yet before we had gone a

quarter of a mile ran fast a-ground, though perhaps in the deepest part

of the stream, the shoal extending quite across. Sumpter the serjeant

leaped out, and dragged us near a hundred yards over the shoals, till we

found deep water again. About five miles further we heard a terrible

noise of a water-fall, and it being then near night, I began to be very

apprehensive of some accident in passing it: we went ashore to seek the

best way down; after which taking out all the salt and ammunition, lest

it should get wet, I carried it along the shore, while they brought down

the canoe; which they happily effected. It being now near dark, we went

ashore to[1] encamp about a mile below the fall. Here we found a party

of seven or eight Cherokee hunters, of whom we made a very particular

inquiry concerning our future route: they informed us, that, had the

water been high, we might from the place we then were reach their

country in six days without any impediment; but as the water was

remarkably low, by the dryness of the preceding summer, we should meet

with many difficulties and dangers; not only from the lowness of the

water, but from the northward Indians, who always hunted in those parts

at that season of the year. I had already been told, and fortified

myself against the latter, but the former part of this talk (as they

term it) no way pleased me; it was however too late, I thought, to look

back, and so was determined to proceed in what I had undertaken. We

supped with the Indians on dried venison dipped in bears oil, which

served for sauce. I lay (though I was too anxious to sleep) with an

Indian on a large bear-skin, and my companions, I believe, lodged much

in the same manner.

Footnote 1:

What is meant here by encamping, is only making a fire and lying near

it, though the Indians often prop a blanket or skins upon small poles,

to preserve them from the inclemency of the weather.

Early next morning we took leave of our hosts, and in less than half an

hour began to experience the troubles they had foretold us, by running

a-ground; we were obliged to get out, and drag the canoe a quarter of a

mile before we got off the shallow; and this was our employment two or

three hours a-day, for nineteen days together, during most part of which

the weather was so extremely cold, that the ice hung to our cloaths,

from the time we were obliged to get in the water in the morning, till

we encamped at night. This was especially disagreeable to me, as I had

the courses of the river to take for upwards of two hundred and fifty

miles.

We kept on in this manner, without any remarkable occurrence, till the

6th of December, when our provisions falling short, I went on shore,

with the interpreter’s gun, to shoot a turkey; singling one out, I

pulled the trigger, which missing fire, broke off the upper chap and

screw-pin; and, as I could find neither, after several hours search,

rendered the gun unfit for service. M‘Cormack was not a little chagrined

at the loss of his gun; it indeed greatly concerned us all; we had now

but one left, and that very indifferent; but even this we were shortly

to be deprived of, for we were scarce a mile from this unlucky place,

when seeing a large bear coming down to the water-side, Sumpter, to whom

the remaining gun belonged, took it to shoot; but not being conveniently

seated, he laid it on the edge of the canoe, while he rose to fix

himself to more advantage; but the canoe giving a heel, let the gun

tumble over-board. It was irreparably gone, for the water here was so

deep, that we could not touch the bottom with our longest pole. We were

now in despair: I even deliberated whether it was not better to throw

ourselves over-board, as drowning at once seemed preferable to a

lingering death. Our provisions were consumed to an ounce of meat, and

but very little flour, our guns lost and spoiled, ourselves in the heart

of woods, at a season when neither fruit nor roots were to be found,

many days journey from any habitation, and frequented only by the

northern Indians, from whom we had more reason to expect scalping than

succour.

We went ashore, as it was in vain to proceed, and, desponding, began to

make a fire; while thus employed, several large bears came down a steep

hill towards us. This, at another time, would have been a joyful sight;

it now only increased our affliction. They came within the reach of a

tommahawke; had we had one, and the skill to throw it, we could scarce

have failed of killing. In short, they were as daring as if they had

been acquainted with our misfortunes. Irritated by their boldness, I

formed several schemes for killing, among which, as mending the broken

gun seemed most probable, I instantly set about trying the experiment.

Notching a flint on each side, I bound it to the lower chap with a

leather thong. This succeeded so far, that in ten or twelve times

snapping, it might probably fire, which was matter of great joy to us.

Before I had finished it, the bears were frightened away; but as we had

now mended our gun, we conceived great hopes. It was very probable they

might return; and we were not long in expectation, for in less than a

quarter of an hour, another very large one stalked down towards us, tho’

not so near as the former ones had done. M‘Cormack snatched up his gun,

and followed him near a quarter of a mile. I had sat down in expectation

of the event, and pulled my shoes and stockings off to dry; when I heard

the report of the gun, my heart leaped for joy, since I imagined

M‘Cormack would have certainly taken all imaginable precautions; but

judge of my despair, when, after running myself out of breath, and

bare-footed among the rocks and briars, I found he had missed, and that

having left the ammunition at the place where we had encamped, he could

not charge again, till I returned for it. I ran back, unable as I was,

and brought it; then sat down, and he continued the chace. By this time

Sumpter, who had been gathering wood, joined me, and, we soon heard

M‘Cormack fire again; upon which, running with all our speed, to the

place from whence the report came, we had the inexpressible joy of

seeing a large bear, that might weigh near 400 weight, weltering in his

blood. It being late, we propped him for that night, on an old tree, to

prevent his being devoured by other beasts. Next morning my companions

skinned him, and taking as much of his meat as we could conveniently

carry, we left the camp in much better spirits than when we came to it.

Nothing more remarkable occurred, unless I mark for such the amazing

quantity of buffaloes, bears, deer, beavers, geese, swans, ducks,

turkeys and other game, till we came to a large cave; we stopped to

examine it, but after climbing, with great difficulty, near 50 feet

almost perpendicular, to get to it, we saw nothing curious, except some

pillars of the petrified droppings, that fell from the roof, of a

prodigious size. I could not, indeed, penetrate very far, for want of

light. Coming back to the edge of the rock, we perceived our canoe

a-drift, going down with the stream. Sumpter scrambled down the rock,

and, plunging into the river, without giving himself scarce time to pull

off his coat, swam a quarter of a mile before he could overtake her.

When he returned, every thing on him was stiff frozen. We instantly made

a fire to recover him; but this accident, joined to the severity of the

weather, obliged us to stay the day and night following. We laid

ourselves down to sleep in the mouth of the cave, where we had made our

fire, which we no sooner did, than, oppressed with the fatigues of the

preceding day, we fell into a sound sleep, from which we were awaked

before midnight, by the howling of wild beasts in the cave, who kept us

awake with this concert till a little before day. About four o’clock in

the morning, we had a more terrifying alarm, we were stunned with a

noise, like the splitting of a rock. As there had never been, to all

appearance, a fire near that place, I could no otherwise account for it,

than by laying it to the fire, which refining the air, might have

occasioned some pressure in the cavities, or fired some collected

vapour, the explosion of which had been the noise that waked us; yet, as

I could not clearly comprehend it, I was under the greatest

apprehensions, especially as I could perceive it hollow just under us.

The severity, however, of the weather obliged us to stay the next night

likewise, but the howling of the beasts, and thinking of the preceding

night’s noise, prevented me from getting any sleep. On the morning of

the 9th instant, we were, to my great satisfaction, obliged to decamp

for want of wood. We passed the place where the canoe was taken up, and

came to a fall about a quarter of a mile further, which, had she

reached, we should never have seen the least atom of her cargo more.

We continued our journey much in the same manner till the 11th: as

during the whole time we had seen or heard nothing of the northward

Indians, the Cherokees had so menaced us with, we began to imagine

ourselves secure, and that they had, for some reasons, imposed on us,

when the report of a gun on one side of the river undeceived us; for as

the Cherokees had told us how much the northward Indians frequented this

place, it was reasonable to conclude, that they themselves came only

here to fight, at which time they seldom fire, as that gives notice to

the enemy where to come and reconnoitre them, but seek to hear their

adversaries fire, that their scouts may measure their forces, and they

take all advantages of the enemy before they come to action. We

therefore concluded that this must certainly be a party of northern

hunters. We were talking of this, when another gun from the opposite

shore declared us in the midst of our enemies, whom there was no

resisting; we heard several more some time after, which made us go as

far as we possibly could before we encamped, which we did very

cautiously, retiring into a thicket of canes, and chusing to lay on our

wet and cold blankets, rather than make a fire to dry them, by which we

might be discovered. Next day we heard several more guns on both sides

of the river, which made us conjecture that the Indians had watched us,

but not finding our encampment the night before, were still following

us. I was resolved, however, to encamp in such an inconvenient manner no

more, and to make a fire at night, whatever might be the consequence. We

took all other imaginable precautions, encamping in a thicket of canes,

impenetrable to the eye, as we had done the preceding night. About

midnight some drops falling on my face from the trees under which we

lay, awaked me, on which I imagined I heard something walk round our

camp. I lay still some time to consider what could be patroling at that

time of night in the rain, a thing unusual for wild beasts to do, when

M‘Cormack, who had been awake for some time, asked me if I heard the

noise. I told him yes, very plain, for by the cracking of the sticks

that lay on the ground I could perceive it approached us. M‘Cormack

starting up, swore directly it was a party of northern Indians, and ran

down, in a pannic, to the canoe, and, had not I followed to prevent him,

would certainly have made off with it, and left us exposed to the mercy

of the enemy, if there were any pursuing us, without any means of

escape; but for my part, I imagined it some half-starved animal looking

for food; and Sumpter had been so certain of this, that he never moved

from where he lay; for when, in an hour after, I had persuaded M‘Cormack

to return to the camp, we found Sumpter fast asleep, and the noise

entirely gone. We set out early the next day, on account of this alarm,

and about 12 o’clock heard a noise like distant thunder. In half an hour

we reached the place called the Great Falls, from which it proceeded.

The river was here about half a mile broad, and the water falling from

one rock to another, for the space of half a mile, had the appearance of

steps, in each of which, and all about the rocks, the fish were sporting

in prodigious quantities, which we might have taken with ease, had we

not been too busy in working the canoe down, to look after them. I

observed here the same method I had with the other falls, by going

ashore and looking out the safest way for the canoe to pass; and lest

some accident should happen to it, I took what salt and ammunition we

had left, and carried it along the shore: if this was not so dangerous,

it was quite as difficult a task; and were I to chuse again, I should

prefer the danger in the canoe to the difficulty of passing such rocks,

both hands occupied, with the care of the gun and ammunition. Theirs was

no ways easy. Before they had passed half the fall, the canoe ran fast

on a rock, and it was with the greatest difficulty they got her clear;

notwithstanding which I was at last so entangled among the rocks, that I

was obliged to order the canoe ashore, at a place where the current was

more practicable than others, and proceed in it. We scarce advanced a

hundred yards, when we ran with such violence against another rock, that

Sumpter, breaking his pole in attempting to ward the shock, fell

over-board; and we narrowly escaped being partakers of the same

accident. Had not the canoe been of more than ordinary strength, she

must certainly have dashed to pieces; she turned broadside too, shipping

in a great deal of water, by which all the things were wet that I had so

much laboured to preserve. We got out to right her; and as I observed

some bad places below, I resolved to wade to the shore, being as much an

incumbrance as a help. The water was not then above knee-deep; but,

before I reached the shore, I got into a sluice as high as my arm-pits,

and was near forced away by the rapidity of the stream, entangled in my

surtout, and a blanket I had wrapped about me: when I got on shore,

examining the damage I had sustained, I found my watch and papers

spoiled by the wet, and myself almost frozen; so that, after shivering

on three miles further, we were constrained to encamp, and make a fire

to dry ourselves; but as it continued snowing, hailing, and raining

alternately, we were again obliged to lie in wet blankets; which, though

more intolerable, after the hardships we had sustained this day, we had

done half the time since our departure from the Great Island.

Next morning, when we decamped, it was so excessive cold, that coming to

a still place of the river, we found it frozen from bank to bank, to

such a degree, that almost the whole day was spent in breaking the ice

to make a passage. This, indeed, had already happened some days before,

but never so severe as now.

Next morning we had the pleasure of finding the ice entirely gone,

thawed, probably, by a hard rain that fell over-night, so that about two

o’clock we found ourselves in Broad River, which being very high, we

went the two following days at the rate of ten miles an hour, till we

came within a mile of Tennessee river, when, running under the shore, we

on a sudden discovered a party of ten or twelve Indians, standing with

their pieces presented on the bank. Finding it impossible to resist or

escape, we ran the canoe ashore towards them, thinking it more eligible

to surrender immediately, which might entitle us to better treatment,

than resist or fly, in either of which death seemed inevitable, from

their presented guns, or their pursuit. We now imagined our death, or,

what was worse, a miserable captivity, almost certain, when the headman

of the party agreeably surprised us, by asking, in the Cherokee

language, to what town we belonged? To which our interpreter replied, To

the English camp; that the English and Cherokees having made a peace, I

was then carrying the articles to their countrymen. On this the old

warrior, commonly called the Slave Catcher of Tennessee, invited us to

his camp, treated us with dried venison, homminy, and boiled corn. He

told us that he had been hunting some time thereabouts, and had only

intended returning in seven or eight days, but would now immediately

accompany us.

We set out with them next morning to pursue our voyage; but I was now

obliged to give over taking the courses of the river, lest the Indians,

who, tho’ very hospitable, are very suspicious of things they cannot

comprehend, should take umbrage at it.

Entering the Tennessee River, we began to experience the difference

between going with the stream, and struggling against it; and between

easy paddles, and the long poles with which we were constrained to

slave, to keep pace with the Indians, who would otherwise have laughed

at us. When we encamped about ten miles up the river, my hands were so

galled, that the blood trickled from them, and when we set out next

morning I was scarce able to handle a pole.

Within four or five miles of the nation, the Slave Catcher sent his wife

forward by land, partly to prepare a dinner, and partly to let me have

her place in his canoe, seeing me in pain, and unaccustomed to such hard

labour, which seat I kept till about two o’clock, when we arrived at his

house, opposite the mouth of Tellequo river, compleating a twenty-two

days course of continual fatigues, hardships, and anxieties.

Our entertainment from these people was as good as the country could

afford, consisting of roast, boiled, and fried meats of several kinds,

and very good Indian bread, baked in a very curious manner. After making

a fire on the hearth-stone, about the size of a large dish, they sweep

the embers off, laying a loaf smooth on it; this they cover with a sort

of deep dish, and renew the fire upon the whole, under which the bread

bakes to as great perfection as in any European oven.

We crossed the river next morning, with some Indians that had been

visiting in that neigbourhood, and went to Tommotly, taking Fort Loudoun

in the way, to examine the ruins.

We were received at Tommotly in a very kind manner by Ostenaco, the

commander in chief, who told me, he had already given me up for lost, as

the gang I parted with at the Great Island had returned about ten days

before, and that my servant was then actually preparing for his return,

with the news of my death.

After smoaking and talking some time, I delivered a letter from Colonel

Stephen, and another from Captain M‘Neil, with some presents from each,

which were gratefully accepted by Ostenaco and his consort. He gave me a

general invitation to his house, while I resided in the country; and my

companions found no difficulty in getting the same entertainment, among

an hospitable, tho’ savage people, who always pay a great regard to any

one taken notice of by their chiefs.

Some days after, the headmen of each town were assembled in the

town-house of Chote, the metropolis of the country, to hear the articles

of peace read, whither the interpreter and I accompanied Ostenaco.

The town-house, in which are transacted all public business and

diversions, is raised with wood, and covered over with earth, and has

all the appearance of a small mountain at a little distance. It is built

in the form of a sugar loaf, and large enough to contain 500 persons,

but extremely dark, having, besides the door, which is so narrow that

but one at a time can pass, and that after much winding and turning, but

one small aperture to let the smoak out, which is so ill contrived, that

most of it settles in the roof of the house. Within it has the

appearance of an ancient amphitheatre, the seats being raised one above

another, leaving an area in the middle, in the center of which stands

the fire; the seats of the head warriors are nearest it.

They all seemed highly satisfied with the articles. The peace-pipe was

smoaked, and Ostenaco made an harangue to the following effect:

“The bloody tommahawke, so long lifted against our brethren the English,

must now be buried deep, deep in the ground, never to be raised

again[2]; and whoever shall act contrary to any of these articles, must

expect a punishment equal to his offence[3]. Should a strict observance

of them be neglected, a war must necessarily follow, and a second peace

may not be so easily obtained. I therefore once more recommend to you,

to take particular care of your behaviour towards the English, whom we

must now look upon as ourselves; they have the French and Spaniards to

fight, and we enough of our own colour, without medling with either

nation. I desire likewise, that the white warrior, who has ventured

himself here with us, may be well used and respected by all, wherever he

goes amongst us.”

Footnote 2:

As in this speech several allusions are made to the customs of the

Indians, it may not be impertinent to acquaint the reader, that their

way of declaring war, is by smoaking a pipe as a bond among

themselves, and lifting up a hatchet stained in blood, as a menace to

their enemies; at declaring peace this hatchet is buried, and a pipe

smoaked by both parties, in token of friendship and reconciliation.

Footnote 3:

The chiefs can inflict no punishment; but, upon the signing of the

peace, it was agreed by both nations, that offenders on either side

should be delivered up to be punished by the offended party, and it is

to this the Chief alludes.

The harangue being finished, several pipes were presented me by the

headsmen, to take a whiff. This ceremony I could have waved, as smoaking

was always very disagreeable to me; but as it was a token of their

amity, and they might be offended if I did not comply, I put on the best

face I was able, though I dared not even wipe the end of the pipe that

came out of their mouths; which, considering their paint and dirtiness,

are not of the most ragoutant, as the French term it.

After smoaking, the eatables were produced, consisting chiefly of wild

meat; such as venison, bear, and buffalo; tho’ I cannot much commend

their cookery, every thing being greatly overdone: there were likewise

potatoes, pumpkins, homminy, boiled corn, beans, and pease, served up in

small flat baskets, made of split canes, which were distributed amongst

the crowd; and water, which, except the spirituous liquor brought by the

Europeans, is their only drink, was handed about in small goards. What

contributed greatly to render this feast disgusting, was eating without

knives and forks, and being obliged to grope from dish to dish in the

dark. After the feast there was a dance; but I was already so fatigued

with the ceremonies I had gone through, that I retired to Kanagatucko’s

hot-house[4]; but was prevented taking any repose by the smoke, with

which I was almost suffocated, and the crowd of Indians that came and

sat on the bed-side; which indeed was not much calculated for repose to

any but Indians, or those that had passed an apprenticeship to their

ways, as I had done: it was composed of a few boards, spread with

bear-skins, without any other covering; the house being so hot, that I

could not endure the weight of my own blanket.

Footnote 4:

This Hot-House is a little hut joined to the house, in which a fire is

continually kept, and the heat so great, that cloaths are not to be

borne the coldest day in winter.

Some hours after I got up to go away, but met Ostenaco, followed by two

or three Indians, with an invitation from the headman of Settico, to

visit him the next day.

I set out with Ostenaco and my interpreter in the morning, and marched

towards Settico, till we were met by a messenger, about half a mile from

the town, who came to stop us till every thing was prepared for our

reception: from this place I could take a view of the town, where I

observed two stand of colours flying, one at the top, and the other at

the door of the town-house; they were as large as a sheet, and white.

Lest therefore I should take them for French, they took great care to

inform me, that their custom was to hoist red colours as an emblem of

war; but white, as a token of peace. By this time we were joined by

another messenger, who desired us to move forward.

About 100 yards from the town-house we were received by a body of

between three and four hundred Indians, ten or twelve of which were

entirely naked, except a piece of cloth about their middle, and painted

all over in a hideous manner, six of them with eagles tails in their

hands, which they shook and flourished as they advanced, danced in a

very uncommon figure, singing in concert with some drums of their own

make, and those of the late unfortunate Capt. Damere; with several other

instruments, uncouth beyond description. Cheulah, the headman of the

town, led the procession, painted blood-red, except his face, which was

half black, holding an old rusty broad-sword in his right hand, and an

eagle’s tail in his left. As they approached, Cheulah, singling himself

out from the rest, cut two or three capers, as a signal to the other

eagle-tails, who instantly followed his example. This violent exercise,

accompanied by the band of music, and a loud yell from the mob, lasted

about a minute, when the headman waving his sword over my head, struck

it into the ground, about two inches from my left foot; then directing

himself to me, made a short discourse (which my interpreter told me was

only to bid me a hearty welcome) and presented me with a string of

beads. We then proceeded to the door, where Cheulah, and one of the

beloved men, taking me by each arm, led me in, and seated me in one of

the first seats; it was so dark that nothing was perceptible till a

fresh supply of canes were brought, which being burnt in the middle of

the house answers both purposes of fuel and candle. I then discovered

about five hundred faces; and Cheulah addressing me a second time, made

a speech much to the same effect as the former, congratulating me on my

safe arrival thro’ the numerous parties of the northern Indians, that

generally haunt the way I came. He then made some professions of

friendship, concluding with giving me another string of beads, as a

token of it. He had scarce finished, when four of those who had

exhibited at the procession made their second appearance, painted

milk-white, their eagle-tails in one hand, and small goards with beads

in them in the other, which they rattled in time to the music. During

this dance the peace-pipe was prepared; the bowl of it was of red stone,

curiously cut with a knife, it being very soft, tho’ extremely pretty

when polished. Some of these are of black stone, and some of the same

earth they make their pots with, but beautifully diversified. The stem

is about three feet long, finely adorned with porcupine quills, dyed

feathers, deers hair, and such like gaudy trifles.

After I had performed my part with this, I was almost suffocated with

the pipes presented me on every hand, which I dared not to decline. They

might amount to about 170 or 180; which made me so sick, that I could

not stir for several hours.

The Indians entertained me with another dance, at which I was detained

till about seven o’clock next morning, when I was conducted to the house

of Chucatah, then second in command, to take some refreshment. Here I

found a white woman, named Mary Hughes, who told me she had been

prisoner there near a twelvemonth, and that there still remained among

the Indians near thirty white prisoners more, in a very miserable

condition for want of cloaths, the winter being particularly severe; and

their misery was not a little heightened by the usage they received from

the Indians. I ordered her to come to me to Ostenaco’s, with her

miserable companions, where I would distribute some shirts and blankets

I had brought with me amongst them, which she did some days after.

After a short nap, I arose and went to the town-house, where I found the

chiefs in consultation; after some time, I was called upon, and desired

to write a letter for them to the Governor of South Carolina, which

signified their desire of living in peace with the English, as long as

the sun shone, or grass grew, and desired that a trade might be opened

between them. These wrote, I sealed them up, with some wampum and beads

in the inside. I was the same day invited to Chilhowey, where I was

received and treated much in the same manner as at Settico. I wrote some

letters; and one that Yachtino the headman had brought from Col. Stephen

was interpreted to them, which seemed to give them great satisfaction. I

found here a white man, who, notwithstanding the war, lived many years

among them; he told me that the lower towns had been greatly distressed

when attacked by Colonel Montgomery; being obliged to live many months

upon horse-flesh, and roots out of the woods, occasioned partly by the

numbers drove among them, and the badness of the crops that year.

Returning home with Ostenaco the next day, being the 2d of January 1762,

I enquired whether he thought I should receive any more invitations? He

told me he believed not, because the towns to which I had already been

invited, having been our most inveterate enemies during the war, had

done this, as an acknowledgment and reparation of their fault.

I had now leisure to complete taking the courses of the river, from

which, as I have already mentioned, I was deterred by the Indians, as

likewise to make remarks upon the country and inhabitants.

The country being situated between thirty-two and thirty-four degrees

north latitude, and eighty-seven degrees thirty minutes west longitude

from London, as near as can be calculated, is temperate, inclining to

heat during the summer-season, and so remarkably fertile, that the women

alone do all the laborious tasks of agriculture, the soil requiring only

a little stirring with a hoe, to produce whatever is required of it;

yielding vast quantities of pease, beans, potatoes, cabbages, Indian

corn, pumpions, melons, and tobacco, not to mention a number of other

vegetables imported from Europe, not so generally known amongst them,

which flourish as much, or more here, than in their native climate; and,

by the daily experience of the goodness of the soil, we may conclude,

that, with due care, all European plants might succeed in the same

manner.

Before the arrival of the Europeans, the natives were not so well

provided, maize, melons, and tobacco, being the only things they bestow

culture upon, and perhaps seldom on the latter. The meadows or savannahs

produce excellent grass; being watered by abundance of fine rivers, and

brooks well stored with fish, otters and beavers, having as yet no nets,

the Indians catch the fish with lines, spears, or dams; which last, as

it seems particular to the natives of America, I shall trouble the

reader with a description of. Building two walls obliquely down the

river from either shore, just as they are near joining, a passage is

left to a deep well or reservoir; the Indians then scaring the fish down

the river, close the mouth of the reservoir with a large bush, or bundle

made on purpose, and it is no difficult matter to take them with

baskets, when enclosed within so small a compass.

North America, being one continual forest, admits of no scarcity of

timber for every use: there are oaks of several sorts, birch, ash,

pines, and a number of other trees, many of which are unknown in Europe,

but already described by many authors. The woods likewise abound with

fruits and flowers, to which the Indians pay little regard. Of the

fruits there are some of an excellent flavour, particularly several

sorts of grapes, which, with proper culture, would probably afford an

excellent wine. There are likewise plumbs, cherries, and berries of

several kinds, something different from those of Europe; but their

peaches and pears grow only by culture: add to these several kinds of

roots, and medicinal plants, particularly the plant so esteemed by the

Chinese, and by them called gingsang, and a root which never fails

curing the most inveterate venereal disease, which, however, they never

had occasion for, for that distemper, before the arrival of Europeans

among them. There are likewise an incredible number of buffaloes, bears,

deer, panthers, wolves, foxes, racoons, and opossums. The buffaloes, and

most of the rest, have been so often described, and are so well known,

that a description of them would be but tedious; the opossum, however,

deserves some attention, as I have never seen it properly described. It

is about the size of a large cat, short and thick, and of a silver

colour. It brings forth its young, contrary to all other animals, at the

teat, from whence, when of a certain size, and able to walk, it drops

off, and goes into a false belly, designed by providence in its dam for

its reception, which, at the approach of danger, will, notwithstanding

this additional load, climb rocks and trees with great agility for its

security.

There are a vast number of lesser sort of game, such as rabbits,

squirrels of several sorts, and many other animals, beside turkeys,

geese, ducks of several kinds, partridges, pheasants, and an infinity of

other birds, pursued only by the children, who, at eight or ten years

old, are very expert at killing with a sarbacan, or hollow cane, through

which they blow a small dart, whose weakness obliges them to shoot at

the eye of the larger sort of prey, which they seldom miss.

There are likewise a great number of reptiles, particularly the

copper-snake, whose bite is very difficult to cure, and the

rattle-snake, once the terror of Europeans, now no longer apprehended,

the bite being so easily cured; but neither this, nor any other species,

will attempt biting unless disturbed or trod upon; neither are there any

animals in America mischievous unless attacked. The flesh of the

rattle-snake is extremely good; being once obliged to eat one through

want of provisions, I have eat several since thro’ choice.

Of insects, the flying stag is almost the only one worthy of notice; it

is about the shape of a beetle, but has very large beautiful branching

horns, like those of a stag, from whence it took its name.

The Indians have now a numerous breed of horses, as also hogs, and other

of our animals, but neither cows nor sheep; both these, however, might

be supplied by breeding some tame buffaloes, from which, I have been

informed, some white prisoners among them have procured both butter and

cheese; and the fine long shag on its back could supply all the purposes

of wool.

The mountains contain very rich mines of gold, silver, lead, and copper,

as may be evinced by several accidentally found out by the Indians, and

the lumps of valuable ore washed down by several of the streams, a bag

of which sold in Virginia at a considerable price; and by the many salt

springs, it is probable there are many mines of that likewise, as well

as of other minerals. The fountains too may have many virtues, that

require more skilful persons than the Cherokees or myself to find out.

They have many beautiful stones of different colours, many of which, I

am apt to believe, are of great value; but their superstition has always

prevented their disposing of them to the traders, who have made many

attempts to that purpose; but as they use them in their conjuring

ceremonies, they believe their parting with them, or bringing them from

home, would prejudice their health or affairs. Among others, there is

one in the possession of a conjurer, remarkable for its brilliancy and

beauty, but more so for the extraordinary manner in which it was found.

It grew, if we may credit the Indians, on the head of a monstrous

serpent, whose retreat was, by its brilliancy, discovered; but a great

number of snakes attending him, he being, as I suppose by his diadem, of

a superior rank among the serpents, made it dangerous to attack him.

Many were the attempts made by the Indians, but all frustrated, till a

fellow, more bold than the rest, casing himself in leather, impenetrable

to the bite of the serpent or his guards, and watching a convenient

opportunity, surprised and killed him, tearing this jewel from his head,

which the conjurer has kept hid for many years, in some place unknown to

all but two women, who have been offered large presents to betray it,

but steadily refused, lest some signal judgment or mischance should

follow. That such a stone exists, I believe, having seen many of great

beauty; but I cannot think it would answer all the encomiums the Indians

bestow upon it. The conjurer, I suppose, hatched the account of its

discovery; I have however given it to the reader, as a specimen of an

Indian story, many of which are much more surprising.

The Cherokees are of a middle stature, of an olive colour, tho’

generally painted, and their skins stained with gun-powder, pricked into

it in very pretty figures. The hair of their head is shaved, tho’ many

of the old people have it plucked out by the roots, except a patch on

the hinder part of the head, about twice the bigness of a crown-piece,

which is ornamented with beads, feathers, wampum, stained deers hair,

and such like baubles. The ears are slit and stretched to an enormous

size, putting the person who undergoes the operation to incredible pain,

being unable to lie on either side for near forty days. To remedy this,

they generally slit but one at a time; so soon as the patient can bear

it, they are wound round with wire to expand them, and are adorned with

silver pendants and rings, which they likewise wear at the nose. This

custom does not belong originally to the Cherokees, but taken by them

from the Shawnese, or other northern nations.

They that can afford it wear a collar of wampum, which are beads cut out

of clamshells, a silver breast-plate, and bracelets on their arms and

wrists of the same metal, a bit of cloth over their private parts, a

shirt of the English make, a sort of cloth-boots, and mockasons, which

are shoes of a make peculiar to the Americans, ornamented with

porcupine-quills; a large mantle or match-coat thrown over all compleats

their dress at home; but when they go to war they leave their trinkets

behind, and the mere necessaries serve them.

The women wear the hair of their head, which is so long that it

generally reaches to the middle of their legs, and sometimes to the

ground, club’d, and ornamented with ribbons of various colours; but,

except their eyebrows, pluck it from all the other parts of the body,

especially the looser part of the sex. The rest of their dress is now

become very much like the European; and, indeed, that of the men is

greatly altered. The old people still remember and praise the ancient

days, before they were acquainted with the whites, when they had but

little dress, except a bit of skin about their middles, mockasons, a

mantle of buffalo skin for the winter, and a lighter one of feathers for

the summer. The women, particularly the half-breed, are remarkably well

featured; and both men and women are straight and well-built, with small

hands and feet.

The warlike arms used by the Cherokees are guns, bows and arrows, darts,

scalpping-knives, and tommahawkes, which are hatchets; the hammer-part

of which being made hollow, and a small hole running from thence along

the shank, terminated by a small brass-tube for the mouth, makes a

compleat pipe. There are various ways of making these, according to the

country or fancy of the purchaser, being all made by the Europeans; some

have a long spear at top, and some different conveniencies on each side.

This is one of their most useful pieces of field-furniture, serving all

the offices of hatchet, pipe, and sword; neither are the Indians less

expert at throwing it than using it near, but will kill at a

considerable distance.

They are of a very gentle and amicable disposition to those they think

their friends, but as implacable in their enmity, their revenge being

only compleated in the entire destruction of their enemies. They were

pretty hospitable to all white strangers, till the Europeans encouraged

them to scalp; but the great reward offered has led them often since to

commit as great barbarities on us, as they formerly only treated their

most inveterate enemies with. They are very hardy, bearing heat, cold,

hunger and thirst, in a surprizing manner; and yet no people are given

to more excess in eating and drinking, when it is conveniently in their

power: the follies, nay mischief, they commit when inebriated, are

entirely laid to the liquor; and no one will revenge any injury (murder

excepted) received from one who is no more himself: they are not less

addicted to gaming than drinking, and will even lose the shirt off their

back, rather than give over play, when luck runs against them.

They are extremely proud, despising the lower class of Europeans; and in

some athletick diversions I once was present at, they refused to match

or hold conference with any but officers.

Here, however, the vulgar notion of the Indians uncommon activity was

contradicted by three officers of the Virginia regiment, the slowest of

which could outrun the swiftest of about 700 Indians that were in the

place: but had the race exceeded two or three hundred yards, the Indians

would then have acquired the advantage, by being able to keep the same

pace a long time together; and running being likewise more general among

them, a body of them would always greatly exceed an equal number of our

troops.

They are particularly careful of the superannuated, but are not so till

of a great age; of which Ostenaco’s mother is an instance. Ostenaco is

about sixty years of age, and the youngest of four; yet his mother still

continues her laborious tasks, and has yet strength enough to carry 200

weight of wood on her back near a couple of miles. I am apt to think

some of them, by their own computation, are near 150 years old.

They have many of them a good uncultivated genius, are fond of speaking

well, as that paves the way to power in their councils; and I doubt not

but the reader will find some beauties in the harangues I have given

him, which I assure him are entirely genuine. Their language is not

unpleasant, but vastly aspirated, and the accents so many and various,

you would often imagine them singing in their common discourse. As the

ideas of the Cherokees are so few, I cannot say much for the copiousness

of their language.

They seldom turn their eyes on the person they speak of, or address

themselves to, and are always suspicious when people’s eyes are fixed

upon them. They speak so low, except in council, that they are often

obliged to repeat what they were saying; yet should a person talk to any

of them above their common pitch, they would immediately ask him, if he

thought they were deaf?

They have likewise a sort of loose poetry, as the war-songs, love-songs,

&c. Of the latter many contain no more than that the young man loves the

young woman, and will be uneasy, according to their own expression, if

he does not obtain her. Of the former I shall present the following

specimen, without the original in Cherokee, on account of the expletive

syllables, merely introduced for the music, and not the sense, just like

the toldederols of many old English songs.

A TRANSLATION of the WAR-SONG.

_Caw waw noo dee, &c._

Where’er the earth’s enlighten’d by the sun,

Moon shines by night, grass grows, or waters run,

Be’t known that we are going, like men, afar,

In hostile fields to wage destructive war;

Like men we go, to meet our country’s foes,

Who, woman-like, shall fly our dreaded blows;

Yes, as a woman, who beholds a snake,

In gaudy horror, glisten thro’ the brake,

Starts trembling back, and stares with wild surprise,

Or pale thro’ fear, unconscious, panting, flies.

[5]Just so these foes, more tim’rous than the hind,

Shall leave their arms and only cloaths behind;

Pinch’d by each blast, by ev’ry thicket torn,

Run back to their own nation, now its scorn:

Or in the winter, when the barren wood

Denies their gnawing entrails nature’s food,

Let them sit down, from friends and country far,

And wish, with tears, they ne’er had come to war.

[6]We’ll leave our clubs, dew’d with their country show’rs,

And, if they dare to bring them back to our’s,

Their painted scalps shall be a step to fame,

And grace our own and glorious country’s name.

Or if we warriors spare the yielding foe,

Torments at home the wretch must undergo[7].

Footnote 5:

As the Indians fight naked, the vanquished are constrained to endure

the rigours of the weather in their flight, and live upon roots and

fruit, as they throw down their arms to accelerate their flight thro’

the woods.

Footnote 6:

It is the custom of the Indians, to leave a club, something of the

form of a cricket-bat, but with their warlike exploits engraved on it,

in their enemy’s country, and the enemy accepts the defiance, by

bringing this back to their country.

Footnote 7:

The prisoners of war are generally tortured by the women, at the

party’s return, to revenge the death of those that have perished by

the wretch’s countrymen. This savage custom has been so much mitigated

of late, that the prisoners were only compelled to marry, and then

generally allowed all the privileges of the natives. This lenity,

however, has been a detriment to the nation; for many of these

returning to their countrymen, have made them acquainted with the

country-passes, weakness, and haunts of the Cherokees; besides that it

gave the enemy greater courage to fight against them.

But when we go, who knows which shall return,

When growing dangers rise with each new morn?

Farewel, ye little ones, ye tender wives,

For you alone we would conserve our lives!

But cease to mourn, ’tis unavailing pain,

If not fore-doom’d, we soon shall meet again.

But, O ye friends! in case your comrades fall,

Think that on you our deaths for vengeance call;

With uprais’d tommahawkes pursue our blood,

And stain, with hostile streams, the conscious wood,

That pointing enemies may never tell

The boasted place where we, their victims, fell[8].

Footnote 8:

Their custom is generally to engrave their victory on some

neighbouring tree, or set up some token of it near the field of

battle; to this their enemies are here supposed to point to, as

boasting their victory over them, and the slaughter that they made.

Both the ideas and verse are very loose in the original, and they are

set to as loose a music, many composing both tunes and song off hand,

according to the occasion; tho’ some tunes, especially those taken from

the northern Indians, are extremely pretty, and very like the Scotch.

The Indians being all soldiers, mechanism can make but little progress;

besides this, they labour under the disadvantage of having neither

proper tools, or persons to teach the use of those they have: Thus, for

want of saws, they are obliged to cut a large tree on each side, with

great labour, to make a very clumsy board; whereas a pair of sawyers

would divide the same tree into eight or ten in much less time:

considering this disadvantage, their modern houses are tolerably well

built. A number of thick posts is fixed in the ground, according to the

plan and dimensions of the house, which rarely exceeds sixteen feet in

breadth, on account of the roofing, but often extend to sixty or seventy

in length, beside the little hot-house. Between each of these posts is

placed a smaller one, and the whole wattled with twigs like a basket,

which is then covered with clay very smooth, and sometimes white-washed.

Instead of tiles, they cover them with narrow boards. Some of these

houses are two story high, tolerably pretty and capacious; but most of

them very inconvenient for want of chimneys, a small hole being all the

vent assigned in many for the smoak to get out at.

Their canoes are the next work of any consequence; they are generally

made of a large pine or poplar, from thirty to forty feet long, and

about two broad, with flat bottoms and sides, and both ends alike; the

Indians hollow them now with the tools they get from the Europeans, but

formerly did it by fire: they are capable of carrying about fifteen or

twenty men, are very light, and can by the Indians, so great is their

skill in managing them, be forced up a very strong current, particularly

the bark canoes; but these are seldom used but by the northern Indians.

They have of late many tools among them, and, with a little instruction,

would soon become proficients in the use of them, being great imitators

of any thing they see done; and the curious manner in which they dress

skins, point arrows, make earthen vessels, and basket-work, are proofs

of their ingenuity, possessing them a long time before the arrival of

Europeans among them. Their method of pointing arrows is as follows:

Cutting a bit of thin brass, copper, bone, or scales of a particular

fish, into a point with two beards, or some into an acute triangle, they

split a little of their arrow, which is generally of reeds; into this

they put the point, winding some deers sinew round the arrow, and

through a little hole they make in the head; then they moisten the sinew

with their spittle, which, when dry, remains fast glewed, nor ever

untwists. Their bows are of several sorts of wood, dipped in bears oil,

and seasoned before the fire, and a twisted bear’s gut for the string.

They have two sorts of clay, red and white, with both which they make

excellent vessels, some of which will stand the greatest heat. They have

now learnt to sew, and the men as well as women, excepting shirts, make

all their own cloaths; the women, likewise, make very pretty belts, and

collars of beads and wampum, also belts and garters of worsted. In arts,

however, as in war, they are greatly excelled by their northern

neighbours.

Their chief trade is with those Europeans with whom they are in

alliance, in hides, furs, &c. which they barter by the pound, for all

other goods; by that means supplying the deficiency of money. But no

proportion is kept to their value; what cost two shillings in England,

and what cost two pence, are often sold for the same price; besides

that, no attention is paid to the goodness, and a knife of the best

temper and workmanship will only sell for the same price as an ordinary

one. The reason of this is, that, in the beginning of the commerce, the

Indians finding themselves greatly imposed upon, fixed a price on each

article, according to their own judgment; powder, balls, and several

other goods, are by this means set so low, that few people would bring

them, but that the Indians refuse to trade with any person who has not

brought a proportionable quantity, and the traders are cautious of

losing a trade in which 5 or 600 per cent. in many articles fully

recompences their loss in these.

As to religion, every one is at liberty to think for himself; whence

flows a diversity of opinions amongst those that do think, but the major

part do not give themselves that trouble. They generally concur,

however, in the belief of one superior Being, who made them, and governs

all things, and are therefore never discontent at any misfortune,

because they say, the Man above would have it so. They believe in a

reward and punishment, as may be evinced by their answer to Mr. Martin,

who, having preached scripture till both his audience and he were

heartily tired, was told at last, that they knew very well, that, if

they were good, they should go up, if bad, down; that he could tell no

more; that he had long plagued them with what they no ways understood,

and that they desired him to depart the country. This, probably, was at

the instigation of their conjurers, to whom these people pay a profound

regard; as christianity was entirely opposite, and would soon dispossess

the people of their implicit belief in their juggling art, which the

professors have brought to so great perfection as to deceive Europeans,

much more an ignorant race, whose ideas will naturally augment the

extraordinary of any thing the least above their comprehension, or out

of the common tract. After this I need not say that in every particular

they are extremely superstitious, that and ignorance going always hand

in hand.

They have few religious ceremonies, or stated times of general worship:

the green corn dance seems to be the principal, which is, as I have been

told, performed in a very solemn manner, in a large square before the

town-house door: the motion here is very slow, and the song in which

they offer thanks to God for the corn he has sent them, far from

unpleasing. There is no kind of rites or ceremonies at marriage,

courtship and all being, as I have already observed, concluded in half

an hour, without any other celebration, and it is as little binding as

ceremonious; for though many last till death, especially when there are

children, it is common for a person to change three or four times

a-year. Notwithstanding this, the Indian women gave lately a proof of

fidelity, not to be equalled by politer ladies, bound by all the sacred

ties of marriage.

Many of the soldiers in the garrison of Fort Loudoun, having Indian

wives, these brought them a daily supply of provisions, though blocked

up, in order to be starved to a surrender, by their own countrymen; and

they persisted in this, notwithstanding the express orders of

Willinawaw, who, sensible of the retardment this occasioned, threatened

death to those who would assist their enemy; but they laughing at his

threats, boldly told him, they would succour their husbands every day,

and were sure, that, if he killed them, their relations would make his

death atone for theirs. Willinawaw was too sensible of this to put his

threats into execution, so that the garrison subsisted a long time on

the provisions brought to them in this manner.

When they part, the children go with, and are provided for, by the

mother. As soon as a child is born, which is generally without help, it

is dipped into cold water and washed, which is repeated every morning

for two years afterward, by which the children acquire such strength,

that no ricketty or deformed are found amongst them. When the woman

recovers, which is at latest in three days, she carries it herself to

the river to wash it; but though three days is the longest time of their

illness, a great number of them are not so many hours; nay, I have known

a woman delivered at the side of a river, wash her child, and come home

with it in one hand, and a goard full of water in the other.

They seldom bury their dead, but throw them into the river; yet if any

white man will bury them, he is generally rewarded with a blanket,

besides what he takes from the corpse, the dead having commonly their

guns, tommahawkes, powder, lead, silver ware, wampum, and a little

tobacco, buried with them; and as the persons who brings the corpse to

the place of burial, immediately leave it, he is at liberty to dispose

of all as he pleases, but must take care never to be found out, as

nothing belonging to the dead is to be kept, but every thing at his

decease destroyed, except these articles, which are destined to

accompany him to the other world. It is reckoned, therefore, the worst

of thefts; yet there is no punishment for this, or any other crime,

murder excepted, which is more properly revenged than punished.

This custom was probably introduced to prevent avarice, and, by

preventing hereditary acquisitions, make merit the sole means of

acquiring power, honour, and riches. The inventor, however, had too

great a knowledge of the human mind, and our propensity to possess, not

to see that a superior passion must intercede; he therefore wisely made

it a religious ceremony, that superstition, the strongest passion of the

ignorant, might check avarice, and keep it in the bounds he had

prescribed. It is not known from whence it came, but it is of great

antiquity, and not only general over all North America, but in many

parts of Asia. On this account the wives generally have separate

property, that no inconveniency may arise from death or separation.