THE ENTRY OF THE UNITED STATES; OUR NAVAL POLICY EXPLAINED
The entry of the United States of America into the war in April, 1917,
had an important although not an immediate effect upon our Naval policy.
That the effect was not immediate was due to the fact that the United
States Navy was at the time indifferently provided with the particular
classes of vessels which were so greatly needed for submarine warfare,
viz. destroyers and other small surface craft, submarines and light
cruisers; further, the United States mercantile fleet did not include
any considerable number of small craft which could be usefully employed
for patrol and escort duty. The armed forces of the United States of
America were also poorly equipped with aircraft, and had none available
for Naval work. According to our knowledge at the time the United States
Navy, in April, 1917, possessed twenty-three large and about twenty-four
small destroyers, some of which were unfit to cross the Atlantic; there
were about twelve submarines capable of working overseas, but not well
suited for anti-submarine work, and only three light cruisers of the
"Chester" class. On the other hand about seven armoured cruisers were
available in Atlantic waters for convoy duties, and the Navy included a
fine force of battleships, of which fourteen were in full commission in
April.
At first, therefore, it was clear that the assistance which could be
given to the Allied Navies would be but slight even if all available
destroyers were sent to European waters. This was, presumably, well
known to the members of the German Naval Staff, and possibly explains
their view that the entry of the United States of America would be of
little help to the Allied cause. The Germans did not, however, make
sufficient allowance for the productive power of the United States, and
perhaps also it was thought in Germany that public opinion in the United
States would not allow the Navy Department to send over to European
waters such destroyers and other vessels of value in anti-submarine
warfare as were available at once or would be available as time
progressed. The German Staff may have had in mind the situation during
the Spanish-American War when the fact of Admiral Cervera's weak and
inefficient squadron being at large was sufficient to affect adversely
the naval strategy of the United States to a considerable extent and to
paralyze the work of the United States Navy in an offensive direction.
Very fortunately for the Allied cause a most distinguished officer of
the United States Navy, Vice-Admiral W.S. Sims, came to this country to
report on the situation and to command such forces as were sent to
European waters. Admiral Sims, in his earlier career before reaching the
flag list, was a gunnery officer of the very first rank. He had
assimilated the ideas of Sir Percy Scott of our own Navy, who had
revolutionized British naval gunnery, and he had succeeded, in his
position as Inspector of Target Practice in the United States Navy, in
producing a very marked increase in gunnery efficiency. Later when in
command, first of a battleship, then of the destroyer flotillas, and
finally as head of the United States Naval War College, his close study
of naval strategy and tactics had peculiarly fitted him for the
important post for which he was selected, and he not only held the
soundest views on such subjects himself, but was able, by dint of the
tact and persuasive eloquence that had carried him successfully through
his gunnery difficulties, to impress his views on others.
Admiral Sims, from the first moment of his arrival in this country, was
in the closest touch with the Admiralty in general and with myself in
particular. His earliest question to me was as to the direction in which
the United States Navy could afford assistance to the Allied cause. My
reply was that the first essential was the dispatch to European waters
of every available destroyer, trawler, yacht, tug and other small craft
of sufficient speed to deal with submarines, other vessels of these
classes following as fast as they could be produced; further that
submarines and light cruisers would also be of great value as they
became available. Admiral Sims responded wholeheartedly to my requests.
He urged the Navy Department with all his force to send these vessels
and send them quickly. He frequently telegraphed to the United States
figures showing the tonnage of merchant ships being sunk week by week in
order to impress on the Navy Department and Government the great urgency
of the situation. I furnished him with figures which even we ourselves
were not publishing, as I felt that nothing but the knowledge given by
these figures could impress those who were removed by 3,000 miles of sea
from the scene of a Naval war unique in many of its features.
Meanwhile the British Naval Commander-in-Chief in North American waters,
Vice-Admiral Sir Montague Browning, had been directed to confer with the
United States Navy Department and to point out our immediate
requirements and explain the general situation.
On April 6 the United States declared war on Germany. On April 13 we
received information from Washington that the Navy Department was
arranging to co-operate with our forces for the protection of trade in
the West Atlantic should any enemy raiders escape from the North Sea,
that six United States destroyers would be sent to European waters in
the immediate future, and that the United States would undertake the
protection of trade on the west coast of Canada and North America as
well as in the Gulf of Mexico. It was further indicated that the number
of United States destroyers for European waters would be increased at an
early date. The vital importance of this latter step was being
constantly urged by Admiral Sims.
When Mr. Balfour's mission left for the United States in April,
Rear-Admiral Sir Dudley de Chair, the naval representative on the
mission, was requested to do all in his power to impress on the United
States Navy Department the very urgent necessity that existed for the
immediate provision of small craft for anti-submarine operations in
European waters and for the protection of trade.
He was informed that the position could not be considered satisfactory
until the number of trawlers and sloops available for patrol and escort
duty was greatly increased and that a total of at least _another hundred
destroyers was required_.
It was pointed out that difficulty might arise from the natural desire
of the United States Government to retain large numbers of small craft
for the protection of shipping in the vicinity of the United States
coast, but it was at the same time indicated that our experience showed
that the number of submarines that the Germans could maintain on the
western side of the Atlantic was very small, and that the real danger
therefore existed in European waters.
Admiral de Chair was asked amongst other matters to emphasize the
assistance which United States submarines could render on the eastern
side of the Atlantic, where they would be able to undertake
anti-submarine operations, and he was also directed to endeavour to
obtain assistance in the production of mines, and the provision of ships
for minelaying work. Great stress was, of course, laid upon the very
important question of a large output of merchant ships and the necessity
for repairing and putting into service the German merchant ships
interned in U.S. ports was urged; directions were also given to Admiral
de Chair to ascertain from Mr. Schwab, of the Bethlehem Steel Company,
and other firms, to what extent they could build for the British Navy
destroyers, sloops, trawlers and submarines, and the rapidity of such
production.
The need for sloops was so great that I sent a personal telegram to Mr.
Schwab, whose acquaintance I had made in October, 1914, on the occasion
of the loss of the _Audacious_, begging him to build at once a hundred
of these vessels to our order. I felt certain from the experience we had
gained of Mr. Schwab's wonderful energy and power, as illustrated by the
work accomplished by him in providing us in 1915 with ten submarines
built in the extraordinarily short period of five months, that he would
produce sloops at a very rapid rate and that there would be no delay in
starting if he undertook the work. The drawings had already been sent
over. However he was not able to undertake the work as the U.S.
Government decided that his yards would all be required for their own
work. This was unfortunate, as I had hoped that these vessels would have
been built in from four to six months, seeing that the drawings were
actually ready; they would have been invaluable in the latter part of
1917.
Whilst the mission was in the United States constant communications
passed on these subjects, the heavy losses taking place in merchant
ships were stated, and every effort was made to impress upon the Navy
Department the urgency of the situation.
The tenor of our communications will be gathered from these quotations
from a personal telegram sent by me to Admiral de Chair on April 26,
viz.:
"For Rear-Admiral de Chair from First Sea Lord.
"You must emphasize most strongly to the United States authorities the
very serious nature of the shipping position. We lost 55 British ships
last week approximately 180,000 tons and rate of loss is not
diminishing.
* * * * *
"Press most strongly that the number of destroyers sent to Ireland
should be increased to twenty-four at once if this number is available.
"Battleships are not required but concentration on the vital question of
defeat of submarine menace is essential.
"Urge on the authorities that everything should give way to the
submarine menace and that by far the most important place on which to
concentrate patrols is the S.W. of Ireland.
* * * * *
"You must keep constantly before the U.S. authorities the great gravity
of the situation and the need that exists for immediate action.
"Our new methods will not be effective until July and the critical
period is April to July."
It was very necessary to bring home to the United States Navy Department
the need for early action. Admiral Sims informed me--as soon as he
became aware of the heavy losses to merchant shipping that were taking
place--that neither he nor anyone else in the United States had realized
that the situation was so serious. This was, of course, largely due to
the necessity which we were under of not publishing facts which would
encourage the enemy or unduly depress our own people. Further, he
informed me that an idea was prevalent in the United States that the
_morale_ of the German submarine crews had been completely broken by
their losses in submarines. This impression was the successful result of
certain action on our part taken with intent to discourage the enemy.
Whatever may have been the case later in the year, we had, however, no
evidence in the spring of 1917 of deterioration of _morale_ amongst
German submarine crews, nor was there any reason for such a result. It
was therefore necessary to be quite frank with Admiral Sims; we knew
quite well that we could not expect new measures to be effective for
some few months, and we knew also that we could not afford a continuance
of the heavy rate of loss experienced in April, without a serious effect
being produced upon our war effort. We were certainly not in the state
of panic which has been ascribed to us in certain quarters, but we did
want those who were engaged in the war on the side of the Allies to
understand the situation in order that they might realize the value that
early naval assistance would bring to the Allied cause. There is no
doubt that great difficulty must be experienced by those far removed
from the theatre of war in understanding the conditions in the war zone.
This was exemplified at a time when we had organized the trade in
convoys and the system was showing itself effective in greatly reducing
losses from submarine attack. We were pressing the United States to
strengthen our escorting forces as far as possible in order to extend
the convoy system, when a telegram arrived from Washington to the effect
that it was considered that ships which were armed were safer when
sailing singly than when in convoy. It has also been stated that the
Admiralty held the view at this time that no solution of the problem
created by the enemy's submarine campaign was in sight. This is
incorrect. We had confidence in the measures--most of them dependent on
the manufacture of material--which were in course of preparation by the
time the United States entered the war, but our opinion was that there
was no _immediate_ solution beyond the provision of additional vessels
for the protection of shipping, and the reason for this view was that
time was required before other measures could be put into effective
operation; this is evident from the final paragraph of my telegram to
Admiral de Chair, dated April 26, which I have quoted.
The first division of six United States destroyers, under the command of
Lieut.-Commander T.K. Taussig, arrived in British waters on May 2, and
they were most welcome. It was interesting to me personally that
Lieut.-Commander Taussig should be in command, as he, when a
sub-lieutenant, had been wounded on the same day as myself during the
Boxer campaign in China, and we had been together for some time
subsequently.
At about this time our advice was sought by the United States Navy
Department as to the best type of anti-submarine craft for the United
States to build; on this subject a very short experience in the war
theatre caused Admiral Sims to hold precisely similar views to myself.
As a result of the advice tendered a great building programme of
destroyers, large submarine-hunting motor launches and other small craft
was embarked upon. Although the completion of these vessels was delayed
considerably beyond anticipated dates, they did, in 1918, exercise an
influence on the submarine war.
The Germans made one great mistake, for which we were thankful. As
already mentioned, it was anticipated that they would send submarines to
work off the United States coast immediately after the declaration of
war by that country. Indeed we were expecting to hear of the presence of
submarines in the West Atlantic throughout the whole of 1917. They did
not appear there until May, 1918. The moral effect of such action in
1917 would have been very great and might possibly have led to the
retention in the United States of some of the destroyers and other small
craft which were of such assistance in European waters in starting the
convoy system. Admiral Sims was himself, I think, anxious on this head.
When the Germans did move in this direction in 1918 it was too late; it
was by that time realized in the United States that the enemy could not
maintain submarines in sufficient numbers in their waters to exercise
any decisive effect, although the shipping losses might be considerable
for a time, and consequently no large change of policy was made.
As is well known, Admiral Sims, with the consent of the United States
Navy Department, placed all vessels which were dispatched to British
waters under the British flag officers in whose Command they were
working. This step, which at once produced unity of command, is typical
of the manner in which the two navies, under the guidance of their
senior officers, worked together throughout the war. The destroyers
operating from Queenstown came under Admiral Sir Lewis Bayly; Captain
Pringle, the senior United States officer on the spot, whose services
were ever of the utmost value, was appointed as Chief of the Staff to
Sir Lewis Bayly, whilst on the occasion of Sir Lewis Bayly, at my urgent
suggestion, consenting to take a few days' leave in the summer of 1917,
Admiral Sims, at our request, took his place at Queenstown, hoisting his
flag in command of the British and United States naval forces. The
relations between the officers and men of the two navies in this Command
were of the happiest possible nature, and form one of the pleasantest
episodes of the co-operation between the two nations. The United States
officers and men very quickly realized the strong personality of the
Commander-in-Chief at Queenstown, and became imbued with the same
feelings of great respect and admiration for him as were held by British
officers and men. Also he made the officers feel that Admiralty House,
Queenstown, was their home when in port, and saw that everything
possible was done for the comfort of the men. The very high standard of
duty set by Sir Lewis, and very fully sustained by him, was cheerfully
and willingly followed by the United States force, the personnel of
which earned his warmest admiration. I think it will be agreed in years
to come that the comradeship between the two navies, first initiated in
the Queenstown Command, went very far towards cementing the bonds of
union between the two great English-speaking nations.
This was the first step in co-operation. The next was taken when the
United States Navy Department, as the result of a request made by us to
Admiral Sims, sent to Gibraltar a detachment of three light cruisers and
a number of revenue cutters as patrol and escort vessels, placing the
whole force under the British senior naval officer at Gibraltar,
Rear-Admiral Heathcote Grant. Here again the relations between the two
navies were of the happiest nature. Finally, later in the year, I
discussed with Admiral Sims the desirability of a small force of United
States battleships being sent to reinforce the Grand Fleet.
When the project was first mentioned my object in asking for the ships
was that they might relieve some of our earlier "Dreadnoughts," which at
that time it was desired to use for another purpose. I discussed the
matter also with Admiral Mayo, the Commander-in-Chief of the United
States Atlantic Fleet, during his visit to this country in August, 1917,
and with Admiral Benson, the Chief of Operations in the United States
Navy Department, when he came over later in the year. Admiral Benson
gave directions that four coal-burning battleships should be sent over.
We were obliged to ask for coal-burning battleships instead of the more
modern vessels with oil-fired boilers owing to the great shortage of oil
fuel in this country and the danger of our reserves being still further
depleted. These vessels, under Rear-Admiral Hugh Rodman, arrived in
British waters early in December, 1917, and formed a division of the
Grand Fleet. The co-operation afloat was now complete, and all that was
needed was further co-operation between the British Admiralty and the
United States Navy Department.
This had already formed the subject of discussions, first between
Admiral Sims and myself, and later with Admirals Mayo and Benson.
During the summer of 1917 Admiral Sims had been invited to attend the
daily meetings of the naval members of the operations side of the Board,
an invitation which he accepted, and his co-operation was of great
value; but we both felt it desirable to go a step farther, and I had
suggested the extreme desirability of the United States Navy Department
sending officers of experience of different ranks to work in the
Admiralty, both on the operations and material side, officers upon whom
the Navy Department could rely to place before us the views of the
Department and to transmit their view of the situation as the result of
their work and experience at the Admiralty. We had pressed strongly for
the adoption of this course. Admiral Benson, after discussions, assented
to it, and the officers on the material side commenced work in the
Admiralty towards the end of 1917, whilst those on the operations side
joined the War Staff early in 1918.
It was felt that this course would complete the co-operation between the
navies of the two countries and, further, that the United States Navy
Department would be kept in the closest possible touch with the British
Admiralty in all respects.
It is particularly to be remembered that even before we had established
this close liaison the whole of the United States naval forces in
British waters had been placed under the command of British naval
officers. This step, so conducive to good results owing to the unity of
command which was thus obtained, won our highest admiration, showing as
it did a fine spirit of self-effacement on the part of the senior
American naval officers.
The visits of Admirals Mayo and Benson to this country were productive
of very good results. The exchange of information which took place was
most beneficial, as was the experience which the admirals gained of
modern naval warfare. Moreover, the utterly baseless suggestion which
had, unfortunately, found expression in some organs of the Press of the
United States that we were not giving the fullest information to the
Navy Department was completely disproved.
When Admiral Mayo arrived in England he informed me that the main
objects of his visit as Commander-in-Chief of the Atlantic Fleet were:
(1) To ascertain our present policy and plans.
(2) To inquire as to the changes, if any, that were contemplated in the
immediate or more distant future.
(3) To ascertain what further assistance it was desired that the United
States should provide from resources then available or likely to be soon
available, and the measures that the United States should take to
provide future forces and material.
Papers were prepared under my direction for Admiral Mayo giving full
information of our immediate needs, of past procedure and of future
plans. As to our needs, the main requests were:
(1) An increase in the number of destroyers, in order to enlarge the
convoy system and to provide better protection for each convoy. An
additional 55 destroyers were stated to be required for this service.
(2) An increase in the number of convoy cruisers for the same reason.
The total addition of cruisers or old battleships was given as 41.
(3) An increase in the number of patrol craft, tugs, etc., for
anti-submarine work.
(4) The rapid building of merchant ships.
(5) The supply of a large number of mines for the proposed barrage in
the North Sea, and assistance towards laying them by the provision of
United States minelaying vessels.
(6) Aircraft assistance in the shape of three large seaplane stations on
the coast of Ireland, with some 36 machines at each station.
(7) The provision of four coal-burning battleships of the "Dreadnought"
type to replace Grand Fleet "Dreadnought" battleships which it was
desired to use for other purposes.
Admiral Mayo was informed that some 100,000 mines would be required from
the Americans for forming and maintaining that portion of the North Sea
Barrage which it was suggested should be laid by them, in addition to
the large number that it was proposed that we ourselves should lay in
the barrage, and that as the barrage would need patrolling by a large
number of small craft, great help would be afforded if the United States
could provide some of these vessels. It was estimated at that time that
the barrage would absorb the services of some 250 small vessels in order
that a sufficient number might be kept constantly on patrol.
It may be of interest to give the history of the North Sea Barrage so
far as I can recollect it. Our views on such a scheme were sought by the
United States Navy Department in the spring of 1917. Owing to various
military circumstances, even at that time we had no prospect of
obtaining mines in adequate numbers for such work for at least nine to
twelve months, nor could we provide the necessary craft to patrol the
barrage. Our view was that such mines as became available during the
last months of 1917 would be more effective if laid nearer to the German
North Sea naval bases, and in the Straits of Dover, than at such a
distance from these bases as the suggestion involved. Apart from our
desire to stop the submarines near their bases, the pros and cons of the
scheme were as follows:
The advantages were:
(1) That, except for the difficulty of preventing the submarines from
using Norwegian territorial waters for egress, a North Sea Barrage would
be a menace to submarines using the Kattegat exit as well as those
coming from North Sea bases.
(2) That the enemy would be unable to sweep up the minefield, owing to
its distance (over 200 miles) from his bases.
The disadvantages were:
(1) The immense number of mines required--some 120,000, excluding
reserves--and the improbability of producing them in Great Britain.
(2) The great depth of water in which many of them were to be moored, a
depth in which no mines had ever been successfully laid before; time
would be required to devise arrangements that would enable the mines to
be laid at such depths.
(3) The very large number of patrol craft that would be needed to force
submarines to dive into that portion of the minefield which was safe for
surface vessels and the difficulty of maintaining them at sea in bad
North Sea weather.
(4) The difficulty of preventing egress by the submarines in Norwegian
territorial waters, in which, even if mines were laid, they would have
to be moored at such a depth as not to constitute a danger to vessels on
the surface.
Shortly after the subject was broached to us we learned that the United
States Navy had devised a mine that it was expected would be
satisfactory for the purpose of the barrage. An experienced mining
officer was at once sent over by us to inspect the mine and to give to
the United States officers such assistance as was possible due to his
great knowledge of mining under war conditions.
When he arrived in the United States the mine was still in the
experimental stage, but later he reported that it promised to be
successful, and in view of the great manufacturing resources in America,
it appeared that a considerable proportion of the mines for the barrage
could be provided by the United States Navy. Our own efforts to produce
a mine suitable for very great depths were also proving successful and
anticipations as to manufacture were optimistic. Accordingly plans were
prepared for a barrage across the North Sea, which were given to Admiral
Mayo before he left England on his return to the United States. Without
seriously relaxing our mining operations in the Heligoland Bight, and
without interfering with our mine barrage on the Folkestone-Grisnez
line, we anticipated at this time that we could provide mines for our
portion of the North Sea Barrage by the time that the United States
supply of mines was in readiness to be laid.
Admiral Mayo was also furnished with papers dealing at length with our
naval policy at the time and the intended future policy, both in home
waters and abroad. Papers were given him relating to our air policy, to
the attitude of neutral countries, to the Belgian coast problem, to the
blockade, to the defence of trade (including one on the convoy system),
to such subjects as the defensive armament of merchant ships with guns,
smoke apparatus and mine defence gear, the instruction of the personnel
in their use, and the system of issuing route instruction to merchant
ships. An important statement was also supplied giving a detailed
account of our anti-submarine policy, both at the time and in the
future.
These papers gave the fullest information on the naval problem, and were
intended to put the United States Naval Department in a position to
appreciate the whole position and its many embarrassments, though we
realized that these could be appreciated only by those who, like Admiral
Sims, were in daily contact with the problems. It will possibly be of
further interest if mention is made of some of the points to which
attention was drawn.
Admiral Mayo, for instance, was informed that British naval policy was
being directed in 1917, as during the remainder of the war, to exerting
constant economic pressure upon the enemy with a view to forcing him to
come to terms. We also endeavoured to prevent the enemy from interfering
with the conduct of the war by ourselves and our Allies. In the
effective pursuit of that policy the duty of the Navy involved:
(1) The protection of the sea communications of the Allied armies and
the protection of British and Allied trade.
(2) The prevention of enemy trade in order to interfere with his
military operations and to exert economic pressure.
(3) Resistance to invasion and raids.
It was pointed out that the question at issue in each case was the
control of sea communications, and in order to attain that control
permanently and completely the enemy's naval forces both above and below
water had to be destroyed or effectually masked. As the weaker German
Fleet not unnaturally refused decisive action and as its _destruction_
had hitherto not been achieved, we had adopted a policy of guarding an
area between our vital communications and the enemy's ports, and of
guarding the areas through which the trade and transports passed; these
were the only methods of frustrating attacks made either by surface
vessels or by submarines which succeeded in reaching open waters. It was
pointed out that a combination of these two methods had been in force
during the wars of the eighteenth century, blockades being combined with
the convoy system and the patrol of local areas by frigates, etc.
History, in fact, was repeating itself.
We mentioned that a close blockade of the German North Sea and Baltic
ports presented insuperable difficulties under the conditions of modern
warfare, and the alternative of controlling the Dover and
Norway-Scotland exits to the North Sea had been adopted. The former
protected the communications of the armies in France, whilst the two
combined covered the maritime communications of the world outside the
North Sea and Baltic, and if they could be effectively guarded our first
two objects would be attained.
So far as the Dover exit was concerned we stated that the narrowness of
the waters, with the consequent risk to the enemy from our mines and
torpedoes, had so far acted as a deterrent to his capital ships; we had
to depend on the light forces at Harwich and Dover to deal with any
enemy surface craft attacking the southern area from German ports.
We pointed out that the control of the Norway-Scotland exit depended
upon the presence of the Grand Fleet at Rosyth or at Scapa. This fleet
ensured the safety of all the vessels engaged in protecting trade and in
hunting submarines outside the North Sea.
Mention was made of the fact that the enemy could not open the sea
routes for his own war ships without risking a serious action, and that
so far he had shown no inclination to run that risk. The Battle of
Jutland having been fought in the previous year, any future movement of
the High Sea Fleet into the North Sea would probably be merely with the
object of drawing our capital ships into prepared areas so as to bring
about a process of attrition by mines and torpedoes. Such a movement had
been carried out on August 19, 1916. The reasons which had led to the
adoption of the Orkney-Faroe-Iceland blockade line were also explained.
It was pointed out that in the early stages of the war, the foregoing
general dispositions had sufficed to protect the Allies' communications
and to throttle those of the enemy outside the Baltic. Although enemy
cruisers in foreign waters and a few raiding vessels which had evaded
the blockade had inflicted losses on trade, losses from such causes
could not reach really serious proportions so long as the enemy trusted
to evasion and refused to face the Grand Fleet. The danger of serious
loss from attack by raiding surface craft had also been greatly
minimized by the adoption of the convoy system. But as the enemy's
submarines increased in size, efficiency and numbers, the situation had
been modified, for evasion by submarines of the command exercised by the
Grand Fleet was easy, and our vital sea communications could be attacked
by them without the risk of a fleet action.
So far as the protection of trade was concerned, the effect therefore of
the submarine campaign had been to remove the barrier established by the
Grand Fleet and to transfer operations to the focal areas and approach
routes.
As the situation developed, a policy of dealing with the submarines by
armed patrol craft and decoy ships in these areas had therefore been put
into force. Merchant ships had been armed as rapidly as possible, and in
addition efforts had been made to intercept the submarines _en route_ to
these areas both in the vicinity of German waters and farther afield.
The great area covered by the approach routes and the increasing radius
of submarine operations had made the provision of a sufficient number of
patrol vessels a practical impossibility and had led to a general
adoption of the convoy system as rapidly as the supply of fast small
craft made this possible.
The methods of attacking German submarines before they could reach open
waters, by extensive mining in the Heligoland Bight, with the exception
of Dutch and Danish territorial waters, were also mentioned.
As regards _future_ naval policy it was pointed out that the enemy
submarine campaign was the dominating factor to such an extent that any
sustained increase in the then rate of sinking merchant ships might
eventually prove disastrous.
Mention was made of the fact that the enemy was still producing
submarines faster than the Allies were destroying them; the policy of
coping with submarines after they reached the open sea had not as yet
been sufficiently effective to balance construction against losses, even
in combination with the extensive minefields laid in the Heligoland
Bight.
The future policy was therefore being directed towards an attempt at a
still more concentrated and effective control in the areas between the
enemy's ports and our trade routes, and it was proposed to form some
description of block or barrage through which the enemy submarines would
not be able to pass without considerable risk. Four forms had been
considered:
(1) A method of blocking either mechanically or by mines all the exits
of the submarines from their North Sea or Baltic bases.
(2) A barrage of mines at different depths, from near the surface of the
sea to near the bottom.
(3) A combination of deep mines with a patrolling force of surface craft
and aircraft whose object would be to force the submarines under the
surface into the minefield.
(4) A force of surface craft and aircraft patrolling an area of
sufficient extent to prevent submarines coming to the surface to
recharge their batteries during the hours of darkness.
Admiral Mayo was informed that in our opinion the first scheme as given
above, viz. _that of absolutely sealing the exits, was the only radical
cure for the evil_, but that there were very great difficulties to be
overcome before such an operation could be successfully carried out. He
was shown the plan that had been prepared for a mechanical block of all
the enemy North Sea bases, and he entirely concurred in the
impracticability of carrying it out. Such a plan had been advocated by
some officers and by other people; it was, of course, most attractive in
theory and appealed strongly to those who looked at the question
superficially. When, however, a definite operation came to be worked out
in detail the difficulties became very apparent, and even enthusiastic
supporters of the _idea_ were forced to change their views. It was not a
matter for surprise to me that the idea of sealing the exits from
submarine bases was urged by so many people on both sides of the
Atlantic. It was, of course, the obvious counter to the submarine
campaign, and it appealed with force to that considerable section which
feels vaguely, and rightly, that _offensive_ action is needed, without
being quite so clear as to the means by which it is to be carried out.
In this particular case I informed the clever and able officers to whom
the planning of the operation was entrusted that they were to proceed on
the assumption that we intended to seal the enemy's ports somehow, and
that they were to devise the best possible scheme, drawing up all the
necessary orders for the operations. This was done in the most complete
detail and with great care and ingenuity, but at the end there was no
difference of opinion whatever as to the inadvisability of proceeding
with the operations.
It is to be observed in connexion with this question that sealing the
North Sea bases would not have been a complete cure, since submarines
could still make their exit via the Kattegat, where we could not block
channels without violating the neutrality of other nations.
The final conclusion arrived at _was to use a combination of the last
three alternatives_ provided that _a satisfactory type of mine_ could be
produced in sufficient numbers and a sufficient supply of small craft
provided by ourselves and the United States.
Full details were given to Admiral Mayo of the proposed North Sea
Barrage on a line totalling 230 miles in length, which was divided into
three parts, Areas A, B and C, of which Area A only would be dangerous
to surface vessels.
It was estimated that Area A would require 36,300 mines, and it was
proposed that this area should be mined by the United States forces with
United States mines.
It was proposed that the British should mine Area B, the requirements
being 67,500 mines, and that the United States should mine Area C, for
which 18,000 United States mines would be required.
The reasons governing the selection of the mine barrage area were fully
given, and the advantages arising from the use of the United States
pattern of mine instead of the British mine for Areas A and C were
stated.
Admiral Mayo was also informed of our intention to establish a mine
barrage in the Channel, on the Folkestone-Grisnez line, as soon as mines
were available, with a strong force of patrol vessels stationed there,
whose duty it would be to compel enemy submarines to dive into the
minefield. He was further made acquainted with our intended policy of
still closer minelaying in the Heligoland Bight.
Although Admiral Mayo was not actually informed of the details of the
future policy which it was hoped to adopt in the Adriatic for the
improvement of the Otranto Barrage, various schemes were at the time
being worked out between the British, French and Italian Admiralties,
having as their object the prevention or obstruction of the exit of
enemy submarines from the Adriatic, in the same way as it was hoped to
obstruct German submarines from making their exit from the North Sea
without incurring heavy losses. The great depth of water in the southern
part of the Adriatic constituted the main difficulty facing us in the
solution of this problem. In August, 1917, it was, however, definitely
decided to establish a barrage of nets and mines across the Straits of
Otranto, and the work was put in hand. This became effective during
1918.
The paper on Naval Air Policy showed the aim of the Admiralty to be:
To provide in sufficient numbers a type of airship which would be able
to scout with the Grand Fleet, and, in this respect, to perform the duty
of light cruisers. Airship stations had been established on the East
Coast for this purpose.
To provide also a type of airship for coastal patrol work and for the
escort of merchant ships in convoy. For these airships stations had been
established on the East, South and West Coasts and at Scapa.
To provide a sufficient supply of kite balloons for the work of the
Grand Fleet. Fleet kite balloon stations had already been established at
Rosyth and Scapa, and the resources of the latter station were
supplemented by a kite balloon ship. It was intended also to provide
kite balloons for flotillas or single vessels engaged in submarine
hunting or in convoy work. A large number of kite balloon stations for
anti-submarine work had been or were being established round the coast
for this work.
As to the future programme of rigid airships, Admiral Mayo was told that
it was under consideration to construct three new rigid stations, also
that three new stations for the use of non-rigids for anti-submarine
work were to be established, while it was also proposed to provide
sufficient resources to allow of a number of kite balloons being worked
in vessels between the North of Scotland and Norway and to the eastward
of the English Channel.
Admiral Mayo was also informed that it was proposed to provide
sufficient "heavier than air" craft of various types for the Fleet, both
to insure adequate air reconnaissance and to drive off hostile aircraft.
The Grand Fleet was at the time already provided with three seaplane
carriers, and the _Furious_ and other special vessels were being fitted
to carry aircraft. Many of the armoured vessels and light cruisers of
the Fleet had also been fitted to carry aircraft, whilst the Harwich
light cruiser force possessed one seaplane carrier; two carriers were
devoted to anti-submarine work, and three were employed in the
Mediterranean.
It was further stated that machines for naval reconnaissance were
working from several East Coast stations, and that lighters to carry
seaplanes for more extended reconnaissance and offensive work were under
construction. The work carried out by our naval aircraft off the Belgian
coast, comprising the duty of keeping the coast under constant
observation, of spotting the gunfire of ships, of fighting aircraft and
bombing objectives of importance, were also mentioned, as well as the
work in the Mediterranean, where there were four bases in the Aegean.
The extensive anti-submarine patrol work round the British Isles and in
the Mediterranean was touched upon, there being "heavier than air"
stations at the time at
Houton Bay.
Dundee.
South Shields.
Bembridge.
Calshot.
Portland.
Killingholme.
Yarmouth.
Felixstowe.
Westgate.
Dover.
Newhaven.
Cherbourg.
Plymouth.
Newlyn.
Scilly.
Fishguard.
Steps were being taken to extend the number of stations as soon as
possible, the new programme including stations at such places as
Padstow.
Wexford.
Queenstown.
Berehaven.
Loch Foyle.
Loch Ryan (or in the Hebrides).
Shetlands.
Peterhead.
In the event of the United States being in a position to co-operate in
the work, it was recommended that the three main seaplane stations in
Ireland should be taken over by the Americans, and equipped, manned and
controlled entirely by United States personnel.
In regard to the convoy system a full description of the whole
organization was given, with the results up to date, and details of the
vessels available and still needed for its protection.
Full information was afforded on the subject of the arming of merchant
ships and fitting other defensive measures to them, and the routeing
system in use for merchant ships was described in detail.
In the remarks on our anti-submarine warfare it was pointed out that
anti-submarine measures were carried out both on the surface, under
water, and in the air.
The surface measures were described as follows:
In twelve of the twenty-two areas into which the waters round the United
Kingdom were divided, regular _hunting flotillas_ were at work,
comprising trawlers and motor launches fitted with hydrophones. Before
the institution of the convoy system a few fast vessels, such as
destroyers or "P" boats, had been formed into hunting flotillas, but the
convoy work had necessitated the withdrawal of all these vessels, and
the work of the flotillas had suffered in consequence, the speed of
trawlers being too slow to offer the same prospect of success in such
anti-submarine measures. The flotillas of motor launches which had been
formed were of considerable utility in fine weather, but they could only
operate in comparatively smooth water.
At the time of Admiral Mayo's visit a force of thirty-two trawlers to
work with about six sloops or destroyers was being organized as vessels
became available, to operate in the North Sea with a view to engaging
enemy submarines on passage in those waters.
It was also pointed out to Admiral Mayo that the coast patrol vessels
which were not actually in the hunting flotillas were all engaged in
anti-submarine work and did frequently come into action against the
German submarines.
Finally Admiral Mayo was informed that the convoy system itself was
looked upon as an offensive measure since the German submarines would,
in order to attack vessels under convoy, be forced into contact with the
fast craft engaged in the work of escort and thus place themselves in
positions in which they could themselves be successfully attacked.
Admiral Mayo, during his stay in European waters, inspected some of our
naval bases and paid a visit to the Grand Fleet.
He crossed to France in order that he might see the work being carried
out at French ports by vessels of the United States Navy, and while
returning from this visit he honoured the British Navy by accompanying
Sir Reginald Bacon and myself in H.M.S. _Broke_ to witness a bombardment
of Ostend by the monitor _Terror_. On this occasion Admiral Mayo's flag
was hoisted in the _Broke_ and subsequently presented to him as a
souvenir of the first occasion of a United States Admiral having been
under fire in a British man-of-war. It is satisfactory to record that
subsequent aerial photographs showed that much damage to workshops,
etc., had been caused by this bombardment.
The Admiral and his Staff very quickly established themselves in the
high regard of British naval officers, and it was with much regret that
we witnessed their return to the United States. My own associations with
the Admiral had led to a feeling of great friendship. He left behind him
his Chief of Staff, Captain Jackson, who to our great regret had been
seriously injured in a motor accident.
Admiral Benson's visit took place later in the year. I had written to
him urging him to come across so that he might have first-hand knowledge
of the state of affairs and of the policy being followed. During his
visit the same questions were discussed as with Admiral Mayo, and
important action was taken in the direction of closer naval co-operation
between the Allies by the formation of an Allied Naval Council
consisting of the Ministers of Marine and the Chiefs of the Naval Staff
of the Allied Nations and of the United States. This proposal had been
under discussion for some little time, and, indeed, naval _conferences_
had been held on previous occasions. The first of these during my tenure
of office at the Admiralty was on January 23 and 24, 1917, and another
was held during the visit of Admiral Mayo and at the instigation of the
Government of the United States on September 4 and 5, 1917. On this
latter occasion important discussions had taken place, principally on
the subject of submarine warfare, the methods of dealing with it in home
waters and in the Mediterranean, and such matters as the provision of
mercantile shipping for the use of our Allies.
There was, however, no regular council sitting at specified intervals,
and it was this council which came into being in the early part of
December. Its functions were to watch over the general conduct of the
naval war and to insure co-ordination of the effort at sea as well as
the development of all scientific operations connected with the conduct
of the war.
Special emphasis was laid upon the fact that the individual
responsibility of the respective Chiefs of the Naval Staff and of the
Commanders-in-Chief at sea towards their Governments as regards
operations in hand as well as the strategical and technical disposition
of the forces placed under their command remained unchanged; this
proviso was a necessity in naval warfare, and was very strongly insisted
upon by the Admiralty.
The attention of the Council was directed at the earliest meetings to
the situation in the Mediterranean, where naval forces from the British
Empire, France, Greece, Italy, Japan and the United States were working,
and where the need for close co-operation was most urgent. The real need
in the Mediterranean, as was frequently pointed out, was the inclusion
of the naval forces of all the Allied nations under one single command.
In 1918 strong efforts were made to carry out this policy, and indeed
the actual Admiralissimo was selected, but the attempt failed in the
end.
Both these distinguished American officers were reminded, as indeed they
must have seen for themselves, that the successful combating of the
submarine danger depended largely on the manufacture of material, and
that the resources of this country, with its great fleet and its large
and increasing armies, were so seriously taxed that the execution of the
plans of the Admiralty were being constantly and gravely delayed. The
Admiralty was, indeed, seriously embarrassed by difficulties in the
adequate supply of mines and other means of destroying submarines as
well as of fast craft of various descriptions. The Admiralty, as was
pointed out, were doing not what they would like to do, but what they
could do, both in the way of offensive and defensive action. The
supplies of raw material and labour controlled in large measure the
character and extent of the operations at sea.