CLIVE DECIDES FOR THE CAREER OF A SOLDIER
Before the conditions of the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle had become
known in India, the English governor of Fort St. David had despatched
thence a small force of 430 Englishmen and 1000 sipahis to assist the
ex-Raja of Tanjore, who had been dethroned for gross misconduct, to
recover his kingdom. That, at least, was the nominal reason. The
ambition to obtain for the English possession of Devikota, a fort on
the river Coleroon, at the point where that river runs into the sea,
was the true cause of the action. The force was commanded by Captain
Cope, an officer of inferior merit. Clive accompanied it as a
volunteer. The expedition failed from causes which it was impossible
to combat. The ex-Raja had no partisans, and the season was that of
the monsoon-storms.
Still the idea was too popular to be abandoned. After the treaty
between the two nations had reached India the expedition was
therefore resumed. This time Major Lawrence, released by the action
of that treaty, assumed the command. He took with him the entire
available European force of the Company, leaving only a few to man
the defences, and giving Clive a commission for the time only, to
accompany {43}him as lieutenant, proceeded to Devikota by sea, landed
his troops, and commenced to batter the place. On the morning of the
fourth day a practicable breach was pronounced, and a storming party
was ordered. By his conduct Clive had already won the esteem of
Lawrence,[1] and it was to him that he gave command of the party.
[Footnote 1: The partiality which induced Lawrence to entrust Clive
with so important a duty is to be found under his own hand. 'A man of
undaunted resolution,' he writes in his memoirs, 'of a cool temper,
and a presence of mind which never left him in the greatest danger.
Born a soldier, for, without a military education of any sort or much
conversing with any of the profession, from his judgement and good
sense, he led an army like an experienced officer and a brave
soldier, with a prudence that certainly warranted success. This young
man's early genius surprised and engaged my attention, as well before
as at the siege of Devikota, where he behaved in courage and
judgement much beyond what could have been expected from his years,
and his success afterwards confirmed what I had said to so many
people concerning him.' Cambridge's _War in India_, pp. 18-19.]
To lead a storming party is an honour full of danger. So found Clive
on this occasion. Of the twenty-nine Europeans who composed it,
twenty-six were swept away by the enemy's horsemen, the sipahis
halting and witnessing the deed. Clive with the three survivors
managed to join the main body which was advancing under Lawrence, and
this body, repulsing a charge of cavalry which endeavoured to thwart
it, pushed vigorously on, and stormed Devikota. Abandoning the cause
of the ex-Raja, Lawrence then made a treaty with the powers that
were, in virtue of which Devikota was ceded to the East India
Company, and the Raja paid all the expenses of the {44}war. The force
returned to Fort St. David to find the fleet of Admiral Boscawen
still off the coast.
But, during the absence of the English troops, there had occurred in
the Karnatik one of those revolutions which were not uncommon in the
days of the dissolution of the Mughal empire.
On the 17th of April, 1748, the titular King of Delhi, Muhammad Shah,
had died. His son, Ahmad Shah, had succeeded him. Rather less than a
month later, the Subahdar of the Deccan, the famous Nizam-ul-Mulk,
also died. He had in his lifetime arranged that the succession to the
inheritance of the Deccan should devolve upon his second son, Nasir
Jang, and Ahmad Shah at once confirmed the nomination.[2] But those
were not the days when a succession to vast power and great
territories went unopposed. A claimant to the sovereignty of the
Deccan soon appeared in the person of Muzaffar Jang, grandson of the
late Subahdar, and at the moment holding the government of Bijapur.
Not sufficiently powerful to press his claim without assistance
Muzaffar Jang proceeded at once to Satara, enlisted the Marathas in
his cause, persuaded them to release Chanda Sahib, and to supply him
with troops. The arrangement between the two princes was that, in
case of success, Muzaffar Jang should become Subahdar of the Deccan,
Chanda Sahib Nawab of the Karnatik. It is necessary to state these
facts clearly, because the war, thus initiated, formed the basis of
the continued hostilities {45}between the French and English after
peace had been proclaimed in Europe.
[Footnote 2: Elliott's _History of India_, pp. 112-3, vol. viii.]
The reader may recollect that in the earlier part of this book[3] I
have shown how Chanda Sahib had formed a very high opinion of the
French and how he had cultivated their friendship. Resolving now to
avail himself of former favours, he made overtures to Dupleix, and
obtained from him promise of substantial assistance. These promises
were kept, and, towards the end of July, 1749, a detachment of French
soldiers joined the armies of the two conspirators at the Damalcherri
Pass. A few days later (August 3) they met at Ambur the army of
Anwar-ud-din, completely defeated it, slew Anwar-ud-din himself, took
prisoner his eldest son, the Ma'afuz Khan who had been defeated by
Paradis at St. Thome, and forced the second son, Muhammad Ali, to
save himself by flight to Trichinopoli. Marching straight to Arcot,
Muzaffar Jang proclaimed himself Subahdar of the Deccan, and Chanda
Sahib to be Nawab of Arcot. As the French had espoused the cause of
Chanda Sahib it was natural that the English should sustain the
claims of the rival. This rival was Muhammad Ali, the son of the late
Nawab, just escaped from the field of Ambur. The two pretenders,
whose cause had been adopted by the French, then proceeded to
Pondicherry. There Dupleix, whose vision on political matters was
remarkably clear, insisted that before committing themselves
{46}further, they should rid themselves of the only possible rival
then at large, and should march against Trichinopoli. This they
hesitated to do so long as the English fleet should remain off the
coast.
[Footnote 3: Chapter III.]
This was the situation when Lawrence and Clive returned from the
storming of Devikota. The chief of the English settlement was then
Mr. Floyer, a gentleman who had a great dread of responsibility. The
fighting party in the Council of Fort St. David urged that Muhammad
Ali should be supported, that the English fleet should remain off the
coast, and that Trichinopoli should be defended. The admiral declared
his willingness to remain if Mr. Floyer would only ask him. But
Floyer shrank from the responsibility. Consequently the fleet sailed
on the 1st of November, leaving behind 300 men as an addition to the
garrison.
The very day after the disappearance of the English fleet had become
known (November 2), Muzaffar Jang and Chanda Sahib, with their French
allies, marched towards Trichinopoli. But the two Indian princes had
been most improvident. They had spent all their funds. To obtain more
they assailed the strong fortress of Tanjore, captured one of the
gates of the fortress, and forced the Raja to agree to pay them very
large sums. But the wily prince, learning that Nasir Jang was
marching to his aid, managed to delay the chief payment until he had
ascertained that the Subahdar was within striking distance of the
place. He then point-blank refused to hand over {47}the money. The
news of the approach of Nasir Jang spread disorder in the ranks of
the armies of Muzaffar Jang and Chanda Sahib, and they hurriedly
retreated on Pondicherry.
Scenes of indescribable turmoil followed. In one of the skirmishes
that ensued there occurred an event which, unpromising as it appeared
at the outset, proved the means of the temporary accomplishment of
the plans of the two conspirators. In a skirmish Muzaffar Jang was
taken prisoner and placed in irons by the Subahdar. When in that
position, however, he managed to corrupt three of the principal
chiefs who followed the banner of that prince. Their schemes were
communicated to Chanda Sahib and to his French allies. The result was
that when the two rival armies joined battle at a place sixteen miles
from the strong fortress of Gingi, which, meanwhile, the French under
Bussy had captured, Nasir Jang's own levies turned against him and
slew him; released Muzaffar Jang, and acknowledged him Subahdar of
the Deccan.
This event occurred on the 16th of December, 1750. Chanda Sahib
himself carried the news of the accomplished revolution from the
battlefield to Pondicherry. The new Subahdar followed him, and, for a
while, French interests seemed predominant in the Karnatik. Then, for
a moment, the tide seemed to ebb. On his way to Aurangabad Muzaffar
Jang was slain by the very three conspirators who had compassed the
death of his predecessor. The French {48}troops with the force,
commanded by the energetic Bussy, speedily avenged his death, and
caused Salabat Jang, the third son of the late Nizam-ul-Mulk, to be
proclaimed his successor. As Bussy with a force of French troops was
to remain with him as his protector, it seemed as though French
influence was destined to remain predominant in Southern India.
And so but for one man it would have remained, increasing its
strength until its roots had spread far and wide below the surface.
This, we believe, is the true lesson of the early part of this
biography. It was one man's genius which, meeting the French on the
ground of their own selection, seized their idea, made it his own,
and worked it to their destruction. It was Clive who hoisted Dupleix
with his own petard. We shall now see how.
After the return of the troops from the conquest of Devikota, the
Government of Fort St. David had appointed Clive to be Commissary of
the forces. Before, however, he could assume the duties of the office
he had fallen sick, and had been sent by the doctors for a cruise in
the Bay of Bengal. On his return thence in the early days of 1751 he
found great demands on his activity. It devolved on him to equip a
force of 280 English and 300 sipahis, ordered, under Cope, to proceed
to Trichinopoli, still threatened by the French and their allies.
This accomplished, Clive was directed to accompany, as Commissary, a
larger force of 500 English, 1000 sipahis, and 100 Africans, ordered,
under Captain Gingens, for Volkonda, 38 miles {49}to the
north-north-east of Trichinopoli, there to intercept a French force
marching in that direction.
Gingens was not a strong officer, and by gross mismanagement he
allowed the French to get the better of him. Clive, whose soldier's
eye and martial instincts disapproved entirely of the evils he could
not, from his position, prevent,[4] then and there quitted the force
and returned to Fort St. David.
[Footnote 4: Captain Dalton, who served under Captain Gingens, writes
of him in his journal as 'a man of unfortunately jealous temper which
made him mistrust the goodwill of any who offered to give him
advice.' Vide _Memoir of Captain Dalton_, 1886, pp. 93-4.]
The return of Clive was opportune. The new Governor, Mr. Saunders, a
man of a large and comprehensive intellect, was waiting the arrival
of troops from England to fit out a new expedition of 80 Englishmen
and 300 sipahis to convoy provisions to Trichinopoli. He had no
officer, however, to whom he dared entrust the command. A civilian of
his Council, Mr. Pigot, was then deputed to lead the force the first
forty miles, when it would be beyond the reach of hostile attack, and
Clive volunteered to go with him. The force set out in July, 1751,
and on the third day reached Verdachelam, the point indicated. Thence
the two English civilians turned back as had been arranged, and,
though attacked on the way by a swarm of native horsemen, reached
Fort St. David in safety. The detachment then marched through a safe
country to Trichinopoli.
A few days later fresh troops arrived from England. Mr. Saunders was
anxious to despatch these to {50}reinforce the troops under Gingens,
but again the same difficulty presented itself. Meanwhile Clive had
deliberately considered his position. As a civilian, he had had a
career which did not satisfy him. As Commissary, it had been his fate
to witness the inefficient leading of others, without any authority
to interfere. He felt within him the power to command. His transfer
to the military service would, he saw, relieve the Governing Council
from a great difficulty, and give him, possibly, a command which he
could exercise for the benefit of his country. Very soon did he
decide. Mr. Saunders, whose appreciation of him was not inferior to
that of Major Lawrence, sanctioned the transfer of his name to the
military list, bestowed upon him the commission of captain,[5] and
directed him to proceed at once, with a detachment of the few troops
available, to Devikota, to place himself there under the orders of
Captain Clarke, whose total force would thus be augmented to 100
English, 50 sipahis, and one field-piece. The two officers were then
to march with this detachment to Trichinopoli. There Clive was to
take stock of the position and report to Mr. Saunders.
[Footnote 5: The order of appointing Clive ran as follows:--'Mr.
Robert Clive, who has lately been very serviceable in conducting
several parties to camp, offering to go, without any consideration of
pay, provided we will give him a Brevet to entitle him to the rank of
a Captain, as he was an Officer at the Siege of Pondichery, and
almost the whole time of the War, and distinguished himself on many
occasions, it is conceived that this Officer may be of some service,
and, therefore, now ordered that a Brevet be drawn out, and given
him.' Forrest.]
This happened towards the end of July, 1751.
{51}