BULGARIA.
Country and People—The building up of the Bulgarian
State—Relations with Russia—German Influence—Alexander of
Battenberg—King Ferdinand—Bulgaria’s Immediate Duty.
Although it is asserted on historical grounds that the Bulgarians are
a mixed race, and merely “Slavicized” by the influence of neighbouring
Slav races, they certainly ought to be included in the great Slav
family. In many ways they have always held aloof from the Slav Ideal,
and emphatically preferred to stand alone, but, nevertheless, they
have done great service to the Slav cause in the past, and often
fought for it with true enthusiasm. In the early days of Christianity
the Bulgarians also did much for Slav culture through the Bogumili—(a
sect of reformers which will be dealt with in the Chapter on the
Southern Slavs)—who spread religious enlightenment, and through the
old Bulgarian tongue laid the foundation of the other Slav languages.
The Bulgarians, who were once masters of a great Empire, and enjoyed
worldwide importance under Simeon the Great, had to share the
age-long tragedy of all the Eastern Slavs, and it speaks volumes
for their national character that they emerged from Turkish bondage
as a strong, self-reliant people. Whoever knows the Bulgarians
well, cannot fail to respect them, even if they do not inspire great
affection. I believe as a race they are not affectionate—they prefer
to command respect. The gentle, dreamy, love-craving element in the
character of the other Slavs is quite absent in them, and even their
fire and enthusiasm is not a matter of sentiment, but a practical
necessity—almost a matter of mathematical calculation. Industrious
and thrifty as no other Slav nation, cold-blooded and calculating,
they have justly been called the “Slav Japanese.” Their type is very
interesting and differs considerably from that of the other Slavs.
Almost without exception the men are handsome and strongly built,
whereas the appearance of the women is spoilt by their wide cheek-bones
and thick-set build. Like most of the Slav peoples they are mainly
farmers and cattle-breeders, and as the country is fertile, they make
quite a good income out of their exports of grain, field-produce and
cattle.
Although Bulgarian intellectual life springs from the people, and
the Bulgarians are essentially a democratic nation, it is necessary
to distinguish between the educated classes and the common people.
The Bulgarian peasant is an exceedingly good fellow; physically very
active, mentally rather stolid, he pursues his calling in a calm
deliberate way, and is not easily ruffled. His food is most simple;
he takes practically no alcohol and, owing to his temperate mode of
life, lives to a very great age. The entire population numbers about
four millions and shows a greater percentage of centenarians than any
other nation. The Bulgarians are very fond of music and dancing, but
they have no music or poetry of their own, and what they do possess
has been borrowed from the Turks or other Orientals. The traveller may
often come upon the genuine Nautch dance in a Bulgarian village, and
will hear songs sung to purely Turkish melodies. If the Bulgarians
have any advantage over the other Slavs, it is in the beauty of their
unadulterated Orthodox faith. The people are narrowly religious, and up
to now their religion represents the zenith of their culture. In this
respect they resemble the Russians and all the Slavs who have retained
the Slavo-Orthodox faith. It is superfluous to enlarge on the fighting
qualities of the Bulgarians—Kirkilisse, Lule Burgas, and Adrianople
have given ample proof of these.
The educated classes are distinct from the people in two ways: they are
free-thinkers and quarrelsome. Religion is cultivated among them as a
fashion, and the churches have become mere rendezvous, as in Paris,
Berlin and Vienna. But, in spite of all this, one must admit that the
educated classes of Bulgaria are excellent social organizers, though
politically and intellectually they are not particularly brilliant.
The amount achieved in social matters by these men in the short time
that has elapsed since the emancipation is marvellous. Bulgaria in
this respect has become a truly modern state. This bright side is,
however, eclipsed by the countless blunders they have committed in
other respects. The worst of these is their headstrong blindness in
the political administration. Bulgarian politics have degenerated
into a devastating party-system, and are largely responsible for the
tragical happenings of recent years, in which the whole country, and
more especially the innocent mass of the people have been involved.
The chief characteristic of the educated Bulgarian is his distrust of
everyone; he does not confine this distrust to strangers, but extends
it even to his King and his own party leader.
Hitherto intellectual Bulgaria has created but little, and that little
is quite out of proportion to the achievements of some other much
smaller Slav nations. Bulgarian art and literature are merely poor
reproductions of foreign originals and by no means express the strength
and vitality of the people. Of all their poets Ivan Vasoff, Hristoff,
and Aleko Konstantinoff alone have understood anything of the soul
of the people, and only their work will live. In art we seek in vain
for anything purely Bulgarian. But there is one thing of the greatest
value that the educated Bulgarians have done for their nation, and
for this they deserve a true crown of laurels. I am referring to the
organization of the Macedonian bands during the last half-century.
Their perseverance and heroism call for the greatest admiration.
The country owned by the Bulgarians is one of the most beautiful
inhabited by Slavs. Only Dalmatia and Bosnia can compare with it, and
whoever has once been there will never forget it. It is the land of the
great Balkans in all their wild beauty—the land of the Kazanlik Valley
with its vast glorious rose-fields; the Vratza Gorge with its romantic
cliffs, dark primeval forests, and hills covered with lilac; the Black
Sea, and the beautiful shores of Varna and Burgas, and above all tower
the snow-capped summits of the Vitosha. Everywhere, and in everything,
dwells a throbbing life, full of variety and contrast, beautiful as the
men of Bulgaria and rugged as their women.
* * * * *
Bulgaria was freed from the Turkish yoke in 1878. The work of
emancipation was carried out by Russia with the help of Bulgarian
bands and many volunteers from all the Slav countries. By the peace
of San Stefano Bulgaria was _de jure_ declared mistress of the entire
territories from the Black Sea to Silistria, and along the Danube as
far as Vidin in the north, from Vidin along the Morava _via_ Ochrida
as far as Yanina in the west, from Yanina _via_ Salonika to Kavala in
the south, and in a straight line from Kavala to Varna in the east.
_De facto_ she was only given independent jurisdiction over such
territories as she possessed up to the first Balkan war. The complete
liberation of Bulgaria was by no means achieved by the emancipation,
and she continued to remain under Turkish suzerainty.
The first task after the emancipation was to reconstruct the country on
the lines of a modern European state, and to infuse new life into it
after so many centuries of Turkish misrule. Education was represented
solely by the priests and the schoolmasters, who had laboured for the
enlightenment of the people even before the emancipation. Of course,
there were a few Bulgarians who possessed a European education, and had
graduated at European universities, and upon these devolved the task of
solving the problems of the newly-created state. There were however so
few of them that, at the beginning, many men of culture were imported
from other Slav countries, chiefly from Russia, Croatia and Bohemia.
The military administration was entrusted to Russia, who established
garrisons of her own in Bulgaria and undertook to create the Bulgarian
army. Considering the transitionary stage of the country at the time,
it was inevitable that the Russian military authorities should obtain
considerable influence over the civil administration also, and that
Bulgarian affairs fell under Russian influence from the very beginning.
Prince Alexander of Battenberg, the first Bulgarian ruler, came to
the throne under similar conditions as King Carol to the throne of
Roumania. He was confronted with a super-human task, and Bulgarian
history can never deny the great service he rendered the country. He
came with a definite mission and set to work with the greatest possible
zeal. He devoted his attention chiefly to the education of the people
and to the army, and he found his most energetic ally in the people
themselves. The prompt efficiency of the school system would have done
credit to many a more modern state. The Bulgarians are intelligent,
persevering, and fond of learning, and popular education made immense
strides. At the present day the percentage of adult Bulgarians who
cannot read and write is exceedingly small compared to most other
countries—it is 2-1/2 per cent. of the adult population. The national
system of compulsory education affected the very poorest peasants
as well as the better classes. Before the foundation of secondary
schools in the country large numbers of young men were sent to foreign
secondary schools and universities, and every year yielded its quota
of well-equipped youths capable of providing the motive power for the
machinery of the State. Similar purposeful energy characterized the
military organization, with the intention of forming an independent,
purely Bulgarian army. For, in spite of his great admiration for Russia
and the Tsar Liberator, Prince Alexander felt that dependence upon
Russia—more especially a military dependence—would render his country a
vassal _de facto_ of Russia, no less than it was _de jure_ already the
vassal of Turkey. He therefore strove to render the Russian military
administration superfluous in Bulgaria by building up an efficient home
army.
As soon as this was accomplished he sent a letter of thanks to the
Tsar, made a public manifesto, gave a big dinner to the Russian
generals, and gratefully dismissed the Russian co-operation. Then
the Russian generals had to leave Bulgaria. No one can deny that
Prince Alexander showed himself manly and self-reliant in taking this
decision, which was prompted by a very proper ambition. But he gave
mortal offence in Russia, and from that moment he fell completely
from Russian favour. The Court circles in St. Petersburg, which had
been hostile to him from the beginning, now began to intrigue against
him in Bulgaria, their efforts finding a ready response in the
pro-Russian party. The first Serbian War in 1885 afforded splendid
proof of Alexander’s military organization, but his influence was too
far undermined, and even his victories failed to save him. The tide
of adverse circumstances was too strong and led to the inevitable
but, fortunately, bloodless _coup d’état_ in 1886. Prince Alexander
was taken from his palace by night, transported over the frontier and
formally deposed.
Prince Alexander left Bulgaria a well-organized State, only disturbed
by internal party hatreds. The new ruler, Prince Ferdinand of Coburg,
was received with divided sympathies. Already in many ways his path had
been smoothed for him, but he met with far more opposition from his own
people than his predecessor, whom Russia had installed. In spite of all
this, the machinery of State continued in the path of progress, the
constitution of the country was established on a broad liberal basis,
and the army increased in importance from year to year. With iron
perseverance Bulgaria steadily advanced to take her place among modern
states, and even succeeded in taking the lead in the Balkan question.
The proclamation of Ferdinand as King of Bulgaria put an end once and
for all to the shadow of Turkish suzerainty, and since then Bulgaria
has been frankly acknowledged as a strong, free and independent State.
* * * * *
In the course of years Bulgarian relations with Russia have passed
through many phases, especially during the reign of King Ferdinand.
As a rule the will of Russia was decisive, but her general influence
always depended on home politics and varied with the party in power.
Enthusiasm for Russia and antagonism against Russian influence were
alternately the order of the day. Only the people of Bulgaria remained
constant in their confidence and affection for Russia; they could
never forget whose hand had set them free, and even political changes
could not shake them. Certain political circles took the emancipation
from Russia as their party cry and hoped to make the country great
_outside_ the Russian protectorate. They desired to translate their
motto “Bulgaria for the Bulgarians” into an absolute fact. This party
was founded by the notorious Stambuloff, and whenever they came into
power they insisted on regarding not only Russia as the national enemy,
but also the Bulgarian _people_ who were in sympathy with Russia, and
they did their utmost to tyrannize the people out of this “disease.”
In fighting for this idea they coined the party catchword—“Greater
Bulgaria” in the hope of bribing the people by promises of Macedonia,
Serbia, Greece, and even Constantinople as future tit-bits. This
particular party knew very well that Russia would never allow the
Slav equilibrium in the Balkans to be upset, and, as it was not over
Slavonic in its sympathies, it waged a bitter opposition against
the Russian protectorate, under which all the Balkan Slav nations
stand to benefit equally. In opposition to Stambuloff’s party there
arose another, founded by Karaveloff, the greatest of Bulgarian
patriots, who fought with all the enthusiasm of which grateful hearts
are capable. Karaveloff saw clearly that Bulgaria would be too weak
to stand alone for a very long time to come, and that the Russian
protectorate was a strong guarantee against foreign hostile influence.
After Karaveloff’s death his ideas found enthusiastic partisans in
Czankoff, Radoslavoff and Daneff in spite of minor tactical party
differences. Stambuloff’s violent death—he was assassinated in
the open street—put an end to the _régime_ of his party for many
years, and brought the moderate pro-Russian parties into power. But
Bulgaria was deeply injured by his policy. He bequeathed a legacy of
discord and hatred at home and provoked Russia’s displeasure abroad.
The new pro-Russian Government did its utmost to heal the breach,
and succeeded in improving relations with Russia, but Stambuloff’s
partisans agitated in every possible way for the re-instatement of the
radical anti-Russian party. In Dushan Petkoff and Evlogij Genadieff
they had energetic leaders, who pursued their goal with all the
characteristic Bulgarian tenacity and a ruthless persistence that
was positively Asiatic. After Ferdinand had established a personal
_régime_ in Bulgaria, they realized that the turn of fortune’s wheel
no longer depended on the temper of the nation or the strength of a
party, but on the _will of the ruler_, and they were content to bide
their time. _Among the people they had no following whatsoever._ But
whichever party is in power by the will of the ruler is assured of
a majority in the Parliament. Elections are invariably manipulated
by terroristic pressure from the authorities. There is no difference
except that, whereas the pro-Russian parties are content to employ
demagogic means, the Stambulovists have had recourse to bloodshed.
At last the Stambulovists were successful; they came into power in
1902—(in accordance with the wish of the highest power in the land)—and
established a reign of terror equal to that of Stambuloff himself in
its cruelty, but breaking all previous records as regards corruption.
The Stambulovists commanded a crushing majority in the Sobranye
(Parliament) and pursued a policy of secret provocations against Russia
and the nation. General Ratsho Petroff, a personal favourite of King
Ferdinand and an absolute nonentity, was the Premier; but the actual
dictator and leader of the Stambulovist party was Dushan Petkoff,
Minister of the Interior. Once more the policy of the Government took
an anti-Russian trend, but in the meantime the nation had developed and
steadfastly pursued a different policy. To be sure, under compulsion
they had given the Government a _majority_ but not their heart, and
this heart now belonged to Russia more than ever. This sentiment found
expression in various violent demonstrations; it culminated in the
assassination of Petkoff (likewise in the open street) and in the abuse
showered upon King Ferdinand as he drove to the opening of the National
Theatre at Sofia. From that point Bulgarian policy took a totally new
turn, and for a time it seemed as if the Slav renaissance had really
taken root and Bulgaria had at last found herself. The Balkan Alliance
before the war certainly seemed strong evidence of it.
* * * * *
Bulgaria’s relations with Serbia have varied quite as much as those
with Russia, but with the difference that in these ups and downs the
nation has always been undivided. Bulgarian distrust of Serbia dates
from the beginning of the political independence of the former. Instead
of trying to settle their differences in a brotherly spirit, and to
eliminate the Macedonian bone of contention by fixing the spheres of
interests, both parties—especially Bulgaria—worked themselves up into
a fever of enmity which could only be mutually detrimental. Actual
frontier collisions added fuel to the fire, and the situation grew
steadily worse. It is safe to say that there was never any love lost
between the Serbs and the Bulgarians, even if political opportunism
at times dictated a more friendly attitude. Many discerning Bulgarian
politicians have often tried to promote a more cordial and neighbourly
understanding between the two states for the sake of the Slav cause
and the common good, and their Serbian colleagues loyally supported
them in this. But their work was always undone by the distrustful
attitude of Bulgaria, which was even increased by foreign influence.
In 1885 the nation entered into the war with Serbia with unanimous
enthusiasm and a bloodthirsty spite almost inconceivable between
brother nations. The war was fierce, and fate favoured Bulgaria;
but, instead of being content with their success, and exhibiting a
victor’s finest quality—humanity, the Bulgarians only grew increasingly
bitter in their hatred towards Serbia, and showed it in offensive
taunts. After their defeat the Serbs obviously could not feel very
friendly towards their neighbours, but I do not believe they hated
them in their souls. But from one cause or another it was impossible
to find the way to friendship. The Bulgarians declared that their
differences with Serbia were by no means settled in this war, and that
the Macedonian question would have to be decided beyond dispute. Thus
the war was continued, unfortunately not only with the pen, but also
with arms, for the Serbian and Bulgarian bands in Macedonia waged war
upon each other more fiercely than upon the Turks. Matters went from
bad to worse for both nations, and especially for the Slav cause in
the Balkans. Russia exerted all her influence to reconcile the two,
but with no result beyond promises of amendment. Several influential
Slav personages were equally unsuccessful until the youth of the
Southern Slavs entered the lists with a new plan of campaign, and
attacked the problem from _the standpoint of Southern Slav Culture_.
The authors and artists of Croatia and Slavonia, who had long stood in
friendly relations with Serbia, made it their business to include the
Bulgarians in the cause of Southern Slav Culture. As the intellectual
youth of Bulgaria was at that time passing through a phase of national
regeneration and desired to widen their horizon, these efforts fell
on fruitful soil. Soon afterwards joint exhibitions of Southern Slav
artists were arranged in Belgrade, Sofia, and Zagreb, and in each case
an Authors’ Congress was held simultaneously. By these meetings and
mutual intercourse many sharp corners were smoothed away, and many
points of difference were abolished, chiefly by the help of the Croats.
Serbs and Bulgarians meeting eye to eye at last realized that they were
brothers, sharing a common future. The Exhibition in Belgrade coincided
with the coronation of King Peter, and we witnessed the unexpected
spectacle of Bulgarians acclaiming the King with as much enthusiasm as
the Serbs. Those were the days of brotherhood and fellowship. The
representatives of Bulgarian art and literature took their mission
seriously and sincerely, proving true apostles of peace and friendship
between the two peoples. They reaped considerable success, for the
tide of mutual enmity subsided, and when King Peter came to Sofia on
an official visit he met with a reception that expressed not merely
the pomp and circumstance of a Court but the heartfelt cordiality of a
friendly people. It must not be forgotten that in this _rapprochement_
good service was rendered by those politicians of both countries who
persistently did their best to improve mutual relations. Chief among
these is the Serbian statesman, Nikola Pašić. He cultivated this mutual
friendship so successfully that it culminated in the Balkan Alliance,
which would have proved a lasting blessing to the whole of the Balkans
if it had not been broken by the attack of Bregalnica. Yet the collapse
of the Alliance was not due to Bulgaria, but to other extraneous
influences.
* * * * *
I have briefly touched upon Bulgarian relations with Russia and Serbia
in order to give a brief sketch of the only too frequent mistakes
made by Bulgaria’s official Government. The Bulgarians possess many
excellent qualities, and, as a nation, have a distinct claim on our
respect; but they have one drawback: they are not independent in
politics, and their policy is not the outcome of the requirements of
the times,—as a rule it is not even suited to them, but is merely
the mouthpiece of foreign influences. Whenever these influences were
Russian they at least did not clash with the interests of the people
or do any particular harm. But, unfortunately, Bulgarian policy has
to a great extent followed in Germany’s footsteps, and for a long
time German influence—especially in recent years—has made alarming
progress in Bulgaria. The first to fall a victim to this influence
were Stambuloff and his followers who had made so free with the motto
“Bulgaria for the Bulgarians.” And, in proportion to the vehemence
with which they pursued their corrupt policy, they imported the German
element into Bulgaria. Intellectually it would be quite impossible to
Germanize the Bulgarians, but, as regards their political economy and
foreign policy they fell more and more under German ascendancy. The
Eastern expansive policy of Germany and Austria-Hungary, finding the
doors fast closed in Serbia, was content for the moment to ignore an
obdurate opponent, and insinuated itself into Bulgaria as being free
from the infection of “fantastic Slav ideals.” In King Ferdinand, as
a German prince, German propaganda found a distinct well-wisher. The
Bulgarian stock market was controlled by German trade, Austria-Hungary
and Germany founded branch banks and business houses in Bulgaria.
German and Austrian Ambassadors could always command the ear of
the Foreign Office. And Germany bestowed her favour or disfavour
in proportion to the pro-German or pro-Russian sympathies of the
Government. In face of this tide of Germanism all honest Bulgarian
politicians are confronted with a herculean task, if the country is to
be saved from becoming simply a vassal state to Germany. In the events
which preceded the second Balkan War their labours appeared to have
borne fruit, and Germany and Austria were suddenly confronted with a
fact they had never even contemplated—an alliance between Bulgarians
and the detested Serbs, and even a military convention between these
two _against_ Austria. But their amazement was only a thing of the
moment—German influence redoubled its efforts, and the second Balkan
War was due to its machinations.
* * * * *
Bulgaria’s defeat in the second Balkan War has filled the nation with a
burning, unquenchable hatred against Serbia. The realization of their
Macedonian ambition, which had been almost within their grasp, had
vanished in a bitter disappointment and plunged the heroic victors of
Kirkilisse into an agony of sullen despair. When the first stupefying
shock was over, the thought of revenge came uppermost, and everyone
foresaw that at the next opportunity the brother nations would again
fly at each other’s throats.
It would be unreasonable to deny the Bulgarian claim to part of
Macedonia. If a great national problem is to be permanently and
satisfactorily solved, the principal of nationality cannot be
ignored. But Bulgaria exceeded the principles of nationality in her
demands and aimed at a position of _supremacy_ in the Balkans. By her
acquisition of Thrace it became necessary to revise the stipulations
of the Alliance Treaty, and, if the Allies could have arrived at
any conclusion, or accepted the arbitration of the Tsar, to-day the
position of the Balkans in the present crisis would be more favourable.
The Bulgarian nation cannot be held responsible for the crime of
Bregalnica. It merely played a passive part. The official perpetrator,
supposed to have remained undiscovered to this day, was guided not
by the will of the nation, but by orders from Vienna and Berlin, who
desired to be revenged for the affront they had suffered through the
Balkan Alliance. Nothing short of a despicably devastating blow aimed
at all the Balkan States would suffice, and unfortunately they found
a ready tool in the wild ambitions of certain Bulgarian circles. Of
course, the blow was aimed at the detested Serbians, but with the
relentlessness of fate it fell upon those who had hoped to profit by
the Austro-German intrigue. Though Bulgaria alone suffered material
loss through the war, the whole of the Balkan States have suffered
morally. For their deadly enemy achieved his main object—the breaking
up of the Balkan union. Such was the lamentable state of affairs in the
Balkans when the present European crisis came to a head. The Austrian
declaration of war upon Serbia caused a positively insane joy in
Bulgaria. It was balm to the Bulgarian wounds that the great monarchy
should devour their small neighbor—_their brother nation_—and not one
of the heroes who had helped in the conquest of Adrianople be left
alive! All this time they overlooked the fact that, when Serbia had
been disposed of, their own country would have been the next dish in
the menu! It was a sordid triumph, neither manly, nor _Slav_.
In their satisfaction they even forgot Russia. No one dreamt that
Russia would raise her mighty hand and cry Halt! to the Austrian
devourer. But when the inevitable occurred, Bulgaria suddenly found
herself face to face with a problem. Russia’s word—“Serbia’s enemies
are my enemies”—staggered the honest Bulgarian people, who are attached
to Russia, and they began to ask themselves very seriously, “What
next?” The first upshot of this was the perceptible cooling of the
anti-Slav agitation; then the nation began to reflect. The _people_
and the patriotic Slavophile circles sent their best wishes, and
their finest General—Ratko Dimitrieff—to fight for Russia, and the
official Government proclaimed a strict neutrality. Both these facts
bode well for the future. But the anti-Slav agitation has by no means
lost all its power, and the Stambulovist circles, in conjunction with
Austro-German emissaries, have not ceased to stir up the people and
the masses against Serbia and against Russia. Which will prevail? It
is difficult to make any forecast, especially if one remembers the
personal _régime_ of King Ferdinand, who, in spite of the constitution
of the country, reigns supreme. At the same time it would be wrong
to lose hope and we must trust that in the decisive hour the _Slav_
instinct will dominate all other instincts, and thus not only assist
the Slav cause, but also prove of the greatest service to civilized
Europe, and above all things to Bulgaria herself.
Among Bulgarian authors we must also mention Pencho
Slavejkoff (a native of Macedonia), some of whose work
has been rendered into English.