The author is sent into Tigre. Is in danger of being poisoned by the
breath of a serpent. Is stung by a serpent. Is almost killed by eating
anchoy. The people conspire against the missionaries, and distress them.
My superiors intended to send me into the farthest parts of the empire,
but the Emperor over-ruled that design, and remanded me to Tigre, where I
had resided before. I passed in my journey by Ganete Ilhos, a palace
newly built, and made agreeable by beautiful gardens, and had the honour
of paying my respects to the Emperor, who had retired thither, and
receiving from him a large present for the finishing of a hospital, which
had been begun in the kingdom of Tigre. After having returned him
thanks, I continued my way, and in crossing a desert two days' journey
over, was in great danger of my life, for, as I lay on the ground, I
perceived myself seized with a pain which forced me to rise, and saw
about four yards from me one of those serpents that dart their poison at
a distance; although I rose before he came very near me, I yet felt the
effects of his poisonous breath, and, if I had lain a little longer, had
certainly died; I had recourse to bezoar, a sovereign remedy against
these poisons, which I always carried about me. These serpents are not
long, but have a body short and thick, and their bellies speckled with
brown, black, and yellow; they have a wide mouth, with which they draw in
a great quantity of air, and, having retained it some time, eject it with
such force that they kill at four yards' distance. I only escaped by
being somewhat farther from him. This danger, however, was not much to
be regarded in comparison of another which my negligence brought me into.
As I was picking up a skin that lay upon the ground, I was stung by a
serpent that left his sting in my finger; I at least picked an extraneous
substance about the bigness of a hair out of the wound, which I imagined
was the sting. This slight wound I took little notice of, till my arm
grew inflamed all over; in a short time the poison infected my blood, and
I felt the most terrible convulsions, which were interpreted as certain
signs that my death was near and inevitable. I received now no benefit
from bezoar, the horn of the unicorn, or any of the usual antidotes, but
found myself obliged to make use of an extraordinary remedy, which I
submitted to with extreme reluctance. This submission and obedience
brought the blessing of Heaven upon me; nevertheless, I continued
indisposed a long time, and had many symptoms which made me fear that all
the danger was not yet over. I then took cloves of garlic, though with a
great aversion, both from the taste and smell. I was in this condition a
whole month, always in pain, and taking medicines the most nauseous in
the world. At length youth and a happy constitution surmounted the
malignity, and I recovered my former health.
I continued two years at my residence in Tigre, entirely taken up with
the duties of the mission--preaching, confessing, baptising--and enjoyed
a longer quiet and repose than I had ever done since I left Portugal.
During this time one of our fathers, being always sick and of a
constitution which the air of Abyssinia was very hurtful to, obtained a
permission from our superiors to return to the Indies; I was willing to
accompany him through part of his way, and went with him over a desert,
at no great distance from my residence, where I found many trees loaded
with a kind of fruit, called by the natives anchoy, about the bigness of
an apricot, and very yellow, which is much eaten without any ill effect.
I therefore made no scruple of gathering and eating it, without knowing
that the inhabitants always peeled it, the rind being a violent
purgative; so that, eating the fruit and skin together, I fell into such
a disorder as almost brought me to my end. The ordinary dose is six of
these rinds, and I had devoured twenty.
I removed from thence to Debaroa, fifty-four miles nearer the sea, and
crossed in my way the desert of the province of Saraoe. The country is
fruitful, pleasant, and populous; there are greater numbers of Moors in
these parts than in any other province of Abyssinia, and the Abyssins of
this country are not much better than the Moors.
I was at Debaroa when the prosecution was first set on foot against the
Catholics. Sultan Segued, who had been so great a favourer of us, was
grown old, and his spirit and authority decreased with his strength. His
son, who was arrived at manhood, being weary of waiting so long for the
crown he was to inherit, took occasion to blame his father's conduct, and
found some reason for censuring all his actions; he even proceeded so far
as to give orders sometimes contrary to the Emperor's. He had embraced
the Catholic religion, rather through complaisance than conviction or
inclination; and many of the Abyssins who had done the same, waited only
for an opportunity of making public profession of the ancient erroneous
opinions, and of re-uniting themselves to the Church of Alexandria. So
artfully can this people dissemble their sentiments that we had not been
able hitherto to distinguish our real from our pretended favourers; but
as soon as this Prince began to give evident tokens of his hatred, even
in the lifetime of the Emperor, we saw all the courtiers and governors
who had treated us with such a show of friendship declare against us, and
persecute us as disturbers of the public tranquillity, who had come into
AEthiopia with no other intention than to abolish the ancient laws and
customs of the country, to sow divisions between father and son, and
preach up a revolution.
After having borne all sorts of affronts and ill-treatments, we retired
to our house at Fremona, in the midst of our countrymen, who had been
settling round about us a long time, imagining we should be more secure
there, and that, at least during the life of the Emperor, they would not
come to extremities, or proceed to open force. I laid some stress upon
the kindness which the viceroy of Tigre had shown to us, and in
particular to me; but was soon convinced that those hopes had no real
foundation, for he was one of the most violent of our persecutors. He
seized upon all our lands, and, advancing with his troops to Fremona,
blocked up the town. The army had not been stationed there long before
they committed all sorts of disorders; so that one day a Portuguese,
provoked beyond his temper at the insolence of some of them, went out
with his four sons, and, wounding several of them, forced the rest back
to their camp.
We thought we had good reason to apprehend an attack; their troops were
increasing, our town was surrounded, and on the point of being forced.
Our Portuguese therefore thought that, without staying till the last
extremities, they might lawfully repel one violence by another, and
sallying out to the number of fifty, wounded about three score of the
Abyssins, and had put them to the sword but that they feared it might
bring too great an odium upon our cause. The Portuguese were some of
them wounded, but happily none died on either side.
Though the times were by no means favourable to us, every one blamed the
conduct of the viceroy; and those who did not commend our action made the
necessity we were reduced to of self-defence an excuse for it. The
viceroy's principal design was to get my person into his possession,
imagining that if I was once in his power, all the Portuguese would pay
him a blind obedience. Having been unsuccessful in his attempt by open
force, he made use of the arts of negotiation, but with an event not more
to his satisfaction. This viceroy being recalled, a son-in-law of the
Emperor's succeeded, who treated us even worse than his predecessor had
done.
When he entered upon his command, he loaded us with kindnesses, giving us
so many assurances of his protection that, while the Emperor lived, we
thought him one of our friends; but no sooner was our protector dead than
this man pulled off his mask, and, quitting all shame, let us see that
neither the fear of God nor any other consideration was capable of
restraining him when we were to be distressed. The persecution then
becoming general, there was no longer any place of security for us in
Abyssinia, where we were looked upon by all as the authors of all the
civil commotions, and many councils were held to determine in what manner
they should dispose of us. Several were of opinion that the best way
would be to kill us all at once, and affirmed that no other means were
left of re-establishing order and tranquillity in the kingdom.
Others, more prudent, were not for putting us to death with so little
consideration, but advised that we should be banished to one of the isles
of the Lake of Dambia, an affliction more severe than death itself. These
alleged in vindication of their opinions that it was reasonable to
expect, if they put us to death, that the viceroy of the Indies would
come with fire and sword to demand satisfaction. This argument made so
great an impression upon some of them that they thought no better
measures could be taken than to send us back again to the Indies. This
proposal, however, was not without its difficulties, for they suspected
that when we should arrive at the Portuguese territories, we would levy
an army, return back to Abyssinia, and under pretence of establishing the
Catholic religion revenge all the injuries we had suffered. While they
were thus deliberating upon our fate, we were imploring the succour of
the Almighty with fervent and humble supplications, entreating him in the
midst of our sighs and tears that he would not suffer his own cause to
miscarry, and that, however it might please him to dispose of our
lives--which, we prayed, he would assist us to lay down with patience and
resignation worthy of the faith for which we were persecuted--he would
not permit our enemies to triumph over the truth.
Thus we passed our days and nights in prayers, in affliction, and tears,
continually crowded with widows and orphans that subsisted upon our
charity and came to us for bread when we had not any for ourselves.
While we were in this distress we received an account that the viceroy of
the Indies had fitted out a powerful fleet against the King of Mombaza,
who, having thrown off the authority of the Portuguese, had killed the
governor of the fortress, and had since committed many acts of cruelty.
The same fleet, as we were informed, after the King of Mombaza was
reduced, was to burn and ruin Zeila, in revenge of the death of two
Portuguese Jesuits who were killed by the King in the year 1604. As
Zeila was not far from the frontiers of Abyssinia, they imagined that
they already saw the Portuguese invading their country.
The viceroy of Tigre had inquired of me a few days before how many men
one India ship carried, and being told that the complement of some was a
thousand men, he compared that answer with the report then spread over
all the country, that there were eighteen Portuguese vessels on the coast
of Adel, and concluded that they were manned by an army of eighteen
thousand men; then considering what had been achieved by four hundred,
under the command of Don Christopher de Gama, he thought Abyssinia
already ravaged, or subjected to the King of Portugal. Many declared
themselves of his opinion, and the court took its measures with respect
to us from these uncertain and ungrounded rumours. Some were so
infatuated with their apprehensions that they undertook to describe the
camp of the Portuguese, and affirmed that they had heard the report of
their cannons.
All this contributed to exasperate the inhabitants, and reduced us often
to the point of being massacred. At length they came to a resolution of
giving us up to the Turks, assuring them that we were masters of a vast
treasure, in hope that after they had inflicted all kinds of tortures on
us, to make us confess where we had hid our gold, or what we had done
with it, they would at length kill us in rage for the disappointment. Nor
was this their only view, for they believed that the Turks would, by
killing us, kindle such an irreconcilable hatred between themselves and
our nation as would make it necessary for them to keep us out of the Red
Sea, of which they are entirely masters: so that their determination was
as politic as cruel. Some pretend that the Turks were engaged to put us
to death as soon as we were in their power.