CHAPTER LI

_How Don Diego de Almagro, with his General García de Alvarado,

went in pursuit of Pero Alvarez Holguin, and how, after getting

near to Bombon, they turned back: also of the death of Juan de

Herrada, and how Pero Alvarez continued his march._

The men of Chile having decided to go in pursuit of Pero Alvarez

Holguin in the hope of defeating him, they set out, as related, from

Jauja. Juan de Herrada was greatly weakened by his illness, and, being

unable to go on with Don Diego, he stayed behind in that valley. But

after leaving there and marching with great speed in expectation of

overtaking their enemies, as explained before, they were unable, owing

to the great difficulties of the road, to come up with the troops of

Pero Alvarez, although they overtook his baggage and did some mischief

to it. The general opinion now was that they would do well to go back

to Jauja, and continue their march from thence direct to Guamanga and

the great city of Cuzco. The object was to increase their army with

the men they might find in those cities, make artillery, and wait to

see how Vaca de Castro would enter the Realm, and whether he would

join hands with the partisans of the Pizarros. And then, according

to his policy, they would decide what they had best do. The enmity

and hatred they felt against Gómez de Tordoya was very great, because

they said he was the principal cause of Pero Alvarez having abandoned

his expedition to the Chunchos and returned to Cuzco. They wanted to

take revenge on him for that.[95] So when they resolved to give up the

chase after Pero Alvarez, they returned to Jauja, and there found

that Juan de Herrada[96] had died of his infirmity; at which all were

deeply sorrowful. Here they rested awhile and begged supplies of food

from the Indians.

Pero Alvarez Holguin continued his march at this point with great

labour. The ground was very steep and rugged, the mountain passes

were snow-covered and excessively cold, the rivers much swollen, and

in many places without bridges. He heard how near the enemy had been,

and kept his men in good order, animating them to show a bold front

to those who were in pursuit. But all the captain's soldiers were so

resolved to die in maintaining their cause that exhortations were

hardly necessary. They were constantly on the alert, and never tired

of keeping their arms by them, to see if those men of Chile would join

issue with them. When those in the rear guard knew that the enemy

had turned back, the march was continued in splendid order, with

scouts always in advance to keep them informed. The Indians being so

addicted to lying, and caring so little for speaking the truth, spread

reports that parties were coming against them from in front, and that

the men of Chile were still pressing forward in their rear. This

caused some trouble and disquiet, for they received many false alarms.

The ensigns went forward with the banners and the royal standard.

The way, as we have said, was very difficult and the rivers swollen

and many without bridges, so that, in the hurry of crossing, some

Spaniards, horses, and Indians were drowned. They marched on until

they came to an ancient fortress of the Incas, former kings of these

regions. The name of it is Tambo, and it stands half way between

Jauja and Caxamarca. The position where the fortress and its barracks

stood, was a strong one, and Pero Alvarez resolved to rest there,

both Spaniards and horses being much fatigued. While they were there

the General, his captains, and head men consulted together as to what

should be done, and it was agreed that messengers should be sent

from thence to the licentiate Vaca de Castro, to let him know what

had been done in the service of his Majesty, and that they were then

in search of him, and to ask also for his commands as to what they

should further do in the king's interests. They chose Luis de León

as their messenger, a citizen of Arequipa; Juan Alonso Palomino and

Diego de Torres were ordered to go to Guaraz and ascertain where the

captain Alonso de Alvarado was, for they now knew from the men they

had captured at Jauja, and from the Indians, that he had raised the

banner in the service of the King and was awaiting, with a strong

force of Spaniards, the arrival of Vaca de Castro. The messengers

took letters from Pero Alvarez and his captains to persuade Alonso de

Alvarado to come and join forces with them, the one wish and desire

of all being to serve the king. And then they could move forward with

all despatch, that Vaca de Castro might know what had happened. The

messengers, taking the letters and their credentials, eagerly set

out to find Vaca de Castro. They passed through very great danger,

for the natives, at a village called _Taca_, seeing them so few in

number, came out to kill them. Scarcely had they got there with their

despatches when the Indians attacked them with great boldness; but in

the end, as they were valiant soldiers, they passed on and arrived

at the camp of Alonso de Alvarado. When that captain heard that Pero

Alvarez was coming with such a brilliant company, and whole-hearted

readiness to serve the King, he rejoiced. But for them to suppose that

he would place himself under the command of Pero Alvarez and be his

subordinate, when he had formerly been his superior, he looked upon

as folly, and determined that it should not be. Instead, he answered

the messengers equivocally, and furthermore offered excuses in his

letters, which appeared fair, in order that no discord should arise.

As soon as Pero Alvarez Holguin had despatched the messengers, he

departed from that fortress and took the same road they went by,

always maintaining good order among his troops. The Indians came out

to attack the rear-guard and see if they could plunder any part of

the baggage. In this manner, and with very great labour owing to the

rugged nature of the track, they arrived at a village named _Guaraz_

in the province of Guaylas, where they found plenty of food. They then

consulted about what should be done next, and decided upon waiting

there for the reply of Vaca de Castro, to see whether he would come

quickly to that part. For with the enemy in rear, nothing was to be

gained in despoiling the country and consuming supplies, since they

must perforce go back the way they came. And so with the approval of

all, Pero Alvarez established his camp there, fixed the standard in

the midst of the officers' quarters, and the banners in their order,

leaving an open space for any needs that might arise. Pero Alvarez

ordered that there was to be no ill-treatment of the Indians, on pain

of severe punishment, but that they were to be treated fairly and

their food supplies taken only in moderation; but this order was of

little avail. The flocks and other things that were robbed and taken

from the Indians cannot lightly be told; yet there is no other way for

it in such times.

FOOTNOTES:

[95] They had already murdered his son, the gallant boy who defended

the Marquis.

[96] Other authorities called him Rada, and they were followed by

Prescott and Helps. Cieza de León is right. The name was Herrada. I am

unable to concur in Mr. Prescott's estimate of the character of this

man. I cannot find any authority for that historian's statement that

Herrada was of good family, and he certainly had no experience in high

military commands.

Herrada came to Peru with Pedro de Alvarado as a common soldier of

mature years. Deserting Alvarado he entered the service of the elder

Almagro, remained with him until his death, and then attended his

young half-caste son to Lima, obtaining unbounded influence over

him. He originated the plot for the murder of Pizarro, and was the

ringleader in that atrocious crime. None of Almagro's old captains,

except Chaves, and no man of honour, would have anything to do with

it. Herrada had force of character, but neither prudence nor ability.

By inducing young Almagro to make him his General above the heads of

better men, he affronted and estranged the old captains and friends

of the young half-caste's late father. His murders of Pizarro's

secretary, of Francisco de Chaves and others, were acts of folly which

no able conspirator would have perpetrated. The murder of Pizarro

may have been partly to avenge the death of his old master, but he

and his accomplices were far more influenced by anger at not being

provided for. Herrada's last advice to appoint two Generals showed his

incapacity. For young Almagro the death of this ruffian was nought but

a good riddance.

The War of Chupas · 第 51 / 105 章