proceeded with a party in quest of some more attractive place of
settlement. He traced the Mystic River a few miles up from its mouth,
and, after a three days' exploration, returned to Salem to keep the
Sabbath. When ten or eleven vessels had arrived, a day of public
thanksgiving was observed in acknowledgment of the divine goodness which
had so far prospered the enterprise.
After a sufficient pause for deliberation and conference concerning the
forms of organization of the new society, the subject of an
ecclesiastical settlement was the first matter to receive attention. On
a day solemnized with prayer and fasting, the Reverend Mr. Wilson, after
the manner of proceeding in the year before at Salem, entered into a
church covenant with Winthrop, Dudley, and Johnson. Two days after, on
Sunday, they associated with them three of the assistants, Mr. Nowell,
Mr. Sharpe, and Mr. Bradstreet, and two other persons, Mr. Gager and Mr.
Colburn. Others were presently added; and the church, so constituted,
elected Mr. Wilson to be its teacher, and ordained him to that charge at
Mishawum. At the same time Mr. Nowell was chosen to be ruling elder, and
Mr. Gager and Mr. Aspinwall to be deacons. From the promptness of these
measures, it is natural to infer that they had been the subject of
consideration and concert before the landing. But there was some
lingering scruple respecting the innovation on accustomed forms; and
either for the general satisfaction or to appease some doubters, "the
imposition of hands" was accompanied with "this protestation by all,
that it was only as a sign of election and confirmation."
In the choice of a capital town, attention was turned to Mishawum, now
Charlestown. Here, ten weeks after the landing, the first court of
assistants on this side of the water was convened. The assistants
present were Saltonstall, Ludlow, Rossiter, Nowell, Sharpe, Pynchon, and
Bradstreet. Three others were in the country: Johnson, Endicott, and
Coddington. The question first considered was that of provision for the
ministers. It was "ordered that houses be built for them with convenient
speed at the public charge. Sir Richard Saltonstall undertook to see it
done at his plantation (Watertown) for Mr. Phillips, and the Governor at
the other plantation for Mr. Wilson." Allowances of thirty pounds a year
to each of these gentlemen were to be made at the common charge of the
settlements, "those of Mattapan and Salem exempted," as being already
provided with a ministry. Provision was also made for Mr. Gager as
engineer, and Mr. Penn as beadle. It was ordained "that carpenters,
joiners, bricklayers, sawers, and thatchers should not take above two
shillings a day, nor any man should give more, under pain of ten
shillings to taker and giver"; and "sawers" were restricted as to the
price they might take for boards. The use or removal of boats or canoes,
without the owner's leave, was prohibited, under penalty of fine and
imprisonment. Saltonstall, Johnson, Endicott, and Ludlow were appointed
to be justices of the peace, besides the Governor and deputy-governor,
who were always to have that trust by virtue of their higher office. And
"it was ordered that Morton, of Mount Woolison, should presently be sent
for by process." Morton had lately been brought back to Plymouth by
Allerton--who incurred much censure on that account--and, repairing to
Mount Wollaston, had resumed his old courses.
A recital of the action of the board of assistants at their first
meetings on this continent will explain the early exigencies of their
administration, and the view entertained by them of their duties and
powers. At a second court, held at Charlestown, the following business
was transacted. It was agreed "that every third Tuesday there should be
a court of assistants held at the Governor's house." It was "ordered
that Thomas Norton, of Mount Wollaston, should presently be set into the
bilboes, and after sent prisoner to England by the ship called the Gift,
now returning thither; that all his goods should be seized upon to
defray the charge of his transportation, payment of his debts, and to
give satisfaction to the Indians for a canoe he unjustly took away from
them; and that his house should be burned down to the ground, in sight
of the Indians, for their satisfaction for many wrongs he had done them
from time to time." Mr. Clarke was directed to pay to John Baker the sum
of thirty-eight shillings, for cheating him in a sale of cloth. A
stipend was granted to Mr. Patrick and Mr. Underhill, as military
instructors and officers. The names of Boston, Dorchester, and Watertown
were assigned to the places which still bear them. And it was ordered
that no plantation should be made within the limits of the patent,
without permission from a majority of the Board of Governor and
Assistants, and that "a warrant should presently be sent to Agawam
(Ipswich) to command those that are planted there forthwith to come
away."
At a third court, also held at Charlestown, regulations were enacted
against allowing the Indians the use of firearms, and against parting
with corn to them, or sending it out of the jurisdiction, without a
license. Constables were appointed for Salem and Dorchester. The wages
of common laborers were fixed at sixpence a day, and those of mechanics
who were employed in building at sixteen pence, in addition to "meat and
drink." Order was given for the seizure of "Richard Clough's strong
water, for his selling great quantity thereof to several men's servants,
which was the occasion of much disorder, drunkenness, and misdemeanor."
The execution of a contract between certain parties for the keeping of
cattle was defined and enforced. Sir Richard Saltonstall was fined four
bushels of malt for absenting himself from the meeting. Thomas Gray, for
"divers things objected against him," was ordered "to remove himself out
of the limits of this patent before the end of March next." "For the
felony committed by him, whereof he was convicted by his own
confession," John Gouldburn, as principal, and three other persons, as
accessories, were sentenced "to be whipped, and afterward set in the
stocks." Servants, "either man or maid," were forbidden to "give, sell,
or truck any commodity whatsoever, without license from their master,
during the time of their service." An allowance was made to Captains
Underhill and Patrick for quarters and rations; and, for their
maintenance, a rate of fifty pounds was levied, of which sum Boston and
Watertown were assessed eleven pounds each, and Charlestown and
Dorchester seven pounds each, Roxbury five pounds, and Salem and Mystic
each only three pounds--a sort of indication of the estimated wealth of
those settlements respectively.
The public business proceeded at the next two courts after the same
manner. A restriction, which it seems had existed under Endicott's
administration, on the price of beaver, was removed. A bounty was
offered for the killing of wolves, to be paid by the owners of domestic
animals in sums proportioned to the amount of their stock. Encouragement
was given, by a legal rate of toll, to the setting up of a ferry between
Charlestown and Boston. A servant of Sir Richard Saltonstall was
sentenced to "be whipped for his misdemeanor toward his master"; and
bonds were taken for good behavior in a case of "strong suspicion of
incontinency." Sir Richard Saltonstall was fined five pounds for
whipping two persons without the presence of another assistant. A man
was ordered to be whipped for fowling on the Sabbath-day; another for
stealing a loaf of bread; and another for breaking an engagement to
pilot a vessel, with the privilege, however of buying off the punishment
with forty shillings. The employers of one Knapp, who was indebted to
Sir Richard Saltonstall, and of his son, were directed to apply half of
their wages to the discharge of the debt. An assessment of sixty pounds
was laid on six settlements for the maintenance of Mr. Wilson and Mr.
Phillips, of which sum Boston and Watertown were to pay twenty pounds
each, and Charlestown half as much; and Roxbury, Mystic, and Winnisimmet
were charged with six pounds, three pounds, and one pound respectively.
An epidemic sickness at Charlestown was ascribed to the want of good
water. An ample supply of it being found in Boston, a portion of the
people removed to that peninsula; and there for the first time after
their arrival on this continent, was held one of those quarterly general
courts of the Company of Massachusetts Bay, which were prescribed in a
provision of the charter.
TRIUMPH AND DEATH OF GUSTAVUS ADOLPHUS AT LUETZEN
A.D. 1632
BENJAMIN CHAPMAN
No actor in the Thirty Years' War left a more brilliant name
than Gustavus Adolphus, King of Sweden. His military
reputation, which rests on solid achievement, was much enhanced
by the victory at Luetzen, although the King early fell on the
field. That triumph, which was won largely through the
inspiration of his spirit and the shock of its untimely
departure, contributed to the remarkable advancement of Sweden
which his reign had already inaugurated.
Before the interference of Gustavus in the war, the Catholic
party had defeated the Protestants in almost every engagement.
The Protestant leaders, Christian IV of Denmark, Count
Mansfeld, and Christian of Anhalt, had been no match for Tilly,
commanding the force of the Holy League, and Wallenstein,
leader of the Imperial army. When Gustavus joined in the
conflict, Wallenstein had quitted the service of the Emperor
Ferdinand II, and the great Swede's first opponent was Tilly,
the imperial generalissimo. Tilly's ruthless sack of Magdeburg,
in 1631, brought many hesitating Protestants to the side of
Gustavus, and on the field of Leipsic or Breitenfeld, September
7, 1631, he completely overcame his strong enemy. In April
following, Tilly, the victor in thirty-six battles, fell in
another conflict with Gustavus. The Swedish King continued his
campaign in Germany, and November 16, 1632, he met Wallenstein,
who again commanded the Imperial forces, and his lieutenant,
Count Pappenheim, on the fatal but glorious field of Luetzen.
The King had gathered his forces at Erfurt, and there he bade
farewell to his Queen, tenderly commending her to the care of
the city magistrates.
On October 30th Gustavus sent Bernhard, Duke of Saxe-Weimar, forward
with eleven thousand men to observe Pappenheim. The Duke took the road
by Buttstadt to Freiburg, and from thence, after crossing the Saale, to
Naumburg, where he arrived just in time to anticipate the enemy.
The next day the King gave the military command at Erfurt to Dupadel,
and proceeded himself to Naumburg. Here the joy and confidence which
his presence inspired, "as if he had been a god," far from elating him,
awakened only in his mind a feeling of humility and a sorrowful
presentiment that some disaster to himself would soon convince the
Naumburgers of the frailty of the idol in whom they trusted.
On Sunday, November 14th, he learned, by an intercepted letter, that
Pappenheim had been sent to Halle, and that the next day the Imperial
army was to leave Weissenfels. He would now have attacked Wallenstein at
once; but the dissuasions of Kniphausen--it is said--prevailed, and he
agreed to defer the hazard of a battle until he should have been
reënforced by Duke George of Luneburg and the Elector of Saxony.
Accordingly, having written to the Elector, who lay at Torgau, to meet
him at Eilenburg, he was himself marching to Pegau, in that direction,
when some gentlemen and peasants of the neighborhood brought him word
that Wallenstein's troops were still quartered in the villages around
Luetzen, and that he was not aware of the King's army being on the
march. "Then," exclaimed Gustavus, "I verily believe the Lord has
delivered him into my hand," and instantly darted toward his prey.
Luetzen was now in sight; the peasants said it was close at hand. But it
proved more distant than this indefinite expression, or the measure of
their own eager gaze, had led the Swedes to calculate. Moreover, a small
river, the Rippart, that lay between the King and Luetzen, whose narrow
bridge could be only passed by one or two at a time, impeded the advance
full two hours--a skirmish with Isolani's cavalry, who were quartered at
a village near the bridge, may also have occasioned some little loss of
time--so that when the Swedish army had reached the fatal field it was
nightfall, and too late to begin the battle.
Wallenstein made good use of the delay. On the first intelligence of the
King's approach he had written to Pappenheim--the letter is still
preserved in the archives of Vienna, stained with Pappenheim's
blood--apprising him of the danger, and requiring him to join at
daybreak, with every man and gun. During the night and early in the
morning, which proved very misty, he mustered his troops, and made his
dispositions, deepening the drains by the highroads to form
intrenchments for his musketeers.
The King passed the night in his carriage, chiefly in conversation with
his generals. Early in the morning he had prayers read to himself by his
chaplain, Frabricius. The rest of the army sang Luther's hymn, "Our God
is a strong tower"; and Gustavus himself led another hymn--"Jesus Christ
our Saviour, he overcame death."
The King mounted his horse without having broken his fast. He wore a
plain buff coat, without armor; replying, it is said, to some remark
upon this deficiency, that "God was his harness." He addressed a few
words of encouragement, first to the Swedes, then to Germans of his
army, and to this effect: "My brave and beloved subjects!" he said to
the Swedish regiments, "now is the time to prove your discipline and
courage, confirmed in many a fight. Yonder is the enemy you have sought
so long, not now sheltered by strong ramparts nor posted on inaccessible
heights, but ranged in fair and open field. Advance, then, by God's
help, not so much to fight as to conquer. Spare not your blood, your
lives, for your king, your country, your God; and the present and
eternal blessing of the Almighty, and an illustrious name throughout the
Christian world, await you. But if, which God forbid, you prove cowards,
I swear that not a bone of you shall return to Sweden. The Lord preserve
you all!"
To the Germans he said: "My brave allies and fellow-soldiers, I adjure
you by your fame, your honor, and your conscience; by the interests
temporal and eternal now at stake; by your former exploits, by the
remembrance of Tilly and the Breitenfeld--bear yourselves bravely
to-day. Let the field before you become illustrious by a similar
slaughter. Forward! I will this day not only be your general, but your
comrade. I will not only command you, I will lead you on. Add your
efforts to mine. Extort from the enemy, by God's help, that victory, of
which the chief fruits will be to you and to your children. But if you
shrink from the contest, remember that religion, liberty--all will be
lost, and that by your remissness."
Having finished his addresses, to which both Swedes and Germans
responded by hearty cheers and acclamations, the King cast up his eyes
to heaven and said, "O my Lord Jesus! Son of God, bless these our arms,
and this day's battle, for thine own glory and holy name's sake." Then,
drawing his sword, and waving it over his head, advanced, the foremost
of all his army.
The numbers of the two armies at this moment were probably nearly equal.
Diodati, indeed, who carried to the Emperor from Wallenstein a verbal
report of the battle, which by Ferdinand's order he afterward drew up in
writing, stated the Swedish army to have been 25,000 strong, the
Imperial 12,000 only. This is to be understood as referring to the
beginning of the engagement, before Pappenheim had come up, at which
time, on the other hand, Harte and Mauvillon estimate the Imperial force
at from 28,000 to 30,000 men, Gfrorer at 25,000--estimates which are as
certainly exaggerations as Diodati's diminution of the truth. Gustavus
would not only have departed from his avowed maxims and previous
practice, he would have run counter to every sound strategical
principle, had he attacked without necessity an army numerically so
superior. For that the Swedish force amounted in all to not more than
18,000 men there is as much proof almost as it is possible to attain in
such a matter.
A rough calculation would make Wallenstein and Pappenheim's whole united
force not more than 27,000, unless any reënforcements took place which
have not been recorded, or which have escaped my notice. If we estimate
Pappenheim's division at 10,000, this will give 17,000 Imperialists on
the field before he joined again on the day of the battle. But the
_Swedish Intelligencer_, whose information was derived from English
officers about the person of Gustavus, conceives that Wallenstein must
have had at this time full 20,000, or, as he afterward modifies his
opinion, that he must have had 30,000 in all, of whom 10,000 or 12,000
were with Pappenheim.
According to these estimates, then, we may conclude that there were in
the Imperial camp at Luetzen, on November 5th, from 15,000 to 18,000, or
perhaps even 20,000, men. Such numbers offered to Gustavus, especially
under the circumstances, a strong temptation to attack them; and, the
Imperial army being so divided, he had a reasonable hope--a hope by
which he was justified in forcing the engagement--that he should be able
to defeat successively both divisions. Even as it was, Pappenheim's foot
not arriving soon enough to support contributed in no small degree to
the loss of the battle.
The field, which was intersected by a canal that unites the Saale and
the Elster, called the Flossgraben, was almost a level; but of all the
accidents afforded by such ground Wallenstein had taken advantage.
Luetzen lay to his right a little in front. Between it and three
windmills close to his right wing intervened some mud-walled gardens.
These he made use of as forts, throwing into them little garrisons, and
loopholing the walls. The mill hills he converted into batteries, and
the dry ditches by the roadside into breastworks for his musketeers.
The fog having cleared off for a season, at ten o'clock the battle
began. The wind and sun were in the King's favor; but Wallenstein had
the advantage in weight of artillery and position. Gustavus did not long
sustain the cannonade of the enemy before he gave the order to charge
toward the highway and dislodge the musketeers who occupied the ditches
on the side of it. This being effected, the whole line continued to
advance, and the three infantry brigades of the centre took the
batteries on the other side of the highroad, but, not being supported in
time by their cavalry, who had been impeded by the wayside ditches, lost
them again and were compelled to fall back.
When the King knew that the first battery was taken, he uncovered his
head and thanked God, but soon after, learning that the centre had been
repulsed, he put himself at the head of the Smaland cavalry and charged
the Imperial cuirassiers, the "black lads," with whom he had just before
told Stalhaske to grapple. Piccolomini hastened to support the
cuirassiers; and the Swedes, being overmatched, retreated without
perceiving--the fog having again come over--that they had left the King
in the midst of the enemy. A pistol-ball now broke his arm; and as the
Duke of Lauenburg was supporting him out of the battle, an Imperial
cuirassier came behind him and shot him in the back. He then fell from
his horse; and, other cuirassiers coming up, one of them completed the
work of death.
It is added on the testimony of a young gentleman named Leubelfing, the
son of Colonel Leubelfing, of Nuremberg, and page to the Lord Marshal
Crailsham, that being near when the King fell, and seeing that his
charger, wounded in the neck, had galloped away, he dismounted and
offered him his own horse. Gustavus stretched out his hands to accept
the offer; and the page attempted to lift him from the ground, but was
unable. In the mean time some cuirassiers, attracted to the spot,
demanded who the wounded man was. Leubelfing evaded the question or
refused to answer; but the King himself exclaimed, "I am the King of
Sweden," when he received four gunshot wounds and two stabs, which
quickly released him from the agony of his broken arm, the bone of which
had pierced the flesh and protruded. The Imperialist soldiers about the
King, each anxious to possess some trophy, had stripped the body to the
shirt, and were about to carry it off when a body of Swedish cavalry,
charging toward the spot, dispersed them.
His death was immediately communicated, by one of the few who were about
his person when he fell, to the Swedish generals. His charger, galloping
loose and bloody about the field, announced to many more that some
disaster had befallen him. The whole extent of the calamity, however,
was not generally known; but a burning desire ran through the ranks to
rescue him, if living; to avenge him, if dead. The noble Bernhard of
Saxe-Weimar sustained and animated the enthusiasm. Having whispered to
Kniphausen that Gustavus was dead, he asked him what was to be done?
Kniphausen answered that his troops were in good order, and that retreat
was practicable; to which the fiery Duke answered that it was not a
question of retreat, but of vengeance in victory. This said, he assumed
the command, and, upon Stenbock's lieutenant-colonel hesitating to
advance when he ordered him, passed his sword through his body, and led
on to the attack three other regiments, after a few words which gave
fresh fuel to their ardor. Again the lost ground is won, the lost
batteries are recovered. Wallenstein's ammunition explodes, and seven of
his guns are captured.
Stalhanske rallies his Finlanders, drives back the Imperial cuirassiers,
and bears away the King's body--easily distinguished from the rest of
the slain by its heroic stature. But many still are the vicissitudes of
that memorable day. Pappenheim brings fresh masses and fresh courage
into the field. He is slain; content to die, since Gustavus, the foe of
the Emperor and of his faith, breathes no longer; but Piccolomini and
Tershy have inherited his spirit. The Swedes are beaten back; several
standards and royal banners are won by the Imperialists. Count Brahé is
mortally wounded; and of his division--the flower of all the army, the
brave veterans "who have been so long accustomed to conquer that they
knew not how to yield"--there remains but an inconsiderable fraction.
During all these vicissitudes the cool intrepidity of Kniphausen had
kept the second line of the centre unbroken; and when, between three and
four o'clock, the fog cleared off, and Duke Bernhard, who had expected a
very different appearance, saw it standing firm and in good order, he
raised his voice once more to renew the assault. This charge again
changed the aspect of the battle; but the mist again spreading, again
the Swedes are baffled when within a grasp of victory. The fifth and
decisive charge was made just before sunset, when the arrival of
Pappenheim's foot encouraged the Imperialists to make a final and
desperate struggle. Kniphausen's fresh troops were now brought into
action. The sharp ring of the musketry, the shouts of those full of life
and hope, stifled once more the groans of the wounded comrades, in whom
life was expiring and hope was dead. Both sides fought bravely,
admirably; and, had strength and courage alone determined this last
agony, doubtful indeed would have been its issue. But the Swedish cannon
now again opened their flaming mouths upon the right flank and front of
the Imperialists; and the effect was terrible: rank upon rank and file
upon file fell beneath that crushing fire; so that when darkness
thickened around the still contending armies, taking advantage of its
cover, and leaving behind him the guns which had not been already
captured, Wallenstein gave the signal to retreat, and drew off from the
field.