At six o'clock on the morning of the 13th, signal was given to weigh and

proceed, and at eight o'clock the lines were formed and the expedition

proceeded, steering towards the S.E. The French and Turkish

line-of-battle ships joined us in the course of the day. A division of

the allies went on in front, and cruised towards Sebastopol. It was

evident, from the course we had taken, that the expedition was going

towards Eupatoria, a town situated on a low promontory of land about

thirty-four miles distant from Sebastopol. Towards noon the ships of the

expedition closed in with the shore. The country was flat, but numerous

herds of cattle were to be seen in the plains and salt marshes, and the

farm-houses became more frequent as we proceeded southwards. At noon

Eupatoria bore ten miles S.E. by E. from us. We soon after saw the

Cossacks in twos or threes--or at least horsemen whom every one declared

to be those famous irregulars--scouring along towards the town, but

there were very few of them, and they were at long intervals; now and

then a farmer-looking man, in a covered cart, was visible, jogging

along, as it appeared, with perfect indifference to the formidable

apparition of some 400 vessels keeping company with him at the distance

of some five or six miles only.

Eupatoria soon became visible. It lies on a spit of sand, and for a long

time we imagined that it was defended by heavy works, for the solid

stone houses close by the sea-coast were so increased by refraction and

lifted up so high, that they looked like forts. The town is

astonishingly clean, perhaps by contrast with Varna and Gallipoli. A

large barrack was in course of erection near the town on the north side.

Towards the south side were innumerable windmills, and several

bathing-boxes, gaily painted, along the beach gave an air of

civilization to the place, in spite of the old Turkish minarets which

peered above the walls in a very dilapidated state. The chapel was a

conspicuous object, and boasted of a large dome. Many square stone

buildings were in view. At a quarter past three the expedition anchored

off the town, at the distance of two or three miles.

We could see up the main streets of the town with our glasses very

clearly. Cossacks dotted all the hills, watching us, and some of them

were "driving" the cattle across the sandy hillocks towards the

interior. There seemed to be a blockhouse on shore, and a kind of

earthwork, near which was a flagstaff, but no flag was exhibited. The

_Caradoc_ slowly coasted by the flat and very low shore close in. A boat

with Colonel Steele, Colonel Trochu, and Mr. Calvert, interpreter,

proceeded towards the quay with a flag of truce, and summoned the town,

which the governor surrendered at once, as he had only 200 invalids

under his command. He said, very brusquely, "Nous sommes tous rendus,

faites ce que vous voulez." Some Russian soldiers stood gazing on the

expedition from the mounds of earth near the town, and we were amused by

seeing the process of relieving guard, which was done in very good style

by three regulars. They left a sentry behind, in lieu of the man whom

they relieved.

[Sidenote: THE PLACE OF LANDING.]

There was only one vessel in the roadstead--a Tartar sloop of sixty or

seventy tons. The _Tribune_ stood leisurely in as soon as the fleet

anchored, till she was within half a mile of the town. A boat put off

with four men, who pulled towards the sloop, got into her, and

immediately hoisted a white flag; the first prize on the shore of the

Crimea! All this time the people were gazing at us out of the windows,

from the corners of the streets, and from the roofs of the houses.

All the vessels were drawn up in immense lines, with a front extending

over nine miles, and with an unknown depth--for the rigging and sails of

the distant transports belonging to the expedition were lost far below

the horizon; and after we had anchored, stragglers arrived every hour.

After a short conversation by signal between generals and admirals,

towards eight o'clock P.M. the _Agamemnon_ sent off boats to the

steamers and transports with the following order to the

quartermasters-general of division:--

ORDERS FOR SAILING.

"Wednesday night.

"The Light Division to be actually under way at one A.M. to-morrow

morning.

"The Fourth Division to sail at two A.M.

"The First Division to sail at three A.M.

"The Third Division and the Fifth Division to sail at four A.M.

"Steer S.S.E. for eight miles. Rendezvous in lat. 45 degrees. Do

not go nearer to shore than eight fathoms."

These orders were obeyed, and after an interchange of rockets from the

admirals, the divisions weighed in the order indicated, and slowly stood

along the coast till about eight o'clock in the morning, when we

anchored off Staroe Ukroplenie, or the Old Fort.

The place thus selected for our landing was a low strip of beach and

shingle, cast up by the violence of the surf, and forming a sort of

causeway between the sea and a stagnant salt-water lake. The lake is

about one mile long, and half a mile broad, and when we first arrived,

its borders and surface were frequented by vast flocks of wildfowl. The

causeway was not more than two hundred yards broad, leading, at the

right or southern extremity of the lake, by a gentle ascent, to an

irregular table-land or plateau of trifling elevation, dotted with

tumuli or barrows, such as are seen in several parts of England. Towards

the sea this plateau presented a precipitous face of red clay and

sandstone, varying in height from a hundred to a hundred and fifty feet,

and it terminated by a descent almost to the sea-level, at the distance

of nearly two miles from the shores of the lake. Thence towards the

south there was a low sandy beach, with a fringe of shingle raised by

the action of the waves above the level of the land, and saving it from

inundation. This low coast stretched along as far as the eye could

reach, till it was lost beneath the base of the mountain ranges over

Sebastopol. The country inland, visible from the decks of our ships, was

covered with cattle, with grain in stack, with farm-houses. The

stubble-fields were covered with wild lavender, southernwood, and other

fragrant shrubs, which the troops collected for fuel, and which filled

the air with an aromatic perfume. As we cruised towards Eupatoria, we

could see the people driving their carts and busy in their ordinary

occupations.

Now and then some Cossacks were visible, scouring along the roads to the

interior, and down south towards the menaced stronghold of the Czar; but

they were not numerous, and at times it was doubtful whether the people

we saw were those freebooters of the Don, or merely Crim Tartar

herdsmen, armed with cattle-spears. The post carriage from Sebastopol to

Odessa was also seen rolling leisurely along, and conveying, probably,

news of the great armament with which the coast was menaced.

We were further disappointed to find the natives in dress and aspect

very like our friends of Bulgaria. They were better kempt, and seemed

better clad; but the "style" of the men was the same as that of the

people with whom we had been so long and so unpleasantly familiar.

The daybreak of Thursday (September 14) gave promise of a lovely

morning, but the pledge was not quite fulfilled. The sun rose from a

cloudless sky. Towards noon the heat of his mid-day beams was tempered

by a gentle breeze, and by some floating fleecy vapours, which turned

speedily into showers of rain, and the afternoon was dark and gloomy.

The vast armada, which had moved on during the night in perfect order,

studded the horizon with a second heaven of stars, and, covering the

face of the sea with innumerable lights, advanced parallel with the

coast till it gradually closed in towards the shore near Lake Saki.

At seven A.M. most of the fleet were in shore near their prescribed

positions, but it was found necessary to send the _Firebrand_ and some

other steamer to sea, in order to tow up the slower transports of

men-of-war. The _Emperor_, which was our guiding star, did not keep

exactly in her position, or the places taken by the leading steamers of

the rest of the fleet were wrong, and some doubt and a little confusion

arose in consequence; but the absence of an enemy rendered any slight

deviations from order of comparatively trifling importance. The greatest

offender against the prescribed order of disembarkation was the Admiral

himself, who, instead of filling the place assigned to him in the centre

of his fleet, stood out four miles from the shore, and signalled for

four ships of the line to come out from among us and reconnoitre.

[Sidenote: THE FRENCH THE FIRST TO LAND.]

As the ships of our expedition drew up in lines parallel to the beach,

the French fleet passed us under steam, and extended itself on our

right, and ran in close to shore below the cliffs of the plateau. Their

small war steamers went much nearer than ours were allowed to do, and a

little after seven o'clock the first French boat put off from one of the

men-of-war; not more than fifteen or sixteen men were on board her. She

was beached quietly on shore at the southern extremity of the real cliff

already mentioned. The crew leaped out; they formed into a knot on the

strand, and seemed busily engaged for a few moments over one spot of

ground, as though they were digging a grave. Presently a flag-staff was

visible above their heads, and in a moment more the tricolor was run up

to the top, and fluttered out gaily in the wind, while the men took off

their hats, and no doubt did their "_Vive l'Empereur!_" in good style.

The French were thus the first to take possession and seisin of the

Crimea.[9]

There was no enemy in sight. The most scrutinizing gaze at this moment

could not have detected a hostile uniform along the coast. The French

Admiral fired a gun shortly after eight o'clock, and the disembarkation

of their troops commenced. In little more than an hour they got 6000 men

on shore. This was very smart work, but it must be remembered that

nearly all the French army were on board line-of-battle ships, and were

at once carried from their decks to the land by the men-of-war's boats.

The instant the French had landed a regiment, a company was pushed on to

reconnoitre--skirmishers or pickets were sent on in front. As each

regiment followed in column, its predecessors deployed, extended front,

and advanced in light marching order _en tirailleur_, spreading out like

a fan over the plains. It was most curious and interesting to observe

their progress, and to note the rapid manner in which they were

appropriating the soil. In about an hour after their first detachment

had landed, nearly 9000 troops were on shore, and their advanced posts

were faintly discernible between three and four miles from the beach,

like little black specks moving over the cornfields, and darkening the

highways and meadow paths. The _Montebello_ carried upwards of 1400 men,

in addition to her crew. The _Valmy_ had in all 3000. The _Ville de

Paris_ and _Henri Quatre_ were laden with men in proportion; and all the

line-of-battle ships and steamers had full cargoes of troops. In fact,

it was found that their small brigs and schooners were neither safe nor

comfortable, and that they were better suited for carrying stores and

horses than men. The fleet of French men-of-war carried more than 20,000

men. Their whole force to be landed consisted of 23,600 men.

Our army amounted to 27,000 men, who were embarked in a vast number of

transports, covering a great extent of water. But they were carried in

comfort and safety; and, though there was still much sickness on board,

it was as nothing compared to the mortality among the closely-packed

French. Perhaps no army ever was conveyed with such luxury and security

from shore to shore as ours in the whole history of war. A body of

French Spahis, under Lieutenant de Moleyn, were the first cavalry to

land. Next morning these men attacked an advanced post, and cut off a

Russian officer and a few soldiers, whom they carried back to camp.

About nine o'clock one black ball was run up to the fore of the

_Agamemnon_ and a gun was fired to enforce attention to the signal. This

meant, "Divisions of boats to assemble round ships for which they are

told off, to disembark infantry and artillery." In an instant the sea

was covered with a flotilla of launches, gigs, cutters, splashing

through the water, some towing flats, and the large Turkish boats,

others with horse-floats plunging heavily after them. They proceeded

with as great regularity as could be expected to their appointed ships,

and the process of landing commenced. Up to this moment not an enemy was

to be seen; but as the boats began to shove off from the ships, five

horsemen slowly rose above the ridge on the elevated ground, to the

right of the strip of beach which separated the salt-water lake from the

sea in front of us. After awhile four of them retired to one of the

tumuli inland opposite the French fleet. The other retained his

position, and was soon the cynosure of all neighbouring eyes. The

Russian was within about 1100 yards of us, and through a good telescope

we could watch his every action. He rode slowly along by the edge of the

cliff, apparently noting the number and disposition of the fleet, and

taking notes with great calmness in a memorandum book. He wore a dark

green frock-coat, with a little silver lace, a cap of the same colour, a

sash round his waist, and long leather boots. His horse, a fine bay

charger, was a strange contrast to the shaggy rough little steeds of his

followers. There they were, "the Cossacks," at last!--stout,

compact-looking fellows, with sheepskin caps, uncouth clothing of

indiscriminate cut, high saddles, and little fiery ponies, which carried

them with wonderful ease and strength. Each of these Cossacks carried a

thick lance of some fifteen feet in length, and a heavy sabre. At times

they took rapid turns by the edge of the cliff in front of us--now to

the left, now to the rear, of their officer, and occasionally they

dipped out of sight, over the hill, altogether. Then they came back,

flourishing their lances, and pointed to the accumulating masses of the

French on their right, and more than half-a-mile from them, on the

shore, or scampered over the hill to report progress as to the lines of

English boats advancing to the beach. Their officer behaved very well.

He remained for an hour within range of a Minié rifle, and making a

sketch in his portfolio of our appearance, we all expected she was going

to drop a shell over himself and his little party. We were glad our

expectations were not realized, if it were only on the chance of the

sketch being tolerably good, so that the Czar might really see what our

armada was like.

[Sidenote: FIRST TRACES OF THE ENEMY.]

Meantime the English boats were nearing the shore, not in the order of

the programme, but in irregular groups; a company of a regiment of the

Light Division, the 7th Fusileers, under Lieutenant-Colonel Yea, I

think, landed first on the beach to the left of the cliffs;[10] then

came a company of the 2nd Battalion of the Rifle Brigade, commanded by

Lieutenant-Colonel Lawrence: a small boat from the _Britannia_ commanded

by Lieutenant Vesey, had, however, preceded the Fusileers, and

disembarked some men on the beach, who went down into the hollow at the

foot of the cliffs. The Russian continued his sketching. Suddenly a

Cossack crouched down and pointed with his lance to the ascent of the

cliffs. The officer turned and looked in the direction. We looked too,

and, lo! a cocked hat rose above the horizon. Another figure, with, a

similar head-dress, came also in view. The first was on the head of Sir

George Brown, on foot; the second we found out to be the property of the

Assistant Quartermaster-general Airey. Sir George had landed immediately

after the company of the Fusileers on their right, and having called

Colonel Lysons' attention to the ground where he wished the Light

Division to form, he walked on towards the cliff or rising ground on the

right of the salt-water lake. The scene was exciting. It was evident the

Russian and the Cossack saw Sir George, but that he did not see them.

The Russian got on his horse, the Cossacks followed his example, and one

of them cantered to the left to see that the French were not cutting off

their retreat, while the others stooped down over their saddle-bows and

rode stealthily, with lowered lances, towards the Englishmen.

Sir George was in danger, but he did not know it. Neither did the

Russians see the picket advancing towards the brow of the hill, for our

General was not alone, Sergeant Maunsell and two privates of the 23rd

had followed him as he advanced towards the hill; and they had not gone

very far when Sir George ordered one of them to go back, and tell the

officer commanding the company to advance, and extend his men along the

brow of the hill. Sir George was busy scanning the country, and pointing

out various spots to the Quartermaster-general. Suddenly the two turned

and slowly descended the hill--the gold sash disappeared--the cocked hat

was eclipsed--Cossacks and officers dismounted and stole along by the

side of their horses. They, too, were hid from sight in a short time,

and on the brow of the cliff appeared a string of native carts. General

Airey had seen these arabas, and applied to Colonel Lysons to know if he

should not intercept them. In about five minutes two or three tiny puffs

of smoke rose over the cliff, and presently the faint cracks of a rifle

were audible to the men in the nearest ships. In a few minutes more the

Cossacks were flying like wind on the road towards Sebastopol, and

crossing close to the left of the French lines of skirmishers.

Sir George Brown, whose sight was very indifferent, had a near escape of

being taken prisoner. The Cossacks, who had been dodging him, made a

dash when they were within less than a hundred yards. The General had to

run, and was only saved from capture by the fire of the Fusileers. The

Cossacks bolted. The first blood spilt in this campaign was that of a

poor boy, an arabajee, who was wounded in the foot by the volley which

dislodged them; and our capture consisted of fourteen arabas, in which

were found abundance of delicious fruit and stores of firewood. The

Cossacks beat the drivers to hasten them in taking the bullocks out of

the carts, nor did they desist in their attempts till one of them was

badly hit, and our men were close at hand. The drivers came in to us

when the Cossacks rode off.

The Light Division got on shore very speedily, and were all landed, with

the exception of a few companies, in an hour. The First Division landed

simultaneously with the leading division; the Duke of Cambridge and his

staff being early on the beach, the Brigadiers Sir C. Campbell and

Major-General Bentinck preceding their respective brigades. As the

regiments landed, the brigades were formed in contiguous columns at

quarter distance. The Light Division was on the left, the First Division

the next, and so on in order towards the right. The Second Division had

landed. Sir De Lacy Evans got on shore with his staff about half-past

ten o'clock. By eleven o'clock, the Rifles and Fusileers had been

inspected, and were marching from the left of the line, along the front

of the other regiments, towards the right. They ascended the slope of

the hill over the cliffs, passing by the pickets and sentries who had

been placed on outpost duty by Sir George Brown, and marching straight

on over the plain I have described inland.

Very amusing was it to watch the loading and unloading of the boats. A

gig or cutter, pulled by eight or twelve sailors, with a paddle-box

boat, flat, or Turkish pinnace in tow (the latter purchased for the

service), would come up alongside a steamer or transport in which troops

were ready for disembarkation. The officers of each company first

descended, each man in full dress. Over his shoulder was slung his

havresack, containing what had been, ere it underwent the process of

cooking, four pounds and a half of salt meat, and a bulky mass of

biscuit of the same weight. This was his ration for three days. Besides

this, each officer carried his greatcoat, rolled up and fastened in a

hoop round his body, a wooden canteen to hold water, a small ration of

spirits, whatever change of under-clothing he could manage to stow away,

his forage-cap, and, in most instances, a revolver. Each private carried

his blanket and greatcoat strapped up into a kind of knapsack, inside

which was a pair of boots, a pair of socks, a shirt, and, at the request

of the men themselves, a forage-cap; he also carried his water canteen,

and the same rations as the officer, a portion of the mess cooking

apparatus, firelock and bayonet of course, cartouch box and fifty rounds

of ball-cartridge for Minié, sixty rounds for smooth-bore arms.

[Sidenote: OUR BLUE-JACKETS ASHORE.]

As each man came creeping down the ladder, Jack helped him along

tenderly from rung to rung till he was safe in the boat, took his

firelock and stowed it away, removed his knapsack and packed it snugly

under the seat, patted him on the back, and told him "not to be afeerd

on the water;" treated "the sojer," in fact, in a very kind and tender

way, as though he were a large but not a very sagacious "pet," who was

not to be frightened or lost sight of on any account, and did it all so

quickly, that the large paddle-box boats, containing 100 men, were

filled in five minutes. Then the latter took the paddle-box in tow,

leaving her, however, in charge of a careful coxswain, and the same

attention was paid to _getting_ the "sojer" on shore that was evinced in

getting him into the boat; the sailors (half or wholly naked in the

surf) standing by at the bows, and handing each man and his accoutrement

down the plank to the shingle, for fear "he'd fall off and hurt

himself." Never did men work better than our blue-jackets; especially

valuable were they with horses and artillery; and their delight at

having a horse to hold and to pat all to themselves was excessive. When

the gun-carriages stuck fast in the shingle, half a dozen herculean

seamen rushed at the wheels, and, with a "Give way, my lad--all

together," soon spoked it out with a run, and landed it on the hard

sand. No praise can do justice to the willing labour of these fine

fellows. They never relaxed their efforts as long as man or horse of the

expedition remained to be landed, and many of them, officers as well as

men, were twenty-four hours in their boats. Our force consisted of:--

The Light Division, Sir George Brown--2nd Battalion Rifle Brigade, 7th

Fusileers, 19th Regiment, 23rd Fusileers, Brigadier Major-General

Codrington, 33rd Regiment, 77th Regiment, 88th Regiment, and

Brigadier-General Buller.

The First Division, under the Duke of Cambridge, included the Grenadier,

Coldstream, and Scots Fusileer Guards, under Major-General Bentinck, and

the 42nd, 79th, and 93rd Highlanders, under Brigadier Sir C. Campbell.

The Second Division, under Sir De Lacy Evans, consisted of the 30th,

55th, and 95th, under Brigadier-General Pennefather, and the 41st, 47th,

and 49th, under Brigadier-General Adams.

The Third Division, under Sir R. England, was composed of the 1st

Royals, 28th, 38th, 44th, 50th, and 68th Regiments--Brigadiers Sir John

Campbell and Eyre. (4th Regiment only six companies.)

The Fourth Division, under Sir George Cathcart--the 20th Regiment, 21st

Regiment, Rifle Brigade, 2nd Battalion, 63rd Regiment. (46th Regiment

_en route_; 57th Regiment _en route_.)

The Cavalry Division (Lord Lucan) was made up of the 4th Light Dragoons,

8th Hussars, 11th Hussars, 13th Light Dragoons, 17th Lancers, forming a

Light Cavalry Brigade, under Lord Cardigan; the Scots Greys (not yet

arrived here), 4th Dragoon Guards, 5th Dragoon Guards, 6th Dragoons,

making the Heavy Cavalry Brigade, under Brigadier-General Scarlett.

By twelve o'clock, that barren and desolate beach, inhabited but a short

time before only by the seagull and wild-fowl, was swarming with life.

From one extremity to the other, bayonets glistened, and redcoats and

brass-mounted shakoes gleamed in solid masses. The air was filled with

our English speech, and the hum of voices mingled with loud notes of

command, cries of comrades to each other, the familiar address of "Bill"

to "Tom," or of "Pat" to "Sandy," and an occasional shout of laughter.

At one o'clock most of the regiments of the Light Division had moved off

the beach over the hill, and across the country towards a village, to

which the advanced parties of the French left had already approached.

The Second Battalion of the Rifle Brigade led the way, covering the

advance with a cloud of skirmishers, and pushed on to the villages of

Bagaili and Kamishli, four miles and three-quarters from the beach, and

lying in the road between Tchobatar and the Alma; and the other

regiments followed in order of their seniority, the artillery, under

Captain Anderson, bringing up the rear. One wing of the Rifles, under

Major Norcott, occupied Kamishli--the other, under Lieutenant-Colonel

Lawrence, was installed in Bagaili, and they were supported and

connected by a small party of cavalry. By this time the rain began to

fall pretty heavily, and the wind rose so as to send a little surf on

the beach. The Duke of Cambridge's division followed next in order. The

2nd Division followed, and Sir De Lacy Evans and staff inspected them on

the beach. Up to three o'clock we landed 14,200 men, and two batteries

of artillery. Many of the staff-officers, who ought to have been

mounted, marched on foot, as their horses were not yet landed. Generals

might be seen sitting on powder-barrels on the beach, awaiting the

arrival of "divisional staff horses," or retiring gloomily within the

folds of their macintoshes. Disconsolate doctors, too, were there,

groaning after hospital panniers--but too sorely needed, for more than

one man died on the beach. During the voyage several cases of cholera

occurred; 150 men were buried on the passage from Varna, and there were

about 300 men on board not able to move when we landed. The beach was

partitioned off by flagstaffs, with colours corresponding to that of

each division, in compartments for the landing of each class of man and

beast; but it was, of course, almost beyond the limits of possibility to

observe these nice distinctions in conducting an operation which must

have extended over many square miles of water. Shortly before two

o'clock, Brigadier-General Rose, the Commissioner for the British Army,

with Marshal St. Arnaud, rode over from the French quarters to inform

Lord Raglan, by the authority of the Marshal, that "the whole of the

French troops had landed." Disembarkation was carried on long after

sunset, and a part of the 3rd and 4th Divisions remained on the beach

and on the hill near it for the night.

All the regiments were the better for the sea voyage. The 20th and 21st

Regiments and the 1st Battalion of the Rifle Brigade looked remarkably

fresh and clean, but that was accounted for, without disparagement to

their companions in arms, by the circumstance of their having so

recently come out, and that the polish had not been taken off them by a

Bulgarian summer. The Guards had much improved in health during their

sojourn on shipboard, and were in good spirits and condition.

After a short time the country people began to come in, and we found

they were decidedly well inclined towards us. Of course they were rather

scared at first, but before the day was over they had begun to approach

the beach, and to bring cattle, sheep, and vegetables for sale. Their

carts, or rather arabas, were detained, but liberally paid for; and so

well satisfied were the owners, that they went home, promising increased

supplies to-morrow. The men were apparently of pure Tartar race, with

small eyes very wide apart, nose very much sunk, and a square

substantial figure. They generally wore turbans of lambswool, and

jackets of sheepskin with the wool inwards. They spoke indifferent

Turkish, and were most ready with information respecting their Russian

masters, by whom they had been most carefully disarmed. A deputation of

them waited on Lord Raglan to beg for muskets and powder to fight the

Muscovite.

[Sidenote: MISERIES OF THE FIRST BIVOUAC.]

They told us that the ground round Sebastopol had been mined for miles,

but such rumours are always current about a fortress to be defended, and

Russian mines not better constructed than those at Silistria could not

do much harm. They said, too, that the cholera, of which we had had such

dreadful experience, had been most fatal at Sebastopol, that 20,000 of

the troops and seamen were dead, and that the latter had been landed to

man the forts. They estimated the force between us and Sebastopol at

about 15,000 men, and the garrison at 40,000 more. They added, however,

that there was an army south of Sebastopol, which had been sent to meet

an expected attack on Kaffa. On the whole, the information we at first

obtained was encouraging, and the favourable disposition of the people,

and their willingness to furnish supplies, were advantages which had not

been expected.

While the troops were disembarking, one of the reconnoitring steamers

returned with news of a Russian camp situated near the beach, about

eight miles south of the place where we were landing. The _Samson_, the

_Fury_, and the _Vesuvius_, in company with three French steamers, at

once proceeded to the spot. They found a camp of about 6000 men formed

at a mile's distance from the sea. The steamers opened fire with shell

at 2500 yards, knocking them over right and left, and driving the

soldiery in swarms out of the camp, which was broken up after less than

an hour's firing. The squadron returned to the fleet, having effected

this service, and were ordered to cruise off Sebastopol.

Few of those who were with the expedition will forget the night of the

14th of September. Seldom or never were 27,000 Englishmen more

miserable. No tents had been sent on shore, partly because there had

been no time to land them, partly because there was no certainty of our

being able to find carriage for them in case of a move. Towards night

the sky looked very black and lowering; the wind rose, and the rain fell

in torrents. The showers increased in violence about midnight, and early

in the morning fell in drenching sheets, which pierced through the

blankets and greatcoats of the houseless and tentless soldiers. It was

their first bivouac--a hard trial enough, in all conscience, worse than

all their experiences of Bulgaria or Gallipoli, for there they had their

tents, and now they learned to value their canvas coverings at their

true worth. Let the reader imagine old generals[11] and young gentlemen

exposed to the violence of pitiless storms, with no bed but the reeking

puddle under the saturated blankets, or bits of useless waterproof

wrappers, and the twenty-odd thousand poor fellows who could not get

"dry bits" of ground, and had to sleep or try to sleep, in little lochs

and watercourses--no fire to cheer them, no hot grog, and the prospect

of no breakfast;--let him imagine this, and add to it that the nice

"change of linen" had become a wet abomination, which weighed the poor

men's kits down, and he will admit that this "seasoning" was of rather a

violent character--particularly as it came after all the luxuries of dry

ship stowage. Sir George Brown slept under a cart tilted over. The Duke

of Cambridge, wrapped in a waterproof coat, spent most of the night

riding about among his men. Sir De Lacy Evans was the only general whose

staff had been careful enough to provide him with a tent. In one respect

the rain was of service: it gave the men a temporary supply of water;

but then it put a fire out of the question, even if enough wood could

have been scraped together to make it. The country was, however,

destitute of timber.

During the night it blew freshly from the west, a heavy sea tumbled into

the bay, and sent a high surf upon the beach, which much interfered with

the process of landing cavalry and artillery on the 15th. Early in the

day signal was made to the steamers to get up steam for Eupatoria, and

it was no doubt intended to land the cavalry and artillery there, in

consequence of the facility afforded by a pier and harbour; but towards

noon the wind went down, and the swell somewhat abated. Several valuable

animals were drowned in an attempt to land some staff horses. Lord

Raglan lost one charger and another swam off seaward, and was only

recovered two miles from the shore. Some boats were staved and rendered

useless, and several others were injured by the roll of the surf on the

beach; nor did the horse-boats and flats escape uninjured. Operations

went on slowly, and the smooth days we had wasted at sea were bitterly

lamented.

The work was, however, to be done, and in the afternoon orders were

given to land cavalry. For this purpose it was desirable to approach the

beach as close as possible, and a signal to this effect was made to the

cavalry steamers. The _Himalaya_ in a few minutes ran in so far that she

lay inside every ship in our fleet, with the exception of the little

_Spitfire_, and immediately commenced discharging her enormous cargo of

390 horses, and nearly 700 men. The attendance of cutters, launches,

paddle-box boats, and horse-floats from the navy was prompt, and the

seamen of the Royal and mercantile marine rivalled each other in their

efforts. Never did men work so hard, so cheerfully, or so well. The

horses, too, were so acclimated to ship life--they were so accustomed to

an existence of unstable equilibrium in slings, and to rapid ascents and

descents from the tight ropes, that they became comparatively docile.

Besides this, they were very tired from standing for fourteen days in

one narrow box, were rather thin and sickly, and were glad of change of

air and position.

[Sidenote: ESTABLISHMENT OF A MARKET.]

Before the disembarkation had concluded for the day, signal was made for

all ships to "land tents." It need not be said that this order was most

gratefully received. But alas! the order was countermanded, and the

tents which had been landed were sent back to the ships again. Our

French allies, deficient as they had been in means of accommodation and

stowage and transport, had yet managed to land their little scraps of

tents the day they disembarked. Whilst our poor fellows were soaked

through and through, their blankets and greatcoats saturated with wet,

and without any change of raiment, the French close at hand, and the

Turks, whose tents were much more bulky than our own, were lying snugly

under cover. The most serious result of the wetting was, however, a

great increase in illness among the troops.

CHAPTER III.

Sad scenes--French foragers--Order for the advance--First view of

the enemy--Skirmish at Bouljanak.

It was decided to garrison Eupatoria, and Captain Brock and 500 Marines

were sent away for the purpose, in conjunction with a French, force. On

the 15th of September, signal had been made from the _Emperor_ for all

ships to send their sick on board the _Kangaroo_. Before evening she had

about 1500 invalids in all stages of suffering on board. When the time

for sailing arrived, the _Kangaroo_ hoisted, in reply to orders to

proceed, this signal--"It is a dangerous experiment." The _Emperor_ then

signalled--"What do you mean?" The reply was--"The ship is

unmanageable." All the day she was lying with the signal up--"Send boats

to assistance;" and at last orders were given to transfer some of her

melancholy freight to other vessels also proceeding to Constantinople.

Many deaths occurred on board--many miserable scenes took place which it

would be useless to describe. It was clear, however, that neither afloat

nor on shore was the medical staff sufficient. More surgeons were

required, both in the fleet and in the army. Often--too often--medical

aid could not be obtained at all; and it frequently came too late.

Provisions were at first plentiful. Sixty arabas, laden with flour for

Sebastopol, were seized on the 15th of September. More came in for sale

or hire the next day: horses also were brought in, and men offered

themselves as servants. A market was established for meat and

vegetables, and the confidence of the country people in their new

customers was confirmed by prompt payment and good treatment. A village

near the head-quarters of the Light Division was sacked by some Zouaves,

who deprived the inhabitants of everything they could lay their hands

upon, in spite of the exertions of the Rifles who were stationed in the

place. Lord Raglan gave strict orders that no French soldiers should be

permitted to enter the village.

On the evening of Saturday, September 16th, a lengthened dark line was

seen approaching along the sea coast. As it came nearer, it was resolved

by the telescope into a train of Spahis, under the command of some

cavalry officers, driving in immense flocks of sheep and cattle for the

use of their troops in the camp situated on the extreme right of our

lines. First came a drove of some hundreds of sheep captured, natives,

drivers, and all guarded in the rear by some Spahis, flourishing their

long lances in high delight. Close after them appeared a mighty herd of

cattle, tossing their horns and bellowing, as the remorseless Spahis

goaded them on over the hard shingle, and circled like drovers' dogs

around them. Next came the French officers in command of the party. They

were followed by a string of country carts driven by sad-looking

Cimmerians, who seemed very anxious to be out of the hands of their Arab

captors. Lastly appeared, with all the gravity of their race, a few

camels, which the Spahis had laden heavily with grain. Such razzias

caused an amount of evil quite disproportionate to any paltry gains made

by plundering those poor people. They frightened them from our markets,

and, though for the moment successful, threatened to deprive us of the

vast supplies to be obtained from their goodwill. The much-abused Turks

remained quietly in their well-ordered camp, living contentedly on the

slender rations supplied from their fleet. Their appearance was very

acceptable to the large Mussulman population, and they were very proud

of serving on equal terms with their French and English allies.

On the 17th the disembarkation of stores continued and was completed,

and the tents were carried up to the various divisions with great labour

by large fatigue parties. The siege train still remained on board ship,

and it was intended to land it at the mouth of the river Belbeck, close

to Sebastopol, as we could not stay to put it ashore at Old Fort. The

Cossacks came round our outposts, and the sky at night was reddened by

the glare of their burnings. The Tartars said the Russians had 15,000

men posted in an entrenched camp on the Alma river, about twelve miles

distant, on the road to Sebastopol. A troop of the 11th Hussars, who

went out reconnoitring, were pursued by a regiment of Cossacks, but

retired in order without any casualty. Captain Creswell, an officer of

the regiment, who was a great favourite with his comrades, died of

cholera in the little village in which his troop was quartered.

At twelve o'clock on the night of Monday, September 18th, orders were

given by Lord Raglan that the troops should strike tents at daybreak,

and that all tents should be sent on board the ships of the fleet. M. de

Bazancourt asserts that the French Marshal was ready to march on the

17th, and that he all along hoped to do so, but that the English were

not prepared, as they had an immense quantity of _impedimenta_. He

further says that it was arranged between the Generals to defer the

march till 11 A.M. on the 18th, but that we again delayed the movement

when the time came, and that Marshal St. Arnaud wrote to Lord Raglan to

say he would move without him if he was not ready the following morning.

[Sidenote: ADVANCE OF THE ARMIES.]

At three o'clock in the morning of the 19th, the camp was roused by the

_réveil_, and the 50,000 sleepers woke into active life. The boats from

the ships lined the beach to receive the tents which were again returned

to the ships. The English commissariat officers struggled in vain with

the very deficient means at their disposal to meet the enormous

requirements of an army of 26,000 men, for the transport of baggage,

ammunition, and food; and a scene, which to an unpractised eye seemed

one of utter confusion, began and continued for several hours, relieved

only by the steadiness and order of the regiments as they paraded

previous to marching.

The right of the allied forces was covered by the fleet, which moved

along with it in magnificent order, darkening the air with innumerable

columns of smoke, ready to shell the enemy should they threaten to

attack our right, and commanding the land for nearly two miles from the

shore.

It was nine o'clock ere the whole of our army was ready. The day was

warm. On the extreme right and in advance, next the sea, was the 1st

Division of the French army, under Bosquet, marching by battalion in

columns _par peloton_, the artillery being in the centre. The 2nd

Division, under Canrobert, marching in column by division, protected the

right flank, which, however, was in no need of such defence, as it was

covered by the allied fleets. The 3rd Division was on the left flank of

the French army. The 4th Division and the Turks formed the rear guard.

The formation of our allies was of a lozenge shape, with the 1st

Division at the salient angle, the 2nd and 3rd Divisions at the lateral

angles, and the 4th Division at the other angle, the baggage being in

the centre. Next to Prince Napoleon's Division was the 2nd British,

under Sir De Lacy Evans, with Sir Richard England's (the 3rd) Division

in his rear in support. On a parallel line with the 2nd Division marched

the Light Division, under Sir George Brown, with the 1st Division under

the Duke of Cambridge in support in his rear. The order of the English

advance was by double columns of companies from the centre of divisions.

The 8th Hussars and 17th Lancers moved on our left flank, to protect it,

and the 13th Light Dragoons and 11th Hussars, in extended order,

preceded the infantry, so as to cover our front. The commissariat and

baggage followed behind the 3rd and 1st Divisions, and were covered by

the 4th Division as a rear guard. Part of the 4th Division and of the

4th Light Dragoons were left to protect and clear the beach of stores.

They joined the army late on the evening of the 20th.

The country beyond the salt lake, near which we were encamped, was

entirely destitute of tree or shrub, and consisted of wide plains,

marked at intervals of two or three miles with hillocks and long

irregular ridges of hills running down towards the sea at right angles

to the beach. It was but little cultivated, except in the patches of

land around the unfrequent villages built in the higher recesses of the

valleys. Hares were started in abundance, and afforded great sport to

the soldiers whenever they halted, and several were fairly hunted down

among the lines. All oxen, horses, or cattle, had been driven off by the

Cossacks. The soil was hard and elastic, and was in excellent order for

artillery. The troops presented a splendid appearance. The effect of

these grand masses of soldiery descending the ridges of the hills, rank

after rank, with the sun playing over forests of glittering steel, can

never be forgotten by those who witnessed it. Onward the torrent of war

swept; wave after wave, huge stately billows of armed men, while the

rumble of the artillery and tramp of cavalry accompanied their progress.

After a march of an hour a halt took place for fifty minutes, during

which Lord Raglan, accompanied by a very large staff, Marshal St.

Arnaud, Generals Bosquet, Forey, and a number of French officers, rode

along the front of the columns. The men of their own accord got up from

the ground, rushed forward, and column after column rent the air with

three thundering English cheers. It was a good omen. As the Marshal

passed the 55th Regiment, he exclaimed, "English, I hope you will fight

well to-day!" "Hope!" exclaimed a voice from the ranks, "sure you know

we will!" Many sick men fell out, and were carried to the rear. It was a

painful sight--a sad contrast to the magnificent appearance of the army

in front, to behold litter after litter borne past to the carts, with

the poor sufferers who had dropped from illness and fatigue. However,

the march went on, grand and irresistible. At last, the smoke of burning

villages and farm-houses announced that the enemy in front were aware of

our march. It was melancholy to see the white walls of the houses

blackened with smoke--the flames ascending through the roofs of peaceful

homesteads--and the ruined outlines of deserted hamlets.

Presently, from the top of a hill, a wide plain was visible, beyond

which rose a ridge darkened here and there by masses which the practised

eye recognised as cavalry. It was our first view of the enemy, and we

soon lost sight of them again. On the left of the plain, up in a recess

formed by the inward sweep of the two ridges, lay a large village in

flames; right before us was a neat white house unburnt, though the

outhouses and farm-yard were burning. This was the Imperial Post-house

of Bouljanak, just twenty miles from Sebastopol, and some of our

officers and myself were soon busily engaged in exploring the place.

[Sidenote: FIRST SKIRMISH WITH THE COSSACKS.]

The house was deserted and gutted. Only a picture of a saint, bunches of

herbs in the kitchen, and a few household utensils, were left; and a

solitary pea-hen stalked sadly about the threshold, which soon fell a

victim to a revolver. A small stream ran past us, which was an object of

delight to our thirsty soldiers who had marched more than eight miles

from their late camp. After a short halt for men and horses by the

stream, over which the post-road was carried by a bridge which the enemy

had left unbroken for the passage of our artillery, the army pushed on

again. The cavalry (about 500 men of the 8th Hussars, the 11th Hussars,

and 13th Light Dragoons) pushed on in front, and on arriving about a

mile beyond the post-house, we clearly made out the Cossack Lancers on

the hills in front. Lord Cardigan threw out skirmishers in line, who

covered the front at intervals of ten or twelve yards from each other.

The Cossacks advanced to meet us in like order, man for man, the steel

of their long lances glittering in the sun. They were rough-looking

fellows, mounted on sturdy little horses; but the regularity of their

order and the celerity of their movements showed that they were by no

means despicable foes. As our skirmishers advanced, the Cossacks halted

at the foot of the hill. From time to time a clump of lances rose over

the summit of the hill and disappeared.

Lord Cardigan was eager to try their strength, and permission was given

to him to advance somewhat nearer; but as he did so, dark columns of

cavalry appeared in the recesses of the hills. Lord Lucan therefore

ordered the cavalry to halt, gather in their skirmishers, and retire

slowly. When our skirmishers halted, the Cossacks commenced a fire of

carabines from their line of vedettes, which was quite harmless. Few of

the balls came near enough to let the whiz be heard. I was riding

between the cavalry and the skirmishers, with Lieutenant-Colonel

Dickson, R.A., Captain Fellowes, 12th Lancers, Dr. Elliott, R.A., and we

were looking out anxiously for the arrival of Maude's Troop, when the

Russians, emboldened by our halt, came over the brow of the hill, and

descended the slope in three columns, the centre of which advanced

nearer than the others.

"Now," said Dickson, "we'll catch it. These fellows mean mischief." I

conceived that it would be a very pleasant thing to look at, whatever

they meant. Our skirmishers, who had replied smartly to the fire of the

Cossacks, but without effect, retired and joined their squadrons. At

every fifty paces our cavalry faced. Fellowes rode off to quicken the

advance of the artillery. Suddenly one of the Russian squares opened--a

spurt of white smoke rose out of the gap, and a round shot, which first

pitched close to my horse and covered me with dust, tore over the column

of cavalry behind, and rolled away between the ranks of the riflemen in

the rear, just as they came in view. In another instant a second shot

bowled right through the 11th Hussars, and knocked over a horse, taking

off his rider's leg above the ankle. Another and another followed.

Meantime the C Troop followed by the I Troop, galloped over the hillock,

but were halted by Lord Raglan's order at the base in rear of the

cavalry on the left flank.

Our cavalry was drawn up as targets for the enemy's guns, and had they

been of iron they could not have been more solid and immovable. The

Russian gunners were rather slow, but their balls came bounding along,

quite visible as they passed, right from the centre of the cavalry

columns. After some thirty rounds from the enemy, our artillery, having

cleared their front, opened fire. Captain Brandling laid the first gun,

No. 5, and fired with so true an aim that the shell was seen to burst

right over a Russian gun, and apparently to shut it up. All our shells

were not so successful as the first, but one, better directed than the

rest, burst right in the centre of a column of light infantry, which the

Russians had advanced to support their cavalry. Our fire became so hot

that the enemy retired in fifteen minutes after we opened on them, and

manoeuvring on our left with their light cavalry, seemed to threaten

us in that direction; but Captains Maude and Henry having shifted their

guns so as to meet their front, the enemy finally withdrew over the

hills, and seemed to fall back on the Alma.

While this affair was going on the French had crept up on the right, and

surprised a body of Russian cavalry with a round from a battery of

nine-pounders, which scattered them in all directions.

It is impossible to form an accurate notion of the effect of our fire,

but it must have caused the Russians a greater loss than they inflicted

on us. There is reason to believe they lost about twelve men killed,

thirty-five wounded, and thirty-two horses _hors de combat_. We lost six

horses, and four men were wounded. Two men lost their legs. The others,

up to yesterday, though injured severely, were not in danger. A sergeant

in the 11th Hussars rode coolly to the rear with his foot dangling by a

piece of skin to the bone, and told the doctor he had just come to have

his leg dressed. Another trooper behaved with equal fortitude, and

refused the use of a litter to carry him to the rear, though his leg was

broken into splinters.

When the Russians had retired beyond the heights orders were given to

halt and bivouac for the night, and our tired men set to work to gather

weeds for fuel. So ended the affair of the Bouljanak. Lord Cardigan was,

it is said, anxious to charge, but received most positive orders from

Lord Lucan not to do so. Lord Raglan was anxious not to bring on any

serious affair in the position in which the army was placed, and the

cavalry were ordered to retire towards the Bouljanak, their retreat

being supported by the 1st Brigade Light Division, and part of the 2nd

Division.

As our skirmishers retired and formed, the Cossacks raised a derisive

yell, but did not attempt to pursue or molest them. It is now known that

this was a _reconnaissance_ made by the General Kiriakoff with the 2nd

Brigade of the 17th Division, No. 4 Light Field Battery, the 2nd Brigade

of the 6th Division of Cavalry, consisting of the Saxe Weimar and

another Regiment of Hussars, 900 Don Cossacks, and one Cossack battery.

The infantry kept out of sight behind the ridge, and we were not aware

of their presence in such force.

As soon as the rations of rum and meat had been served out, the casks

were broken up, and the staves used to make fires for cooking, aided by

nettles and long grass. At night the watch-fires of the Russians were

visible on our left and front. It was cold and dreary, and if I could

intrude the recital of the sorrows of a tentless, baggageless man

wandering about in the dark from regiment to regiment in hope of finding

his missing traps,[12] I might tell a tale amusing enough to read, the

incidents of which were very distressing to the individual concerned.

The night was damp, the watch-fires were mere flashes, which gave little

heat, and barely sufficed to warm the rations; but the camp of British

soldiers is ever animated by the very soul of hospitality; and the

wanderer was lucky enough to get a lodging on the ground beside Colonel

Yea, of the 7th Fusileers, who was fortunate enough to have a little

field-tent, and a bit of bread and biscuit to spare after a march of ten

miles and a fast of ten hours.

[Sidenote: EXPECTATION OF AN ATTACK.]

All night arabas continued to arrive, and soldiers who had fallen out or

gone astray. Sir George Brown, Sir De Lacy Evans, the Brigadier-Generals,

and staff-officers, went about among their divisions ere the men lay

down. It was admitted that, as a military spectacle, the advance of our

troops, and the little affair of our artillery, as well as the

management of the cavalry, formed one of the most picturesque and

beautiful that could be imagined.

All night we could see the Russian position on the Alma clearly defined

by the watch-fires, which illuminated the sky. A heavy dew fell, but the

night was clear, and many a debate did we hold as to the strength of the

enemy--of the ground they occupied--of their qualities as soldiers. It

was by no means sure that the Russian cavalry might not beat up our

quarters during the night, and the cavalry were placed in advance, and

the 1st Brigade Light Division supported them, lying down in rear. There

is every reason to be thankful that they gave us a quiet night, for an

alarm on the part of an enemy who knew the ground might have greatly

distressed us, at little risk to them. Lord Raglan and part of his staff

occupied the rooms of the deserted post-house at Bouljanak, which were

tolerably comfortable. Colonel Lagondie, of the Head-quarters Staff, who

had been sent by Lord Raglan to take a message to Prince Napoleon, to

place his division nearer to Sir De Lacy Evans, was taken prisoner,

owing to his having mistaken a party of Cossacks for English cavalry.

When the armies halted, the French had their right resting a good deal

in advance towards the Alma, so that they were nearer to it than we

were. The line of the armies was in an oblique position, the English on

the left being thrown back on the Bouljanak, and the French on the right

being a good deal in advance of it.

CHAPTER IV.

M. de Bazancourt's Strictures--The Advance--French Attack--A

Delicate Question--Advance of the British--The Light Division--The

Guards--The Victory--Russian Account--Humane Efforts--Advance from

the Alma--Eskel.

With early morning on Tuesday, September 20th, the troops were up and

stirring; but the march did not begin for some hours afterwards, and

this circumstance has given rise to severe strictures by several French

writers on the conduct of our generals on the occasion. At 5 o'clock on

the evening of the 19th, says M. de Bazancourt, M. St. Arnaud convened

the French Generals before his tent, and explained to them verbally his

plan of battle, concerted with the English Commander-in-Chief. This plan

was that the English army should execute "a turning movement on the

Russian right, whilst its attention was seriously drawn on its left by a

French division, and that the bulk of the army should make a powerful

effort to force the Russian centre." General Bosquet, who had charge of

the French right, consisting of the 2nd Division, supported by the

Turks, was to turn the Russian left by the abrupt slopes, "judged (by

the Russians) to be inaccessible," and therefore not defended by

artillery. The 1st and 3rd Divisions were to assault the centre of the

position--the 4th Division forming the reserve. The hour of starting was

fixed as follows:--The French right wing at 5.30 A.M.; the left wing,

formed by the English, at 6 A.M.; the centre at 7 A.M. Having given

these explanations to his generals, M. St. Arnaud sent Colonel Trochu,

with General Rose, across to Lord Raglan, to inform him of the plan, and

the hours fixed for the march of the troops, which Lord Raglan "accepted

entirely" in detail. On this statement it may be remarked, that if the

plan had been "concerted" between the Generals, as the French writer

declares, there was no necessity for Lord Raglan's acceptance of a

proposition which he had, conjointly with another, previously agreed to.

In order to obtain unity of action in the allied movements Prince

Napoleon and General Canrobert received orders to communicate with Lord

Raglan and with Sir De Lacy Evans, who commanded the 2nd Division,

immediately in proximity with the French.

[Sidenote: PLAN OF ATTACK.]

The French writer proceeds:--"At 5.30 the 2nd Division quitted its

bivouac, and descended into the plain towards the Alma, which it reached

at 6.30, but no movement was visible among the English army. General

Canrobert and Prince Napoleon, astonished at this immobility, so

contrary to the instructions, went in all haste to Sir De Lacy Evans,

whom they found in his tent, and expressed their astonishment at a delay

which might gravely compromise the success of the day. 'I have not

received the order,' replied Sir De Lacy Evans. They were at once

obliged to arrest the march of Bosquet's division, and on informing the

Marshal, who was already mounted, of what had passed, he sent over a

staff officer, Major Renson, to order them to wait for the English

troops, who were _en retard_, and despatched Colonel Trochu in all haste

to Lord Raglan, whom he found on horseback, although the English troops

were still in the encampment as he passed the lines, and not at all

prepared for the march as agreed upon. It was half-past 7 o'clock when

Colonel Trochu reached the head-quarters of our army; and when Lord

Raglan had received the message which the Marshal sent, to the effect

that he thought, after what his lordship said to the Colonel the night

before, that the English should push on in front at 6 o'clock, he said

with that calm which distinguished him,--'I am giving orders at this

moment, and we are just about to start. Part of my troops did not arrive

at their bivouac till late at night. Tell the Marshal that at this

moment the orders are being carried all along the line.'" It will be

observed that General Evans was not only not asked for his opinion in

concerting the plan of attack, but that he was not even made acquainted

with it. This is the more inexplicable, that General Evans' Division,

from its position, would necessarily have to co-operate with the French.

As it is desirable that the point of order as to this march should be

fully illustrated, I think it best to let Sir De Lacy Evans speak for

himself.

"Shortly after daybreak on the morning of this battle his Imperial

Highness Prince Napoleon and General Canrobert did me the honour to come

into my tent to confer on the co-operation of my division with that of

the Prince in the ensuing conflict. They informed me that this

co-operation had been agreed to the previous evening between the two

commanders-in-chief, expressed surprise that I had not been made

acquainted with it, and showed me a well-executed plan by the French

staff of the Russian position, and of the proposed lines of movement of

the allied columns of attack.

"According to this plan, General Bosquet's troops and the Turks,

supported by the powerful fire of the shipping, were to turn the enemy's

left. The second British division, that of the Prince, and two other

French divisions, were to attack their centre. The whole of the

remainder of the British army was to turn the enemy's right.

"I expressed the very great pleasure I should have in fulfilling my

share of these operations, and with this view sent forthwith to Lord

Raglan for permission--which was given--to place at once my right as

proposed, in contact with the left of the Prince, which was promptly

done.

"About three hours, however, elapsed before the armies (excepting the

corps of General Bosquet) received orders to advance. To the unavoidable

want of unity in command this delay was probably attributable.

"But before moving off, both head-quarter staffs passed along the front.

On reaching my division Lord Raglan expressed to me a dissent from part

of the plan alluded to, not necessary to observe on here; mentioning

also, in the course of his remarks, a disposition he supposed to exist

on the part of the Marshal or the French chiefs to appropriate me and my

division altogether, which he could not allow; that he had no objection

to my communicating and co-operating with and regulating my advance by

that of the Prince's division, but could not consent to my receiving

orders through any one but himself.

"On hearing this, I requested him to send to acquaint the Marshal that

such was his lordship's desire, as I believed a different expectation

was entertained, which, if not removed, might lead during the action to

misunderstanding. This his lordship immediately did. And it was arranged

that Major Claremont, one of the British commissioners with the French

army, was to be the medium of any communications to me which the French

chiefs might find it desirable to make.

"The armies advanced. After about three miles a halt for a short

interval took place by order of the commander of the force. On the

arrival of the Second Division in front of the village of Bourliouk,

which, having been prepared for conflagration by the Russians, became

suddenly, for some hundred yards, an impenetrable blaze, Major Claremont

came to me in great haste, to say from the Marshal that a part of the

French army, having ascended the heights on the south of the river,

became threatened by large bodies of Russians, and might be compromised,

unless the attention of the enemy were immediately drawn away by

pressing them in our front.

"I made instant dispositions to conform to this wish--sending at the

same time, as was my duty, an officer of my staff (Colonel the Hon. P.

Herbert) to Lord Raglan, who was then a short distance in our rear, for

his lordship's approval--which was instantly granted."

"It was," says M. de Bazancourt, in the next paragraph, "10.30 before

Colonel Trochu announced that the English were ready to march, and the

result was that it was impossible to execute the original plan of

battle," for the enemy had full time to counteract the dispositions of

the army, and Menschikoff, seeing that Bosquet's attack was of secondary

importance, weakened his left wing to reinforce his centre and his

right. At 11 o'clock Bosquet received the order to march, which was

countermanded soon afterwards, as he was still too far in advance, and

whilst the halt took place, that active and able general made a

_reconnaissance_, the first of the day, of the enemy's position, and

discovered two passes to the heights in front--one a mere path on the

mountain side, close to the sea; the second about two-thirds of a mile

to the left of that path, running from the burning village of Almatamak,

and ascending the heights by a very narrow ravine. It was plain that

infantry could get up, but it seemed very doubtful if guns could be

brought up the second of these passes to the heights, and the first was

utterly impracticable for artillery. One of the Russian officers,

speaking of this battle, says that the French, in making this

_reconnaissance_, brought up a large white stone, and fixed it on the

north bank of the river; but I think it much more likely that it was the

white cart belonging to Colonel Desaint, the topographical officer

attached to the French army, for it is not likely that our allies would

have taken such trouble as to move down an enormous stone for no

possible object.

[Sidenote: SCALING THE ALMA HEIGHTS.]

It appears somewhat strange that no _reconnaissance_ was made of the

Russian position by the generals. They did not reconnoitre the Alma, nor

did they procure any information respecting the strength of the enemy or

of the ground they occupied. They even concerted their plan before they

had seen the enemy at all, relying on the bravery of the troops, not

only to force the Russians from their lines, but, if necessary, to swim,

or to ford a stream of unknown depth, with steep rotten banks, the

bridges across which might, for all they knew, and certainly ought,

according to the practice of war, to have been effectually destroyed by

the enemy, so as to make the passage of guns all but impossible. We

shall first follow the French attack. On returning to his troops,

Bosquet, with the brigade of d'Autemarre, followed by its artillery,

moved on the village, whilst the brigade of General Bouat was directed

to march to the very mouth of the river, and to ascend by the first of

the paths indicated, after having crossed the shallow bar, in single

file, up to their waists on a sort of narrow rib of hard sand which had

been discovered by the officers of the _Roland_. The artillery of the

brigade, being unable to pass, was sent back to join that of

d'Autemarre's brigade; and the soldiers of Bouat's brigade, having

crossed the river, commenced to climb up the steep paths to the top of

the opposite height without meeting any obstruction from the enemy, who

had, indeed, been driven away from the seaside by the heavy guns of the

steamers.

The brigade of d'Autemarre, which passed the Alma without any

difficulty, by the bridge close to the burnt village of Almatamak,

moving forward at the same time with great celerity, swarmed up the very

steep cliffs on the opposite side, and gaining the heights in a few

minutes, after immense exertions, crowned the summit, and dispersed a

feeble troop of Cossacks who were posted there. It will be seen that the

French right had thus been permitted to ascend the very difficult

heights in front of them without opposition from the enemy; and although

the cliffs were so precipitous as to create considerable difficulties to

even the most active, hardy, and intelligent troops in scaling their

rugged face, yet it would seem very bad generalship on the part of

Prince Menschikoff to have permitted them to have established themselves

on the plateau, if we did not know, by the angry controversy which has

taken place between him, General Kiriakoff, and Prince Gortschakoff I.,

that it was part of his plan to allow a certain number of battalions to

gain the edge of the cliffs, and then, relying on the bayonet, to send

heavy masses of infantry against them and hurl them down into the Alma,

and the ravines which run towards its banks. General Bosquet, when he

observed this success, at once spurred up the steep road of which

mention has already been made; and Major Barral, who commanded the

artillery, having satisfied himself that the guns could just be brought

up by the most tremendous exertions, orders were given for their

advance, and they were, by prodigious efforts of horses and infantry

soldiers, urged up the incline, and placed on the plateau at right

angles to the line of the cliffs, so as to enfilade the Russians, on

whom, protected by the 3rd Zouaves, who lay down in a small ravine about

a hundred yards in front, they at once opened fire.

Prince Menschikoff, surprised by the extraordinary rapidity of this

advance, and apprized of its success by the roar of the French guns,

ordered up three batteries of eight pieces each to silence the French

fire, and to cover an advance of his infantry against the two brigades

which were forming on his left; and finding that the French maintained

themselves against this superior fire, in a rage despatched two field

batteries to crush them utterly. These guns were badly managed, and

opened in line at the distance of 900 yards, and the fire, for nearly an

hour, was confined to a duel of artillery, in which the French, though

suffering severely, kept their ground with great intrepidity and

courage. All at once the Russians ordered some cavalry and a field

battery to menace the right of the line of French guns; but Bouat's

brigade having pushed on to meet them, and a few well-directed shells

having burst among the horsemen, they turned round and retired with

alacrity. According to the concerted plan, the Division Canrobert and

the Division Napoleon were not to attack till the Division Bosquet had

gained the heights, and were engaged with the enemy. The directions

given by the Marshal to the Generals ere they advanced were simply,

"Keep straight before you, and follow your own inspiration for your

manoeuvres. We must gain these heights. I have no other instructions

to give to men on whom I rely." On hearing the first guns of Bosquet's

artillery, the French, in the centre and in the left, deployed and

advanced, covered by a number of riflemen. The 1st Zouaves, under

Colonel Bourbaki, at once rushed to the front, driving before them a

line of Russian riflemen and skirmishers placed among the orchard trees

and rivers which skirted the deep banks of the Alma, and availing

themselves of the branches of these trees to swing themselves across the

narrow stream into which others plunged up to the waist. The Russian

regiment of Moscow came down the opposite slopes to support their

skirmishers, but were driven back with loss by the sudden fire of the

batteries of the First Division, that had just come into action. Having

thus cleared the way, the 1st and 9th battalions of Chasseurs, the 7th

of the line, and the 1st Zouaves advanced amid a storm of grape, round

shot, and musketry up the high banks before them, at the other side of

which were deployed masses of the enemy, concealed from view in the

ravines and by the inequalities of the ground.

[Sidenote: A SHARP ENCOUNTER.]

At the same time, the Prince's division advancing towards Bourliouk,

which was in flames, was met by a very serious fire of riflemen and

skirmishing parties of infantry from the vineyards and rugged ground on

the other side of the stream, and by a plunging fire of artillery, which

was answered by the batteries of his division; but, after a short pause,

the first line, consisting of Cler's Zouaves and the infantry of marine,

supported by the second line under General Thomas, passed the Alma and

drove back the enemy, who opened a masked battery upon them, which

occasioned considerable loss. Canrobert's division, meantime, was

compelled to attack without the aid of its artillery; for the river in

their front was not practicable for guns, and they were obliged to be

carried round to the right to follow the road by which Bosquet's

batteries had already reached the summit; but the column pushed on

energetically, and forming on the crest of the plateau by battalions, in

double columns on two lines, ready to form square under the fire of the

enemy's artillery, which had been engaged with that of the French second

division, drove back the Russian regiments in front, which, on retiring,

formed in square in front of their right flank. It was then that the

officers perceived a white stone tower, about 800 yards on their left,

behind which was formed a dense mass of the enemy's infantry. These with

great precision advanced, at the same time pouring in a tremendous fire,

at the distance of 200 yards, upon Canrobert's division, which was, as

we have seen, left without its artillery. The general, perceiving his

danger, sent off a staff-officer to Bosquet's division, and a battery,

commanded by Captain. Fievet, coming up to his assistance in all haste,

opened fire with grape on the ponderous mass of the enemy, checking

their fire, whilst Bosquet, by a flank movement, threatened to take its

battalions in the rear.

The third division, with equal success and greater losses, attacking a

mamelon occupied in force by the enemy, drove them back with great

intrepidity: but it was evident by the movements of the Russians that

they were about to make a great effort to save their centre, and M. St.

Arnaud sent off orders to General Forey, who commanded the reserve, to

move one of his brigades (de Lourmel's) to General Canrobert's support,

and to proceed with the other (d'Aurelle's) to the extreme right of the

battle. This was a happy inspiration: d'Aurelle's brigade, with great

speed, crossed the river, and arrived to the support of Canrobert's

division at a most critical moment. The Russians seemed to consider the

Telegraph Tower as the key of the centre of their position.

Sharpshooters, within the low wall outside the work, and batteries on

its flanks, directed a steady fire on the French, who were checked for a

moment by its severity: but the two batteries of the reserve came up and

drew off some of the enemy's fire. The Russians, however, still

continued a serious fusillade, and directed volleys of grape against the

French, who were lying down in the ravine till the decisive moment

should arrive for them to charge the enemy. The losses of our allies

were sensible; it was evident that the Russian cavalry, says, M. de

Bazancourt,[13] were preparing for a rush in upon them from the flank of

the Russian square, which, partially covered by the Telegraph Tower,

kept up an incessant fire from two faces upon the French. Colonel Cler,

at this critical moment, perceiving that the 1st and 2nd Zouaves, the

Chasseurs, and the 39th Regiment had arrived, calling to his men to

charge, dashed at the tower, which, after a short but sanguinary combat,

they carried at the point of the bayonet, driving out the Russians in

confusion, and at the very moment General Canrobert, with his division,

advanced at the double to support the movement. Struck down for a moment

by a fragment of a shell which wounded him on the chest and shoulder,

the gallant officer insisted upon leading on his men to complete the

success obtained against the Russian left and left-centre; and Generals

Bosquet and Canrobert, wheeling round their divisions from left to

right, drove back the enemy towards the rear of the troops, which were

still contending with the English, or forced them to seek for safety in

flight. It was at this moment that M. St. Arnaud, riding up to the

Generals, congratulated them on the day, and directed them to proceed to

the aid of the English. Thanks be to the valour of our soldiers--thanks

be to Heaven--we required no French aid that day. We received none,

except that which was rendered by one battery of French artillery of the

reserve, under M. de la Boussiniere, which fired a few rounds on some

broken Russian columns from a spot close to the two English guns, of

which I shall have to speak hereafter. Such is the part, according to

their account, which the French had in the victory of the Alma. Their

masses crossed the river and crowded the plateau ere they were seriously

engaged, and their activity and courage, aided by the feeble generalship

of the commander of the Russian left, and by many happy chances, enabled

them to carry the position with comparatively little loss.

Having thus far given the French version of the action, let us return to

our countrymen, and see what was their share in this great battle, which

was not decisive, so far as the fate of Sebastopol was concerned, merely

because we lacked either the means or the military genius to make it so.

There is one question which has often been asked in our army and in the

tents of our allies, which is supposed to decide the controversy

respecting the military merits of St. Arnaud and Lord Raglan: "Would

Napoleon have allowed the Russians three days' respite after such a

battle?" The only reply that could be made if Napoleon commanded the

victorious army, and was not hampered with a colleague of equal power,

was, and is, that the notion is preposterous. "But," say the French,

"the English were not ready to move next day." "Ay, it is true," reply

the English, "because we were far from the sea; but still we offered to

assist you to pursue the very night of the battle." "Then," rejoin the

French, "we were too much exhausted, and it would have been foolish to

have attempted such a movement, and to have divided our army."

Posterity, which cares but little for ephemeral political cliquerie,

family connexion, or personal amiability, will pass a verdict in this

cause which none of us can hope to influence or evade.

[Sidenote: ANOTHER ADVANCE]

The reason of the extraordinary delay in executing our plan of attack

has never yet been explained. Lord Raglan's excuse, as given by M. de

Bazancourt, is not worth any notice but this--it is not true. The

Staff-officer says that "the army was under arms soon after 6 A.M., and

on the move" Where?--a mile or two too much inland? What were we doing

for five hours? For this same authority further on says, "It was 11 A.M.

before we came in sight of the Alma." Now, the distance between the

Bouljanak and the Alma is barely six miles. Were we five hours marching

six miles? This is indeed a feeble statement; but it is not quite so

weak as that which follows, namely, that it was not till _after_ 11

o'clock "the plan of attack was finally settled." This statement is made

to cover Lord Raglan, and to prevent there being any suspicion that a

plan had been arranged the night before, for the disregard and

non-performance of which the Staff-officer's uncle was responsible. That

Lord Raglan was brave as a hero of antiquity, that he was kind to his

friends and to his staff, that he was unmoved under fire, and unaffected

by personal danger, that he was noble in manner, gracious in demeanour,

of dignified bearing, and of simple and natural habits, I am, and ever

have been, ready not only to admit, but to state with pleasure; that he

had many and great difficulties to contend with, _domi militiæque_, I

believe; but that this brave, high-spirited, and gallant nobleman had

been so long subservient to the power of a superior mind--that he had

lost, if he ever possessed, the ability to conceive and execute large

military plans--and that he had lost, if he ever possessed, the faculty

of handling great bodies of men, I am firmly persuaded. He was a fine

English gentleman--a splendid soldier--perhaps an unexceptionable

lieutenant under a great chief; but that he was a great chief, or even a

moderately able general, I have every reason to doubt, and I look in

vain for any proof of it whilst he commanded the English army in the

Crimea.

It was 10 o'clock ere the British line moved towards the Alma. A gentle

rise in the plain enabled us to see the Russian position for some time

after, but the distance was too great to make out details, and we got

into a long low bottom between the ridge and another elevation in front.

Our army advanced in columns of brigades in deploying distance, our left

protected by a line of skirmishers, the brigade of cavalry, and horse

artillery. The army, in case of attack on the left or rear, could form a

hollow square, with the baggage in the centre.

Sir De Lacy Evans's division, on the extreme right, was in contact with

the French left, under Prince Napoleon, which was of course furthest

from the sea. At the distance of two miles we halted, and then the

troops steadily advanced, with our left frittered into a foam of

skirmishers of the Rifle Brigade, Major Northcott covered by the 11th

and 8th Hussars, 13th Light Dragoons, and 17th Lancers. This was a sight

of inexpressible grandeur, and one was struck with the splendid

appearance of our infantry in line as seen from the front. The bright

scarlet, the white facings, and cross belts, rendering a man

conspicuous, gave him an appearance of size which other uniforms do not

produce. The French columns looked small compared to our battalions,

though we knew they were quite as strong; but the marching of our

allies, laden as they were, was wonderful. Our staff was more showy and

numerous than that of the French. Nothing strikes the eye so much as a

cocked hat and bunch of white feathers; several officers doffed the

latter adornment, thinking that they were quite conspicuous on

horseback. When the regiments halted, I went past the Light Division,

part of the 2nd Division, the Guards, and the Highlanders. Many a laugh

did I hear from lips which in two hours more were closed for ever. The

officers and men made the most of the delay, and ate what they had with

them; but there was a want of water, and the salt pork made them so

thirsty that in the passage of the Alma the men stopped to drink and

fill their canteens under the heaviest fire.

The plan of attack has been already described, as well as the

circumstances of our early march. As we advanced we could see the enemy

very distinctly--their grey-coated masses resembling patches of wood on

the hill-sides. The ravines held them occasionally, but still we could

see that from within a mile of the sea coast, up to the left of the

Tartar village, towards which we were advancing, a strong force of

infantry was posted, and now and then, as the Russian made his last

disposition to meet our advance, the sun's rays flashed brightly in

diamond-like points from bright steel. The line of the river below the

heights they occupied was indicated by patches of the richest verdure,

and by belts of fine fruit trees and vineyards. The Alma is a tortuous

little stream, which has worked its way down through a red clay soil,

deepening its course as it proceeds seawards, and which drains the

steppe-like lands on its right bank, making at times pools and eddies

too deep to be forded, though it can generally be crossed by waders who

do not fear to wet their knees. The high banks formed by the action of

the stream in cutting through the rich soil vary from the right side to

the left, according to the course of the stream--the corresponding bank

on the opposite side being generally of a slope, more or less abrupt, as

the bank is high. The drop from the edge to the water varies also from

two to six or eight feet. Along the right or north bank of the Alma

there is a number of Tartar houses, at times numerous and close enough

to form a cluster of habitations deserving the name of a hamlet, at

times scattered wide apart amid little vineyards, surrounded by walls of

mud and stone of three feet in height. The bridge over which the post

road passes from Bouljanak to Sebastopol runs close to one of these

hamlets--a village, in fact, of some fifty houses. This village is

approached from the north by a road winding through a plain nearly level

till it comes near to the village, where the ground dips, so that at the

distance of three hundred yards a man on horseback can hardly see the

tops of the nearer and more elevated houses, and can only ascertain the

position of the stream by the willows and verdure along its banks. At

the left or south side of the Alma the ground assumes a very different

character--it rises at once from the water in steep banks up to plateaux

at the top of varying height and extent. The general surface is pierced

here and there by the course of the winter's torrents, which have formed

small ravines, commanded by the heights above. A remarkable ridge of

tumuli and hillocks, varying in height from 100 to 400 feet, runs along

the course of the Alma on the left side, assuming the form of cliffs

when close to the sea, and rising in a gentle slope a little to the left

of the village I have mentioned, which is called by the Tartar, and

marked on the maps as Burliuk. At its commencement on the left this

ridge recedes from the course of the river for several hundred yards,

the ground sloping gradually from the bank up to the knolls and tumuli

into which the ridge is broken. It then strikes downwards at a sharp

angle to its former course, till it sinks into the high ground over the

river below the village. There is then a sort of [Greek: D] formed, of

which the base is the river, and the sides the elevated terrace of the

ridge. This terrace, or the succession of terraces, is commanded by

higher ground in the rear, but is separated from the position on its

proper left by a ravine. It is marked by deep gullies towards the river.

If the reader will place himself on the top of Richmond-hill, dwarf the

Thames to the size of a rivulet, and imagine the hill to be deprived of

vegetation, he may form some notion of the position occupied by the

Russians, the plains on the left bank of the Thames will bear some

similitude to the land over which the British and French advanced,

barring only the verdure. On the slope of the rising ground, to the

right of the bridge, the Russians had thrown up two epaulements, armed

with 32-pounder batteries and 24-pound howitzers.

[Illustration PLAN OF THE HEIGHTS and BAY of ALMA.]

[Sidenote: GATHERING UP FOR AN ATTACK]

These 12 guns enfiladed the slopes parallel to them, or swept them to

the base. The principal battery consisted of a semicircular earthwork,

in which were embrasures for 13 guns. On the right, and farther in the

rear, was another breastwork, with embrasures for 9 guns, which played

on the right of the bridge. To the left, on a low ridge in front of the

village, they had placed two and a half field batteries, which threw

1000 and 1200 yards beyond the village. The first battery was about 300

yards distant from the river, but the hill rose behind it for 50 feet.

The second was turned more towards the right. About 12.15, when we were

about three miles from the village, the steamers ran in close to the

bluff at the south side of the Alma, commenced shelling the heights, the

enemy were obliged to retire their infantry and guns, and the ships

covered the advance of the French right, and never permitted the

Russians to molest them till they were in force on the plateau. At one

o'clock we saw the French columns struggling up the hills, covered by a

cloud of skirmishers. They swarmed like bees to the face of the cliffs,

tiny puffs of smoke rising from every tree, and shrub, and stone. On the

right they formed their masses without opposition. At sight of a

threatening mass of Russian infantry, who advanced slowly, pouring in

all the time a tremendous rolling fire, the French, who were forming in

the centre, seemed to pause, but it was only to collect their

skirmishers, for as soon as they had formed they ran up the hill at the

_pas de charge_, and broke up the Russians at once, who fled in

disorder, with loss, up the hill. We could see men dropping on both

sides, and the wounded rolling down the steep. However, our attention

was soon drawn to our own immediate share in the battle. As I had slept

at the head-quarters camp, I joined the general staff, and for some time

rode with them; but when they halted, just before going into action,

Major Burke, who was serving on the staff as Aide-de-camp to Sir John

Burgoyne, advised me to retire, "as," said he, "I declare I will make

Sir John himself speak to you if you do not." There was at the time very

little to be seen from the ground which the staff occupied, and there

were so many officers along with Lord Raglan, that it was difficult to

see in front at all; and so, observing Sir De Lacy Evans somewhat in

advance on the right of Lord Raglan, on higher ground about a quarter of

a mile away, I turned my horse to join him, and in an instant afterwards

a round shot rushed over the heads of the staff, being fired at the

Rifles in advance of them. As it turned out, Sir De Lacy's small staff

suffered much more severely than Lord Raglan's large one, although the

Staff-officer seems firmly persuaded that the enemy's artillery was

partially directed against the body to which he belonged. One could

scarcely have been in a safer place on the field, considering out of so

large a body only two were wounded, whereas five of General Evans's

small staff were badly hit or contused. By the time I had reached Sir De

Lacy Evans, who was engaged in giving orders to Brigadier Adams, the

round shot were rolling through the columns, and the men halted and lay

down by order of Lord Raglan. Sir De Lacy said, "Well, if you want to

see a great battle, you're in a fair way of having your wish

gratified." At this moment the whole of the village in our front burst

into flames--the hay-ricks and wooden sheds about it causing the fire to

run rapidly, fanned by a gentle breeze, which carried the smoke and

sparks towards our line. Sir De Lacy rode towards the left to get rid of

this annoyance, and to get to his men, and as he did so, the round shot

came bounding among the men lying down just before us. From the groans

and stifled cries it was too plain they left dead and dying in their

course. The Rifles in advance of our left were sharply engaged with the

enemy in the vineyard, and, anxious to see what was going on, I rode

over in that direction, and arrived at the place where were stationed

the staff of the Light Division. Sir George Brown was just at the time

giving some orders to one of his Aides relative to the "Russian cavalry

on our left front." I looked across the stream, and saw, indeed, some

cavalry and guns slowly moving down towards the stream from the elevated

ground over its banks; but my eye at the same time caught a most

formidable-looking mass of burnished helmets, tipped with brass, just

above the top of the hill on our left, at the other side of the river.

One could plainly see through the glass that they were Russian infantry,

but I believe the gallant old General thought at the time that they were

cavalry, and that a similar error led to the serious mistake, later in

the day, which deprived the Light Division of part of its regimental

strength, and wasted it on "preparing to receive" an imaginary

"cavalry." Sir George looked full of fight, clean shaven, neat and

compact; I could not help thinking, however, there was a little pleasant

malice in his salutation to me. As he rode past, he said, in a very

jaunty, Hyde Park manner, "It's a very fine day, Mr. Russell." At this

moment the whole of our light was almost obscured by the clouds of black

smoke from the burning village on our right, and the front of the

Russian line above us had burst into a volcano of flame and white

smoke--the roar of the artillery became terrible--we could hear the

heavy rush of the shot, those terrible dumps into the ground, and the

crash of the trees, through which it tore with resistless fury and

force; splinter and masses of stone flew out of the walls. It was rather

provoking to be told so coolly it was a very fine day amid such

circumstances; but at that very moment the men near us were ordered to

advance, and they did so in quick time in open line towards the walls

which bounded the vineyards before us. As I had no desire to lead my old

friends of the Light Division into action, I rode towards the right to

rejoin Sir De Lacy Evans, if possible; and as I got on the road I saw

Lord Raglan's staff riding towards the river, and the shot came flinging

close to me, one, indeed, killing one of two bandsmen who were carrying

a litter close to my side, after passing over the head of my horse. It

knocked away the side of his face, and he fell dead--a horrible sight.

The G and B batteries of the Second Division were unlimbered in front,

and were firing with great steadiness on the Russians; and now and then

a rocket, with a fiery tail and a huge waving mane of white smoke,

rushed with a shrill shout against the enemy's massive batteries. Before

me all was smoke--our men were lying down still; but the Rifles, led by

Major Norcott, conspicuous on a black horse, were driving back the

enemy's sharpshooters with signal gallantry, and clearing the orchards

and vineyards in our front by a searching fire. When I reached the spot

where I had last seen Sir De Lacy Evans, he was nowhere to be found, for

he had, as I afterwards heard, ridden with his staff close to the river

by the burning village. My position was becoming awkward. Far away in

the rear was the baggage, from which one could see nothing; but where I

was placed was very much exposed. A shell burst over my head, and one of

the fragments tore past my face with an angry whir-r-r, and knocked up

the earth at my poor pony's feet. Close at hand, and before me, was a

tolerably good stone-house, one story high, with a large court-yard, in

which were several stacks of hay that had not as yet caught fire. I rode

into this yard, fastened up my pony to the rope binding one of the

ricks, and entered the house, which was filled with fragments of

furniture, torn paper, and books, and feathers, and cushion linings, and

established myself at the window, from which I could see the Russian

artillerymen serving their guns; their figures, now distinctly revealed

against the hill side, and again lost in a spurting whirl of smoke. I

was thinking what a terrible sort of field-day this was, and combating

an uneasy longing to get to the front, when a tremendous crash, as

though a thunderclap had burst over my head, took place right above me,

and in the same instant I was struck and covered with pieces of broken

tiles, mortar, and stones, the window out of which I was looking flew

into pieces, parts of the roof fell down, and the room was filled with

smoke.

[Sidenote: A WARNING TO QUIT.]

There was no mistaking this warning to quit. A shell had burst in the

ceiling. As I ran out into the yard I found my pony had broken loose,

but I easily caught him, and scarcely had I mounted when I heard a

tremendous roll of musketry on my left front, and looking in the

direction, I saw the lines of our red jackets in the stream, and

swarming over the wooden bridge. A mass of Russians were at the other

side of the stream, firing down on them from the high banks, but the

advance of the men across the bridge forced these battalions to retire;

and I saw, with feelings which I cannot express, the Light Division

scrambling, rushing, foaming like a bloody surge up the ascent, and in a

storm of fire, bright steel, and whirling smoke, charge towards the

deadly epaulement, from which came roar and flash incessantly. I could

distinctly see Sir George Brown and the several mounted officers above

the heads of the men, and could detect the dark uniforms of the Rifles

scattered here and there in front of the waving mass. On the right of

this body, the 30th, 55th, and 95th were slowly winning their way

towards the battery, exposed to a tremendous fire, which swallowed them

up in the fiery grey mantle of battle. The rush of shot was appalling,

and I recollect that I was particularly annoyed by the birds which were

flying about distractedly in the smoke, as I thought they were fragments

of shell. Already the wounded were passing by me. One man of the 30th

was the first; he limped along with his foot dangling from the ankle,

supporting himself on his firelock. "Thank you kindly, sir," said he, as

I gave him a little brandy, the only drop I had left. "Glory be to God,

I killed and wounded some of the Roosians before they crippled me, any

way." He halted off towards the rear. In another moment two officers

approached--one leaning on the other--and both wounded, as I feared,

severely. They belonged to the 30th. They went into the enclosure I had

left, and having assured them I would bring them help, I rode off

towards the rear, and returned with the surgeon of the Cavalry Division,

who examined their wounds. All this time the roar of the battle was

increasing. I went back to my old spot; in doing so I had to ride

gently, for wounded men came along in all directions. One was cut in two

by a round shot as he approached. Many of them lay down under the

shelter of a wall, which was, however, enfiladed by the enemy. Just at

this moment I saw the Guards advancing in the most majestic and stately

order up the hill; while through the intervals and at their flanks

poured the broken masses of the Light Division, which their officers

were busy in re-forming. The Highlanders, who were beyond them, I could

not see; but I never will forget the awful fury, the powerful detonation

of the tremendous volleys which Guards and Highlanders poured in upon

the Russian battalions, which in vain tried to defend their batteries

and to check the onward march of that tide of victory. All of a sudden

the round shot ceased to fly along the line; then there was a sharp roll

of musketry and a heavy fire of artillery which lasted for some moments.

Then one, two, three round shot pitched in line, ricochetting away to

the rear. As I looked round to see what mischief they did, a regiment

came rapidly towards the river. I rode towards them; they were the 50th.

"The cannon shot come right this way, and you'll suffer frightfully if

you go on." As I spoke, a shell knocked up the dust to our right, and

Colonel Waddy, pushing the left, led his men across the river. I rode

towards the bridge. The road wall was lined by wounded. Fitzgerald

(7th), with his back against the wall, was surveying his wounded legs

with wonderful equanimity. "I wish they had left me one, at all events,"

said he, as we tried to stop the bleeding. As I passed the bridge there

was a spattering of musketry. The cannon were still busy on our right,

and field-guns were firing on the retreating Russians, whose masses were

over the brow of the hill. Then there was a thundering cheer, loud as

the roar of battle, and one cannon boomed amid its uproar. This was the

victory. A few paces brought me to the bloody slopes where friend and

foe lay in pain, or in peace for ever.

[Sidenote: A NICE QUESTION.]

When the columns were deploying, Northcott moved from the left and

advanced to the front of the Light and First Divisions, till they came

to a long low stone wall. Here they waited till the line came up. The

instant they did so, the two front companies, in extended order, leaped

over the wall into the vineyards, the two companies in support moving

down a road to their left, on a ford, by which they crossed the stream.

The Rifles were first across the river. They were under the cover of a

bank which bounded the plateau, and hid them from the fire at our

advancing columns. It was a second terrace; for just at this place the

ground was a series of three giant steps--the first being that from the

river to the top of the bank; the second, from the plateau at the top of

the bank to the plateau on which the enemy were in position; and the

third being from that position to the highest ground of all, on which

they had their reserves. No sooner had the Rifles lined this lower ridge

than the enemy pushed a column of infantry, headed by some few Cossacks,

down the road which led to the ford, and threatened to take them in rear

and flank and destroy them, for these gallant fellows were without

support. Major Norcott, however, was not dismayed, but at once made the

most skilful disposition to meet this overwhelming column of the enemy.

Retiring from the ridge, he placed one of the four companies under him

on the road by which they were advancing, two others he posted along the

bank of a vineyard on the right of this road, and with the fourth he

occupied the farm-house in the centre of the vineyard: thus availing

himself of the resources of the ground with much skill and judgment. At

this moment there were no supports in sight--nothing to rest or form

upon in the rear--the Rifles were quite alone. The Russians advanced

leisurely; but to the astonishment of our officers, just as the men were

about to open fire on them, the Cossacks and the column halted, and then

wheeling to the right-about, retired up the road and disappeared over

the brow of the hill. On looking round, however, the phenomenon was soon

explained--Codrington's brigade was rushing across the river under a

tremendous fire, and at the same time the Russians advanced heavy

columns of infantry towards the ridge over the stream. The Rifles moved

towards their right to join the Light Division, and at the same time

poured in a close and deadly fire upon the dense formation of the enemy,

which must have caused them great loss. Having effected their junction,

the Rifles moved up with the Light Division, and bringing up their left

shoulders, threw themselves on the flank of the battery, bravely led by

Major Norcott, till they were forced to retire with their supports. One

company, under Captain Colville, was separated from the left wing, and

did not participate as fully as the other companies in the fight; and

the right wing, under Colonel Lawrence, was kept back by a variety of

impediments, and had no opportunity of playing the same distinguished

part as the left.

As soon as the line of the Light Division came up to the Rifles, the

latter were ordered to retire, and re-form in rear of the brigades; but

some few of the men could not obey the order, and were consequently in

front along with the advance--some with the Guards, others with the men

of Codrington's brigade. Captain the Hon. W. Colville and Lieutenant

Nixon both claim, or claimed, the credit of having led up their men

skirmishing in front of the advance of the red soldiers; and the

question is one which I cannot decide. Both those gallant officers

arrogated to themselves the honour of having performed the same action;

and I believe each thought that he had, when one of the colonels of the

Guards was dismounted, brought a horse to the officer, and enabled him

to resume his place with his men.

[Sidenote: A DAY TO BE REMEMBERED.]

The approach of the Light Division--why should I not dwell fondly on

every act of that gallant body, the first "put at" everything, the first

in Buffering, in daring, in endurance throughout the campaign?--their

approach, then, was in double columns of brigades; the Second Division

being on their right, and the second battalion of the Rifle Brigade,

divided into two wings, one under Major Norcott, the other under Colonel

Lawrence, being in advance in skirmishing order. When the Light Division

got within long range, they deployed; the men lay down. Again they

advanced; once more they were halted to lie down; this time the shot

pitched among them; the same thing was repeated again ere they reached

the river, and many were wounded before they got to the vineyards. Here,

indeed, they were sheltered, but when the order was given to advance,

the men were thrown into disorder, not so much by the heavy fire as by

the obstacles opposed by hedges, stone walls, vines, and trees. These

well-drilled regiments were thus deprived of the fruits of many a day's

hard marching at Gallipoli, Aladyn, and Devna; but the 1st Brigade being

in rather better ground and more in hand than the 2nd Brigade, moved

off, and with them the 19th Regiment, belonging to Brigadier Buller, who

was lost in a hollow, and afterwards, as Lord Raglan euphemistically

expressed it, manoeuvred judiciously on the left. The 19th, 7th, 23rd,

and 33rd were led at a run right to the river, gallantly conducted by

Codrington. Their course was marked by killed and wounded, but the four

regiments were quickly under the shelter of the high bank at the south

side, in such a state of confusion from the temporary commingling of the

men in the rush, that it was necessary to re-form. The enemy, too late

to support their skirmishers, sought to overwhelm them in the stream,

and three battalions of grey-coated infantry came down at the double

almost to the top of the bank, and poured down a heavy fire. They were

straggling, but not weak; the Brigade and the 19th made a simultaneous

rush up the bank, and, as they crowned it, met their enemies with a

furious fire. The dense battalions, undeployed, were smitten, and as the

Light Division advanced they rapidly fell back to the left, for the

renewed fire of their batteries, leaving, however, many dead and wounded

men. After a momentary delay, these gallant regiments, led by Sir George

Brown and Brigadier Codrington, advanced up the slope which was swept by

the guns of the battery; grape, round, and shell tore through their

ranks, and the infantry on the flanks, advancing at an angle, poured in

a steady fire from point-blank distance. It must be confessed that the

advance was disorderly--instead of the men being two deep and showing an

extended front of fire, they were five, six, and seven deep, in ragged

columns, with scarcely any front, and not half so extended as they

should have been. Thus their fire was not as powerful or their advance

as imposing as it ought to have been. The General and Brigadier made

some attempts to restore order, but they were unsuccessful. The men had

not only got into confusion in the river from stopping to drink, as I

have related, but had disordered their ranks by attacks on the grapes in

the vineyards on their way. Behind the work, on rising ground, a Russian

regiment kept up a most destructive file fire on our advance; the

field-pieces on the flank also played incessantly upon them. Every foot

they advanced was marked by lines of slain or wounded men. The 7th

Fusiliers, smitten by a storm of grape, reeling to and fro like some

brave ship battling with a tempest, whose sails are gone, whose masts

are toppling, and whose bulwarks are broken to pieces, but which still

holds on its desperate way, impelled by unquenchable fire, within a few

seconds lost a third of its men. Led by "Old Yea," it still went on--a

colour lost for the time, their officers down, their files falling

fast--they closed up, and still with eye which never left the foe,

pressed on to meet him. The 23rd Regiment was, however, exposed more, if

that were possible, to that lethal hail. In less than two minutes from

the time they crowned the bank till they neared the battery the storm

had smitten down twelve of their officers, of whom eight never rose

again. Diminished by one-half, the gallant companies sought, with

unabated heart, to reach their terrible enemies. The 19th marched right

up towards the mouths of the roaring cannon which opened incessantly and

swept down their ranks; the 33rd, which had moved up with the greatest

audacity over broken ground towards the flank of the epaulement, where

it was exposed to a tremendous fire and heavy losses from guns and

musketry from the hill above, was for the moment checked by the pitiless

pelting of this iron rain. Their general at this terrible crisis seemed

to have but one idea--right or wrong, it was to lead them slap at the

battery, into the very teeth of its hot and fiery jaws. As he rode in

front, shouting and cheering on his men, his horse fell, and down he

went in a cloud of dust. He was soon up, and called out, "I'm all right.

Twenty-third, be sure I'll remember this day." It was indeed a day for

any one to remember. General Codrington in the most gallant manner rode

in advance of his brigade, and rode his horse right over and into the

work, as if to show his men there was nothing to fear; for by this time

the enemy, intimidated by the rapid, though tumultuous advance of the

brigade, were falling away from the flanks of the battery, and were

perceptibly wavering in their centre. The infantry behind the breastwork

were retreating up the hill. The Russians were in great dismay and

confusion. They limbered up their guns, which were endangered by the

retirement of their infantry from the flanks of the epaulement, and

retired towards their reserves, which were posted on high ground in the

rear. In this retrograde movement their artillery got among the columns

of the infantry, and increased the irregular nature of their retreat;

but they still continued to fire, and were at least three times as

numerous as the men of the Light Division who were assailing them. When

Sir George Brown went down, a rifleman, named Hugh Hannan, assisted him

on his horse, and as they stood under a murderous fire, saluted as he

got into his seat, and said, "Are your stirrups the right length, sir?"

Major Norcott, on his old charger, which, riddled with balls, carried

his master throughout the day, and lay down and died when his work was

over, got up to the redoubt, which was also entered by Brown and

Codrington. (The reserve artillery horses had succeeded in drawing away

all the guns except one, which was still in position, and on this gun,

when the first rush was made, an officer of the 33rd, named Donovan,

scratched his name.) In broken groups the 23rd, with whom were mingled

men of the 19th and 33rd Regiments, rushed at the earthwork, leaped

across it, bayoneted a few Russians who offered resistance, and for an

instant were masters of the position. Captain Bell, of the 23rd,

observed a driver in vain urging by whip and spar two black horses to

carry off one of the brass sixteen-pounder guns which had done so much

execution. Bell ran up, and, seizing the reins, held a revolver to his

head. He dismounted, and ran off. Bell, with the assistance of a soldier

of the 7th, named Pyle, led the horses round the shoulder of the parapet

to the rear of our line, where the gun remained after the Light Division

was obliged to retire, and reported the capture to Sir George Brown. The

horses were put into our "black battery." This was but an episode. The

colours of the 23rd were planted on the centre of the parapet. Both the

colour-officers, Butler and Anstruther, were killed. The colours were

hit in seventy-five places, and the pole of one was shot in two; it had

to be spliced. Meantime, the Russians, seeing what a handful of men they

had to deal with, gained heart. The brigade and the 19th had held the

entrenchment for nearly ten minutes, keeping the massive columns above

them in check by their desperate but scattered fire. Where were the

supports? they were not to be seen. The advance of the Guards, though

magnificent, was somewhat slow. Two of the dark-grey masses, bristling

with steel on our front, began to move towards the battery. The men

fired, but some staff-officer or officers called out that we were firing

upon the French. A bugler sounded the "Cease firing." The Russians

advanced, and our men were compelled to fall back. Some of the enemy,

advancing from the epaulement, proceeded in pursuit, but were checked by

the apparition of the Guards.

[Sidenote: FORMING A SQUARE.]

The Duke of Cambridge, who commanded the First Division, had never seen

a shot fired in anger. Of his Brigadiers, only Sir Colin Campbell--a

soldier trained in many a stubborn fight, and nursed in the field--was

acquainted with actual warfare; but it is nevertheless the case that the

deciding move of the day on our left was made by his Royal Highness, and

that the Duke, who was only considered to be a cavalry officer, showed

then, as on a subsequent tremendous day, that he had the qualities of a

brave and energetic leader. When the last halt took place, the Guards

and Highlanders lay down a good deal to the rear of the Light Division,

which they were to support; and in the advance immediately afterwards,

the Brigade of Guards, being on the left behind Codrington's Brigade,

lost several men ere they reached the river by the fire directed on

those regiments. Between them and the river the ground was much broken,

and intersected by walls and the hedges of vineyards; but on their

left, opposite the Highlanders, the ground was more favourable. The men

wearing their bearskins--more ponderous and more heavily weighted than

the men of the line--suffered much from thirst and the heat of the day,

and they displayed an evident inclination to glean in the vineyards

after the soldiers of the Light Division; but the Duke led them on with

such rapidity that they could not leave their ranks, and the officers

and sergeants kept them in most admirable order till they came to the

wall, in leaping over which they were of course a little disorganized.

On crossing it they were exposed to a heavier fire, and by the time they

reached the river the Light Division were advancing up the slope against

the enemy's guns. The bank of the stream in front was deep and rugged,

but the Duke and his staff crossed it gallantly; and placing himself in

front of the Guards on the left--Sir Colin Campbell being near him at

the head of his Brigade, and General Bentinck being on his right--his

Royal Highness led his division into action. On reaching the other side

of the river the Guards got into another large vineyard, the same in

which the Rifles had been stationed for a time, and it became very

difficult to get them into line again, for they had of course been

disordered in passing through the river. The guards threw out their

sergeants in front, as if on parade, and dressed up in line, protected

in some degree from fire as they did so by the ridge in front of them,

and Sir Colin Campbell formed up his Highlanders on their left, as if

they were "ruled" by machinery. It was time they were ready for action,

for at this moment the Light Division was observed to be falling back

towards them in disorder, and the Russians, encouraged by the partial

success, but taught by their short experience that it would be rather

dangerous to come too near them, were slowly advancing after them, and

endeavouring to get positions for the guns; in fact, it was probable

that in a few minutes more they would run them into the epaulement once

more. In front of the 42nd Highlanders was the 88th Regiment halted, and

doing nothing; and Colonel Cameron, who was astonished to find them in

such a position, was obliged to move out of his course a little in order

to pass them. As we thus come on this gallant regiment, it may be as

well to say how they came here.

As the 88th were about to advance from the river, having their right on

the 19th and their left on the 77th, an Aide-de-Camp--I believe the Hon.

Mr. Clifford--came down in haste from Sir George Brown, with the words

"Cavalry! form square! form square!" and the right, accordingly, in some

haste corresponding with the order, which was almost at the moment

reiterated by Brigadier Buller, prepared to execute the movement, but

the whole of the companies did not join in it, the men who were

excluded, and an officer and some few of the Rifles, struggled to obtain

admission into the square, which was for some moments in a very

ineffective state, and scarcely ready to receive any determined charge

of cavalry. The apprehensions, however, which were entertained by a few

short-sighted people were unfounded. The enemy had made no demonstration

with the cavalry. They had advanced a demi-battery of artillery towards

the left flank of the 2nd Brigade, and supported the advance with a

body of infantry in spiked helmets. Sir George Brown, whose sight was

not good though he would not wear spectacles, and General Buller, whose

vision was not good although he did wear spectacles, were deceived by

the appearance of this force, and sent orders to form square. It was

fortunate the Russian guns did not fire upon the 88th; just as they

unlimbered Codrington's Brigade began to advance on the right, and the

Rifles, part of the 88th, and the 77th, who, as they crossed the river,

and endeavoured to re-form under the bank, were menaced by a column of

Russians firing on the gunners, forced them to retire higher up the

hill. Had the artillery held their ground, they could have inflicted

great loss upon us, and seriously interfered with our advance on the

right; but on this, as on other occasions, the Russians were too nervous

for their guns, and withdrew them. In this general movement the 77th and

88th Regiments did not participate. There was not in the army a more

gallant or better disciplined regiment than the 77th. Colonel Egerton

was not only one of the bravest but one of the most intelligent,

skilled, and thorough soldiers and officers in the whole service. In the

trenches--at Inkerman--throughout the siege, the regiment showed of what

noble material it was composed. The 88th had a fighting reputation,

which they well vindicated at Inkerman, at the Quarries, and in many

encounters with the enemy. It is astonishing, therefore, that the Light

Division should have been in a vital moment deprived of the co-operation

of these splendid soldiers, and should have been, hurled in confused

masses against the enemy's bayonets and artillery, reduced by the

suicidal incapacity of some one or other to four regiments. That there

was no notion of keeping these regiments in reserve is shown by the fact

that they were never advanced in support or used as a reserve when their

comrades were involved in a most perilous and unequal struggle.

The First Division advancing, and passing this portion of the Light

Division, at once became exposed to fire, and received the shot which

passed through the fragments of Codrington's Brigade; but as it was

imperatively necessary that they should not be marched up in rear of

regiments in a state of disorder, the Duke, by the advice of Sir Colin

Campbell, ordered General Bentinck to move a little to his left, but ere

the movement could be effected, portions of the Light Division came in

contact with the centre of the line, and passing through its files to

re-open in the rear, carried disorder into the centre battalion. It may

be observed that this is a casualty to which extended line formations in

support must always be liable, when the attacking lines in advance of

them are obliged to fall back to re-form. Formations in column are of

course less likely to be subjected to this inconvenience, and the broken

troops can pour through the intervals between column and column with

greater facility than they can pass round the flanks of lengthy and

extended lines. The Coldstreams and the Grenadiers never for an instant

lost their beautiful regularity and order, although they now fell fast

under the enemy's fire, and several of the mounted officers lost their

horses. Among these Major Macdonald was included, his horse was killed

by a round shot, and he received a severe fall, but never for a moment

lost his coolness and equanimity.

[Sidenote: A MARCH OVER THE DEAD.]

As the Light Division retreated behind the Guards to re-form, the

Russian battalions on the flanks and behind the work fired on them,

continuously, and at the same moment the guns which had been drawn out

of the work to the high ground over it opened heavily. The Guards were

struck in the centre by this iron shower. The fragments of Codrington's

Brigade poured through them. In their front was a steel-bound wall of

Russian infantry. Our own men were fast falling back, firing as they

retired. After them came a glistening line of Russian bayonets, as if to

clear the field. For a few seconds the Scots Fusiliers wavered and lost

order; they were marching over dead and dying men. The Russians were

within a few yards of them, but the officers rallied the men, and,

conspicuous in their efforts, suffered heavily. The colour-bearers,

Lieutenant Lindsay and Lieutenant Thistlewayte, with signal gallantry,

extricated themselves from a perilous position, in which for the instant

their men had left them--order was restored in the centre, and on the

flanks the Grenadiers, under Colonel Hood, and Coldstreams were as

steady and in as perfect order as though they were on parade. For a

moment, it is said, the Duke thought of halting to dress his line, but

Sir Colin Campbell, who was near at hand with his Highlanders, begged

his Highness not to hesitate, but to push on at once at the enemy. The

Russian artillery on the slopes above sent repeated volleys of grape,

canister, round, and shell through their ranks, but at this moment,

threatened on the flank by the French batteries, enfiladed by a

9-pounder and 24-pound howitzer of Turner's battery, which Lord Raglan

had ordered up to a knoll on the opposite side of the river, on the

slope between our attack and that of the French, the Russian guns were

limbered up, and ceased their fire.

Meantime General Sir De Lacy Evans had, in the most skilful and gallant

manner, executed his instructions, and, with Pennefather's Brigade, had

forced the Russian centre and the right centre. The Second Division

advanced on the same alignement with Prince Napoleon's Division to the

burning village of Bourliouk. Sir De Lacy Evans detached the 41st and

the 49th Regiments, of Adams's Brigade and Turner's battery, by the

right of the village, which the flames rendered impenetrable, and

ordered them to force the passage. The ford in front was very deep, and

the banks were bad and high, defended by a heavy fire; the regiments

lost upwards of 40 men in the stream and on its banks. The General

placed himself at the head of the remaining regiments, and led them by

the left of the village towards the river; but, experienced in war, Sir

De Lacy Evans availed himself of all means to carry the enemy's position

with the smallest loss to his own men; he covered the advance of his

troops by the fire of 18 pieces. Pennefather's Brigade, the 30th, 55th,

and 95th Regiments, was accompanied by Fitzmayer's battery; but the

General, finding Dacre's battery and Wodehouse's battery, which belonged

to the First and Light Divisions, stationed near, availed himself of the

services volunteered by the officers in command of them to cover the

advance of his men. The 95th Regiment, being on the extreme left of the

Brigade, came upon the bridge of Bourliouk; the 55th Regiment, in the

centre, had in front of them a deep ford and high banks; and the 30th

Regiment were inconvenienced in their advance by the walls of the

village, and by the cooking places cut in the high banks on the opposite

side of the stream. On the right of the 30th Regiment came the 47th

Regiment, and in the interval between these two regiments rode Sir De

Lacy Evans. As soon as the Division emerged from the smoke and the

houses of the village, the enemy directed on them an extremely severe

fire--"such," says Sir De Lacy Evans, "as few, perhaps, of the most

experienced soldiers have ever witnessed," till they came to the stream,

which they passed under a storm of missiles which lashed the waters into

bloody foam. The 95th, led very gallantly by Colonel Webber Smith,

debouched from the bridge and narrow ford just as the 7th, under Colonel

Yea, formed on the other side. They were exposed to the same tremendous

fire; they advanced, with colours flying, towards the left of the

Russian epaulement, which Codrington was assailing, and claim the credit

of having been the temporary captors of a gun on the left of the works.

The 55th and 30th, led by Colonel Warren and Colonel Hoey, exposed to

the full fire of two batteries and of six battalions disposed on the

sides of the ravines and of the slopes above them, behaved with

conspicuous gallantry, but could make no impression on the solid masses

of the enemy. In a short time the 95th lost 6 officers killed, the

Colonel and Major and 9 officers wounded, and upwards of 170 men. The

55th had 128 casualties, 8 of which occurred to officers, and 3 of which

were fatal; the 80th Regiment lost 150 officers and men.

[Sidenote: DIFFICULTIES OF GAINING INTELLIGENCE DURING BATTLE.]