DEBS IN JAIL.
The strike situation still looked very bright for the men.
At St. Paul and Minneapolis the business of the railroads, with the
exception of the Soo Line, St. Paul & Duluth and the Great Northern, was
practically at a standstill.
On the St. Paul & Duluth the men as a whole refused to strike, a few
firemen and switchmen left their positions at the call but did not
seriously affect the operation of trains. This was also true of the Soo
Line. The Great Northern so far was not implicated as they used no
Pullman cars and positively refused boycotted freight, that is, freight
offered by railroads whose employes were on a strike. The Minnesota
Transfer, which was the key to the coast lines, was completely blocked,
and this condition was duplicated in almost every railroad center
throughout the country.
Encouraging telegrams were being received from all points contradicting
the reports circulated by a subsidized press that everything was running
as usual. So far the men in the Twin Cities were conducting themselves
in such an orderly manner that even the press could not rake up one
charge against them. They strictly adhered to the advice of President
Debs to keep out of saloons and away from railroad property. The only
action taken by the strikers was to induce other men by moral persuasion
not to take their places and assist the managers to operate the roads.
For this Charles J. Luth was foully murdered by one Leonard, chief clerk
in the office of James McCabe, superintendent of the C., St. P., M. & O.
Ry.
On the evening of July 14, Leonard, in company with Bert Nash, also an
employe of the same railroad, brought a lot of non-union men to a
boarding place in St. Paul, known as the Minnesota Home. Luth followed
them into the house and requested the proprietress of the Home not to
board them as they were in the city to take the place of strikers, and
while explaining the situation, became involved in an altercation with
Nash. Leonard interfered and was told by Luth that he was little better
than a scab, whereupon Leonard drew a revolver and fired five times, all
of the shots taking effect in the body of Luth. Two of the shots were
fired after Luth had fallen to the floor.
These facts were given by an eye witness who afterwards took the
revolver from Leonard.
This dastardly, cold blooded murder worked the strikers into a frenzy of
excitement, and had it not been for a herculean effort on the part of
older and cooler heads, a lynching would surely have occurred.
This foul deed was absolutely unwarranted as Luth was unarmed and alone,
and if he had harmed or threatened to harm any one, an officer could
have been called and he would have been promptly arrested.
Luth left a wife and two small children to mourn his loss and grieve
over his tragic end.
The funeral procession that followed the remains to the grave headed by
the Knights of Pythias and Foresters, was the largest ever seen in St.
Paul.
President Debs felt confident of victory. Addressing a meeting at Ulrich
Hall, he said:
"We have just finished reading 160 telegrams in not one of which there
is any sign of weakening." He dwelled on the action of the general
managers refusing to entertain the proposition made to them, and the
necessity of the men remaining loyal to one another. "The law seems to
be against us as it is read by some, but if the law makes it a crime to
advise you men against the encroachments of capital, by all the Gods
united I will rot in jail." Referring to the attitude of other railroad
organizations, he said: "Men in such positions as myself and Mr. Howard
cannot afford to be on good terms with general managers. If we are we
cannot be your friends. It is true, however, that certain officers of
certain other organizations ride on annual passes and spend months on
fishing excursions at the expense of the railroad managers, but it comes
out of your wages in the end."
Members of the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers present, informed the
officers of the American Railway Union that Chief Arthur had issued
orders for men to work with scabs, and that he was supplying scabs to
take the places of men on strike. In other words, he was running an
employment agency for the benefit of the railroads.
The general managers' defeat on the fifth day of the strike was beyond
all question of a doubt. They had summoned to their support the federal
government with the result previously mentioned, but the government aid
was not sufficient to operate their roads. They must have a number of
the old men to educate and aid the scabs in the performance of their
duties. At this critical time the services of their faithful allies were
badly wanted. In this, their time of need they knew that those men who
had feted, dined and wined at their expense would prove faithful to them
and traitors to the orders they represented.
The damnable spirit of treachery that evoked Benedict Arnold to betray
his country predominated in the hearts of these double-dyed scoundrels.
They were not only ready and willing but feverishly anxious to assist
the corporations to enslave the men that they were oath-bound as well as
duty bound to protect. Grand Chief Arthur, representing the engineers,
who had grown old in the service of the corporations, and whose wealth
was estimated at half a million dollars, in direct violation of the
constitution of his order, ordered his men to work with scab firemen.
Not only this, he ordered all those who were on strike to return at once
to their engines and in case of their refusal he would supply men to
take their places. This was also true of Grand Chief Sargent of the
Firemen and Wilkinson of the Trainmen. Clark of the Conductors, and
Barrett of the Switchmen advised their men to return to work as they had
no grievance. But only a part of these men would be taken back by the
companies, and what under the sun did these chiefs intend to do with the
others? Positively nothing. But the result was exactly what they
intended it should be, and the men were applying to the companies--in
lots of ten and twenty in the different cities--for their positions.
The dark deeds of treachery were now rife in many places especially in
the Twin Cities. At this point the blockade, which was on since the
strike began, and which was the key to the situation in the Northwest
was raised.
The Great Northern was the only line in operation to the coast, and
under instructions from J. J. Hill, the president, refused to accept
any freight from roads included in the boycott. The men were instructed
to decline even to throw a switch or assist in any manner any road on
strike, as the Great Northern company did not wish to be drawn into the
difficulty. In fact the men on this line were, almost to a man, members
of the American Railway Union, and could not even if asked to do any act
that might prove a detriment to their brothers. At this time there
happened to be sixty car loads of twine in St. Paul, a greater portion
of which was at Minnesota Transfer. This freight was consigned to points
on the Great Northern Line and a committee headed by Harry Gray,
chairman of the general board of mediation of the American Railway Union
on that system, appeared at the rooms of the central strike committee
and asked permission to switch out the twine, giving as an excuse that
the farmers were in need of it.
This permission the committee was loth to grant as any move toward
raising this blockade in the Twin Cities might prove detrimental to
their cause, and further action on the matter was deferred until it
would be submitted to the different unions interested.
That night at a meeting held at Plummer Post Hall in Minneapolis, the
American Railway Union headquarters, a committee of farmers, from the
peoples' party convention in session there at that time, were admitted.
When appraised of the nature of the trouble they stated that they had
contracts with the twine companies to deliver their twine and on failure
to do so the farmers would suffer no loss. They further stated that the
farmers would bind their grain by hand before they would ask the men to
do anything detrimental to the success of the strike. This settled it as
far as the twine was concerned. However, the next day, the officials of
the Great Northern took an engine and switched the twine out themselves
without any objection being made by the men who stood by while the work
was being done.
This was the beginning only.
The next move was a positive assurance of treachery.
The Burlington road had about thirty cars of water pipe for the Great
Northern, and this same man Gray again waited on the central committee
for permission to move the freight, saying, that he had the assurance of
the company that no more concessions would be asked. His request was
promptly refused. Later a committee of switchmen called on the central
committee for instructions and were told not to move the freight under
any conditions.
They left apparently satisfied, but nevertheless the cars were moved; no
one seemed to know how but it became apparent to the strikers that a
traitor was in their ranks, and took immediate steps to ferret him out,
and have the embargo once more placed on business at this point.
Gray of St. Paul, and Foster of St. Cloud, were openly accused of being
the traitors to the cause, although others were thought to be
implicated. Charges were preferred against Gray in the Union, but
nothing ever came of it. Every conceivable means was used to again cause
a blockade at this point but to no avail.
The switchmen promised to refuse to handle boycotted freight if the road
would support them in case of discharge, which they well knew was
inevitable. It would be simply a sacrifice to strike in the yards of St.
Paul and Minneapolis without the support of the whole system, although
after a canvas of the road, when it was found that the majority of the
men voted against a strike, the switchmen of these cities sent word
that they were ready to ask for their time and quit the service of the
company if the Union so desired. This proposition the strikers would not
accept, not caring to sacrifice a few loyal switchmen whose places could
be easily filled if the rest of the employes remained at work.
This result was wired to Chicago, and Director Goodwin was sent out to
see what could be done. His efforts were fruitless. The road was again
canvassed with the same result, and Goodwin returning to Chicago, Mr.
Burns, another director of the Union, was sent to take his place, but
with no better success.
They positively refused to strike. The traitors with the price of their
treachery in their pockets had been there first and accomplished their
purpose.
The damnable traitors responsible for the raising of the blockade were
also responsible for the suffering and untold misery of the noble men
whose sympathetic hearts went out to their brothers in Pullman, and who
without money were obliged to leave their homes (in many cases only
partly paid for) and seek employment elsewhere in order to provide for
their families.
The switchmen in the employ of the Milwaukee road at Minneapolis,
now--fearing that the treachery of the men on the Great Northern Line
would lose the strike in the Northwest--applied for their positions, and
all who were wanted were taken back. The men who were employed by the
Omaha Railway at East St. Paul, took the same course, but all others
declared their intention of standing out until the American Railway
Union called off the strike.
Disasters seemed to follow one another in rapid succession at this time.
In many places the weak-kneed men were applying for work and circulating
false stories to induce others to do the same. The news went flashing
over the wires that Debs, Howard, Rogers and Kelliher were in jail. But
this news did not have the depressing effect on the men that was
expected, in fact it only caused a feeling of indignation and the
strikers were now more determined than ever to stand up for their rights
and fight out the battle with renewed energy.
In making this statement I do not refer to the poltroons who were
continually raising the cry: We are lost, but I refer to the noble men
who spoke from their manly hearts, and with words of no uncertain sound
declared their intention to go down to defeat if need be with those
grand, noble, generous hearted men, who signified their willingness to
rot in jail, or even mount the scaffold in defence of the just and
righteous cause they had wrapped their lives in.
Could it be charged that they were actuated by selfish motives in the
cause in which they had enlisted? No! A thousand times no! If Eugene V.
Debs could be induced to turn his magnificent executive abilities over
to the railroads instead of the poor enslaved workingmen, these
corporations would place him upon the highest pinnacle of plutocratic
fame, and no one can dispute George W. Howard's title to being a
workingman's friend, for by his actions on more than one occasion he has
proven himself to be a friend indeed, and actions speak louder than
words.
Yes; the four officers of the American Railway Union were in jail.
United States Attorney Milchrist appeared before Judge Seaman in the
United States district court on the morning of July 17, and on behalf of
the government filed information presented by George R. Peck, who
represented the general managers and receivers of the Santa Fe system.
In response to the prayer of the district attorney, Judge Seaman issued
writs of attachment for the appearance of Debs, Howard, Rogers and
Kelliher, directing them to be present at the afternoon session of the
court and show causes why they should not be punished for contempt in
continuing to disregard the injunction of the court. W. W. Erwin, of St.
Paul, W. A. Shoemaker and S. S. Gregory, of Chicago, were retained to
defend the men on behalf of the American Railway Union. The voluminous
information made up of telegrams, copies of injunctions, etc., was read
by Attorney Milchrist, after which the court ruled that two separate
attachments be issued and separate records be kept.
Mr. Gregory stated that he failed to see why the government should
interfere to protect property rights of railroads, and this called forth
a retort from Mr. Walker that Uncle Sam was seeking to protect only the
interstate commerce and the mails and not the railroad property.
The information embodied almost everything pertaining to the strike, and
over an hour was consumed in its reading. Telegrams sent out to strike
leaders by President Debs were submitted but contained no startling
facts.
One of these addressed to H. E. Sarion, Garrett, Ind., read as follows:
"Have all classes of employes withdrawn from service at once." Another
to Charles Fink, Oakland, Cal., says: "Commit no violence." Mr. Debs'
communication to the railway managers suggesting a settlement of the
strike was incorporated in the information as was also the question of
Chicago public health in the matter of removing dead animals from the
city. Several newspaper interviews and a copy of the original injunction
issued by Judges Wood and Grosscup was also contained therein, and after
Peck of the Santa Fe had sought to bolster up the information with an
argument, Mr. Gregory urged that the defendants had not been charged
with violence, and declared that it was his belief that the testimony
should be taken by a master. Mr. Walker opposed this in favor of a
hearing in open court and was sustained. This led up to a long legal
wrangle participated in by both sides, and a fiery speech by Mr. Irwin
of the defence, in which he denied the jurisdiction of the court, and
hinted at monarchy and dictatorial methods. Mr. Walker pressed his
motion that the defendants be placed under bonds to appear before the
court and Judge Seaman fixed the bail in each case at $3,000. Mr. Debs,
declining a score of offers from prominent men to furnish the necessary
security, decided to go to jail. In reply to a question Mr. Debs said:
"This is the first time in my life that I have been incarcerated in a
jail, but with us it is a matter of principle. We have had many offers
of bail but have refused them all. The poor striker if arrested would be
thrown into jail and we are certainly no better than he, we will eat
regularly, prison fare, and expect to be treated as any other prisoners
would be."
Their trial was set for the following Monday.