CHAPTER XIII.

AN OFFER OF SETTLEMENT.

Senator Pfeffer, of Kansas, arraigned congress for its defence of

monopolies, and its stand against the people. Senator Kyle, of Dakota,

also charged congress with being in collusion with the railroads, but

Senator Davis, of Minnesota, on the other hand, denounced Debs and the

strikers. He said the strike grew from a strike to a boycott, from

boycott to riot, from riot to insurrection, that the acts, if committed

on the high seas, would be piracy and punishable by death. He spoke of

the injustice being done the farmers of the United States, and how they

were effected by the strike in Chicago. He urged that it was time some

action should be taken to put down the rising tide of anarchy. He held

that a nuisance should be abated and that Debs was a nuisance.

Senator Gordon, of Georgia, and Senator Daniels, of Virginia, followed

in the same kind of demagoguery as Davis.

A great meeting was held in Dubuque, and prominent among the speakers

was County Attorney Mathews who insisted on obedience to law, but

denounced Judge Grosscup for issuing an injunction which denied the

constitutional right of free speech and trial by Jury.

Mayor Hopkins, of Chicago, Mayor Pingree, of Detroit, Michigan, and

Erskine M. Phelps conferred with Mr. Wickes, and Mrs. Brown and Runnell

of the Pullman Company at the request of some fifty mayors, representing

about one-third of the population of the United States--and urged

arbitration as a means of settling the strike. The efforts of these

gentlemen were in vain. The imperious Pullman company through its

representative, though not saying so in as many words, intimated that

the company would not establish a precedent whereby workmen could

interfere in its business. Mayor Pingree, of Detroit, corresponded with

almost every mayor of the larger cities of the United States, and

received answers favorable to arbitration from all with one exception,

that of Mayor Gilroy, of New York City, whose answer to the telegram of

Mayor Pingree was an emphatic no.

The wildest excitement now prevailed at Sacramento. The United States

troops commanded by Col. Graham and consisting of infantry, cavalry,

artillery, and gatling and Hotchkiss guns, presented a most war like

aspect. The strikers on learning of this movement on the part of the

government armed themselves, and it was feared that a desperate conflict

would take place.

The Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers in this district called upon

Supt. Filmore of the Southern Pacific and stated that they were ready to

resume work at once. This weakened the cause of the strikers to some

extent and caused a smile of satisfaction on the faces of the railroad

managers.

After much persuasion due to the untiring efforts of Congressman McGann,

President Cleveland consented to appoint a committee of three to

investigate the strike, under section 6 of the arbitration act, prepared

some years ago under the eyes of Powderly, McGuire and Hays of the

Knights of Labor, offered by Representative Quail, of St. Louis, and

made a law on Oct. 1, 1888. This determination on the part of Cleveland

was received with satisfaction throughout the country. This was just

what the American Railway Union wanted. This was what the Trades and

Labor Unions of the United States had appealed for, and what the

business men and city representatives had so long demanded, begged and

entreated of the Pullman company, but without avail.

It looked at this time as if an investigation would be forced on Duke

Pullman, and the people were looking forward to a speedy settlement of

the trouble. The American Railway Union, having no fear of the final

decision of the investigating committee, and viewing the vast amount of

destruction of property, loss of life and extreme hardship to which the

people were subjected on account of the strike--decided to take the

necessary steps to call off the strike, they drew up the following

proposition which was given to Mr. Hopkins, mayor of Chicago, to present

to the general managers.

"To the Railway Managers:

"Gentlemen:--The existing trouble growing out of the Pullman strike

having assumed continental proportions, and there being no indications

of relief from the wide spread business demoralization and distress,

incident thereto, the railway employes, through the board of directors

of the American Railway Union respectfully make the following

proposition as a basis of settlement:

"They agree to return to work in a body at once, provided they shall be

restored to their former positions without prejudice, except in cases,

if any there be, where they have been convicted of crime. This

proposition looking to an immediate settlement of the existing strike on

all lines of railway is inspired by a purpose to subserve public good.

The strike, small and comparatively unimportant in its inception, has

extended in every direction until now it involves or threatens not only

every public interest, but the peace, security and prosperity of our

common country. The contest has waged fiercely, it has extended far

beyond the limits of interest originally involved, and has laid hold of

a vast number of industries and enterprises in nowise responsible for

the difference and disagreements that led to the trouble.

"Factory, mill, mine and shop have been silenced. Widespread

demoralization has sway. The interests of multiplied thousands of people

are suffering, and the common welfare is seriously menaced, The public

peace and tranquility are imperiled, and grave apprehension for the

future prevails. This being true, and the statement will not be

controverted, we conceive it to be our duty as citizens and as men, to

make extraordinary efforts to end the existing strife and approaching

calamities whose shadows are even now upon us. If ended now, the

contest, however serious in some respects, will not have been in vain.

"Sacrifices have been made, but they will have their compensations.

Indeed, if lessons shall be taught by experience, the troubles now so

widely deplored will prove a blessing of inestimable value in the years

to come. The difference that led up to the present complications need

not now be discussed, every consideration of duty and patriotism demands

that a remedy for existing troubles be found and applied. The employes

purpose to do their part by meeting their employers half way. Let it be

stated that they do not impose any condition of settlement except that

they be returned to their former positions; they do not ask recognition

of their organization or any organization.

"Believing this proposition to be fair, reasonable and just it is

respectfully submitted with the belief that its acceptance will result

in the prompt resumption of traffic, the revival of industry, and the

restoration of peace and order.

"Respectfully,

E. V. DEBS, Pres.

G. W. HOWARD, V. Pres.

S. KELLIHER, Secy.

American Railway Union."

The proposition was rejected and spurned by the General Managers

Association.

Is there a man so utterly lost to the sense of justice, that would

conscientiously dispute the manly fairness of this communication?

The object of the general managers was too apparent, their position was

clearly defined. Their determination to wipe out of existence all

railroad organizations was as fixed and unmovable as the Rock of

Gibraltar and why should they recede from their position?

The federal courts and federal government (owned and controlled by the

corporations) decided that the constitutional rights of free speech and

trial by jury, equal rights to all and special privileges to none, was a

farce. In their narrow money-loving minds there could be no rights for

honest labor, and determined there should be no rights for a

workingman. After this decision of the general managers the American

Railway Union could do nothing but fight out the battle to the bitter

end.

Eugene V. Debs,--representing a body of honest toilers with no other

motive than to obtain for them living wages, his heart overflowing with

generous impulses and humane kindness, his noble nature revolting

against the tyrannical oppression of his fellow man by the soulless

corporations, a man who loves his country with patriotic devotion,--for

these reasons and no other, was indicted and arrested on the charge of

criminal conspiracy, while John M. Egan--representing the General

Managers Association, a giant monopoly and powerful money grasping

trust, built on the people's land and with the people's money, a

combination foreign to American institutions, usurping the functions of

the government with avowed intent and purpose to take away the rights of

organization from the working man and reduce him to a condition of

absolute slavery,--was allowed to continue his nefarious work without

interruption. Surely this partial, one-sided distribution of justice,

openly and defiantly administered, deserves the severest condemnation of

every loyal American citizen.

The Pullman boycott had now ceased to be the point at issue in the

strike. It was now the life or death of railroad organizations.

The Pullman boycott · 第 13 / 22 章