SPEECH IN THE SENATE, ON THE DEATH OF HON. KINSLEY S. BINGHAM, LATE
SENATOR OF MICHIGAN, DECEMBER 10, 1861.
MR. PRESIDENT,--There are Senators who knew Mr. Bingham well, while he
was a member of the other House. I knew him well only when he became a
member of this body. Our seats here were side by side, and, as he was
constant in attendance, I saw him daily. Our acquaintance soon became
friendship, quickened by common sympathies, and confirmed by that bond
which, according to the ancient orator, is found in the _eadem de
Republica sensisse_.[240] In his death I have lost a friend; but the
sorrow of friendship is deepened, when I think of loss to the country.
If he did not impress at once by personal appearance or voice or
manner, yet all these, as they became familiar, testified continually
to the unaffected simplicity and integrity of his character. His
life, so far as not given to his country, was devoted to the labors
of agriculture. He was a farmer, and, amidst all the temptations
of an eminent public career, never abandoned this vocation, which
does so much to strengthen both body and soul. More than merchant,
manufacturer, or lawyer, the agriculturist is independent in
condition. To him the sun and rain and the ever-varying seasons
are agents of prosperity. Dependent upon Nature, he learns to be
independent of men. Such a person, thus endowed, easily turns from the
behest of party to follow those guiding principles which are kindred
to the laws of Nature. Of such a character our friend was a beautiful
example.
In him all the private virtues commingled. Truthful and frank, he was
full of gentleness and generous sympathy. He had risen from humble
fortunes, and his heart throbbed warmly for all who suffered in any
way. Especially was he aroused against wrong and injustice, wherever
they appeared, and then his softer sentiments were changed into an
indomitable firmness,--showing that he was one of those admirable
natures where
“Mildness and bravery went hand in hand.”
It was this character which gave elevation to his public life. Though
companions about him hesitated, though great men on whom he had
leaned apostatized, he stood sure and true always for the Right. Such
a person was naturally enlisted against Slavery. His virtuous soul
recoiled from this many-headed Barbarism, entering into and possessing
the National Government. His political philosophy was simply moral
philosophy applied to public affairs. Slavery was wrong; therefore
he was against it, wherever he could justly reach it. No matter what
form it took,--whether of pretension or blandishment,--whether, like
Satan, stalking lordly, or sitting squat like a toad,--whether, like
Mephistopheles, cozening cunningly, or lurking like a poodle,--whether,
like Asmodeus, inquisitorial even to lifting the roofs of the whole
country,--he was never deceived, but saw it always, in all its various
manifestations, as the Spirit of Evil, and was its constant enemy. And
now, among the signs that Freedom has truly triumphed, is the fact that
here, in this Chamber, so long the stronghold of Slavery, our homage
can be freely offered to one who so fearlessly opposed it.
There was something in our modest friend which seemed peculiarly
adapted to private life. Had he not been a public man, he would have
been, in his own rural neighborhood, at home, the good citizen, active
and positive for human improvement, with an honored place in that
list whose praise Clarkson pronounces so authoritatively. “I have had
occasion,” says this philanthropist, “to know many thousand persons in
the course of my travels, and I can truly say that the part which these
took on this great question [of the Abolition of the Slave-Trade] was
always a true criterion of their moral character.”[241] But he was not
allowed to continue in retirement. His country had need of him, and he
became a member of the Michigan Legislature and Speaker of its House,
Representative in Congress, Governor, and then Senator of the United
States. This distinguished career was stamped always with the plainness
of his character. The Roman Cato was not more plain or determined. He
came into public life when Compromise was the order of the day, but he
never yielded to it. He was a member of the Democratic party, which was
the declared tool of Slavery, but he never allowed Slavery to make a
tool of him. All this should now be spoken in his honor. To omit it on
this occasion would be to forget those titles by which hereafter he
will be most gratefully remembered.
* * * * *
There were two important questions, while he was a member of the other
House, on which his name is recorded for Freedom. The first was the
famous proposition introduced by Mr. Wilmot, of Pennsylvania, for
the prohibition of Slavery in the Territories. On this question he
separated from his party, and courageously voted in the affirmative.
Had his voice at that time prevailed, Slavery would have been checked,
and the vast Conspiracy under which we now suffer would have received
an early death-blow. The other question on which his record is so
honorable was the Fugitive Slave Bill. There his name is found among
the noes, in generous fellowship with Preston King among the living,
and Horace Mann among the dead.
From that time forward his influence for Freedom was felt in his own
State, and when, at a later day, he entered the Senate, he became
known instantly as one of our surest and most faithful Senators, whose
inflexible constancy was more eloquent than a speech. During all recent
trials he never for one moment wavered. With the instincts of an honest
statesman, he saw the situation, and accepted frankly and bravely the
responsibilities of the hour. He set his face against concession in any
degree and in every form. The time had come when Slavery was to be met,
and he was ready. As the Rebellion assumed its warlike proportions,
his perception of our duties was none the less clear. In his mind,
Slavery was not only the origin, but vital part of the Rebellion,
and therefore to be attacked. Slavery was also the mainspring of the
belligerent power now arrayed against the Union,--therefore, in the
name of the Union, to be destroyed. While valuing the military arm as
essential, he saw that without courageous counsels it would be feeble.
The function of the statesman is higher than that of general; and our
departed Senator saw that on the counsels of the Government, even more
than on its armies, rested the great responsibility of bringing this
war to a speedy and triumphant close. Armies obey orders, but it is
for the Government to organize and to inspire victory. All this he saw
clearly; and he longed impatiently for that voice, herald of Union and
Peace, which, in behalf of a violated Constitution, and in the exercise
of a just self-defence, should change the present contest from a bloody
folly into a sure stage of Human Improvement and an immortal landmark
of Civilization.
Such a Senator can be ill spared at this hour. His cheerful confidence,
his genuine courage, his practical instinct, his simple presence,
would help the great events now preparing, nay, which are at hand.
Happily he survives in noble example, and speaks even from the tomb.
By all who have shared his counsels he will ever be truly remembered,
while the State which trusted him so often in life, and the neighbors
who knew him so well in his daily walks, will cherish his memory with
affectionate pride. Marble and bronze are not needed. If not enough for
glory, he has done too much to be forgotten; and hereafter, when our
country is fully redeemed, his name will be inscribed in that faithful
company, who, through good report and evil report, held fast to the
truth.
“By fairy hands their knell is rung,
By forms unseen their dirge is sung;
There Honor comes, a pilgrim gray,
To bless the turf that wraps their clay,
And Freedom shall awhile repair,
To dwell, a weeping hermit, there.”[242]