THE REPUBLIC
Three things contributed to the change of government in Brazil from
empire to republic. The first of these was the natural trend toward a
republican form of government, since for more than a half a century
Brazil had been surrounded by republics. During that time she had been
the only representative of the monarchical system on the American
continent. The Emperor himself had recognized the inevitable, if one
may judge from his expressions. Had Dom Pedro at that time been in good
health, he would doubtless have recognized the handwriting on the wall
and voluntarily abdicated. Those who were disappointed in politics, or
had a fancied grievance, belonged to this republican element, as it was
the only thing that promised a change. The second contributing cause was
the fear of clerical domination in the event the government fell to the
Princess Isabel, daughter of the second Dom Pedro and heir to the throne.
That she was a devout and sincere member of the Church of Rome there
was no doubt; and this made the people fear an undue influence by the
priests, although she had during the regencies done no overt act. Her
personality was a sharp contrast to that of the amiable Emperor, for,
where he was simple and unaffected, she was autocratic and reserved. Her
husband, the Conde d’Eu, was cold in demeanour, close-fisted in money
matters and a foreigner—the latter being a point that the Brazilians had
never been quite able to overlook. If the count had been a Portuguese
nobleman the feeling toward him might possibly have been different. The
third and strongest reason was the abolition of slavery, which had been
urged from the throne by the crown princess the year before.
[Illustration: A RURAL HOME.]
In order to fully understand the slavery situation it is necessary to go
back a number of decades in the history of the country. At the beginning
of the 19th century there were perhaps two million of negro slaves in
Brazil. From about that period the movement for the abolition of slaves
began to make headway. Strong and influential men arose in a number of
different states and advocated the gradual eradication of this practice,
by freeing all children of slave mothers after a certain age had been
reached. It was not, however, until 1830, and after much agitation, that
the importation of slaves was made illegal; and for many years after this
there was a large clandestine infiltration of blacks. The Emperor was at
heart an abolitionist and favoured the movement as much as he dared. The
law of 1830 proving ineffectual, in 1854 a vigorous statute was enacted
suppressing the ingress of slaves and this was strenuously enforced. At
this time the slaves numbered two million five hundred thousand, nearly
forty per cent. of the population. The breaking out of the Paraguayan
war checked the trend of the abolition movement, but at its close, in
1870, it sprang up again more strongly than ever. In the following year
the so-called Rio Branco ordinance was passed, which declared that all
children of slave mothers should be free after their majority, as this
service should pay for their rearing and education. Proprietors were
required to register all slaves. This concession did not satisfy a
large element. In a few years a powerful party arose which demanded the
immediate manumission of all slaves, and this party numbered among its
adherents some of the strongest men in Brazil. Slavery was abolished
in the states of Amazonas and Ceará. A further bill, passed by the
national assembly, declared all slaves over the age of sixty years free,
on condition that they served their masters for three more years, and
established a scale of low redemption prices by which the slaves could
purchase their freedom. Rio de Janeiro was the centre of the abolition
movement, and São Paulo of the slave-holders’ strength. Many wealthy and
influential slave-holders in the latter state voluntarily unshackled all
their slaves for the sake of principle.
Encouraged by the state of public opinion, thousands of slaves
voluntarily left the estates, and the officials generally refused aid in
securing their return. So rapidly did the number of those held in bondage
decrease that, by 1887, there were only seven hundred and forty-three
thousand slaves in the whole empire, a little more than one-fourth of the
number a quarter of a century previous. When the Congress met in May,
1888, the speech from the throne announced that “the imperial programme
was absolute, immediate and uncompensated emancipation.” A bill was
introduced which contained the following two short articles:
I. Slavery in Brazil is declared extinct.
II. All acts to the contrary are revoked.
Within eight days the bill had passed both houses, had been signed by the
princess and was the law of the country. The votes against it were hardly
numerous enough to be worth the counting. By this act the strongest
upholders of the monarchy were alienated.
The rejoicings were confined almost exclusively to the labouring classes,
who believed this change would better their condition. Those injured,
the great plantation owners, made no open demonstration, but the seeds
of sedition were sown. The ambitious group of military officers,
who probably saw a chance of personal aggrandizement in a change of
government, realized their opportunity approaching. São Paulo was the
hotbed of the disaffection, for the big coffee planters of the state
felt the loss of slaves more than any other class. Furthermore that
state was the home of a group of influential men who were republicans
from principle. When the Emperor returned from Europe in August, 1888,
an immense reception was organized for him; and that man, whose mental
powers and perceptions were not so keen as formerly, failed to discern
the uneasy feeling underlying the surface. And yet the plot was then
well in hand for the final overthrow of monarchical conditions, as soon
as a favourable opportunity presented itself.
It was not until 1884 that any avowedly republican members were elected
to the national assembly, and then three were chosen, two of whom
afterward filled the office of president. Benjamin Constant, a professor
in the military school, in his teachings had spread republican doctrines
among the younger officers of the army, and insubordination followed in
certain quarters. The ministry seemed impotent against the power of the
army. The princess was still disliked, and her husband, the Conde d’Eu,
more so, and the Emperor was in failing health. It had been generally
understood by both parties that nothing would be done during the lifetime
of the Emperor. The regency of the princess had, however, become
prolonged and unpopular. As the army became disaffected the conde had
endeavoured to form a new Imperial Guard of Honour to protect the throne.
A plan was also formulated to send the entire army away in detachments
to various parts of the republic, and this was to be done on the 15th of
November. It was also rumoured that the Emperor would again place the
power of state in his daughter’s hands. On the 14th the report became
current that Constant and Marshal Deodoro da Fonseca would be arrested.
The ministry did not sleep that night, as rumours had reached it that a
part of the army at least would resist removal.
The republicans were busy too, and, early in the morning, a brigade of
the army drew up in front of the War Department, and a peremptory demand
was sent to the cabinet to surrender. Resistance was useless, for the
whole army was estranged. Consequently the entire cabinet telegraphed
their resignations to the Emperor at Petropolis. This reached the Emperor
just as he was leaving the imperial chapel, where he had attended mass.
Dom Pedro started for Rio immediately, which place he reached in the
middle of the afternoon. By this time the revolutionary chiefs had met
and organized a provisional government, having named themselves as
ministers, with General Deodoro da Fonseca as president. A manifesto was
promulgated and given to the public proclaiming a republic. The senate,
which had been a life position heretofore, was declared abolished and
Congress was dissolved. On the night of the 14th the city of Rio de
Janeiro had indulged in a celebration, and the Emperor was an honoured
guest. On the following evening he was again a guest of the city, but
practically a prisoner, for a republic had been proclaimed. The Emperor
was notified that he and his family would be compelled to leave within
twenty-four hours, but that their lives would be protected, and ample
financial provision made for them. On the night of the 16th all the royal
family were placed on board a steamer bound for Lisbon. The Emperor died
at Paris on the 5th of December, 1891.
The countess still resides in France with her three sons. The eldest
of these, the prince imperial, arrived at Rio de Janeiro a few years
ago with the intention of making a visit to the land of his birth. The
federal authorities refused permission for him to land, as they feared
his presence might result in a disturbance.
The opportune time for the republic had no doubt arrived, for the country
at large accepted this radical change with the greatest indifference.
Those who were not satisfied at least kept still and decided to await
developments. Outspoken monarchists were nowhere to be found. A military
dictatorship followed with many of its evils. Most of the governors of
the various provinces announced their submission to the new régime, but
the old officers of the monarchy were rapidly supplanted by republican
sympathizers or officers of the army. This provincial government lasted
for fourteen months, and effectually succeeded in making itself very
unpopular. In that time a series of laws were promulgated covering almost
every phase of government. The provinces were organized into states
after the model of the United States of America, church and state were
formally separated, civil marriage was established. Suffrage was made
universal with an educational qualification only, and many judicial
reforms were inaugurated. The green and yellow flag of the empire was
retained although a considerable change in the design was made, and the
imperial crown was eliminated from everything governmental. The republic
was recognized by the United States in a little over two months, and by
the other principal nations shortly afterward.
The first serious dissatisfaction arose out of delay in calling an
election for a new Senate and House of Deputies. This was finally
held, and the Congress met in Rio on the 15th of November, 1890. A
constitution which is patterned very closely after that of the United
States was adopted with few changes. One of the provisions was that the
first president and vice-president should be elected by the Congress,
and not by popular suffrage. Marshal Deodoro da Fonseca was chosen
President, receiving eleven more than a majority, and Marshal Floriano
Peixoto was selected for vice-president. The President, being a military
man both by education and training, the government continued military in
fact, for the constitution did not bother the new executive very much.
During the provisional government the banks had been conceded the right
to issue circulating notes, and the country was soon flooded with these
promissory obligations. Credit was easy and a speculative boom followed.
The amount of money in circulation had almost doubled in a few months,
and exchange began to fall. Congress viewed this condition with alarm
and passed measures restricting the issue of paper money. The President
vetoed this and other bills. A law was passed nullifying the veto, and
then the President forcibly dissolved the Congress. Rio was declared in
a state of siege, constitutional guarantees were suspended and martial
law evulgated. These measures proclaimed the President as a dictator.
In Pará armed resistance arose; the State of Rio Grande do Sul openly
revolted against President Deodoro, and he was unable to put it down.
The revolutionists announced that they were ready to “march to Rio and
depose the dictator.” The navy and most of the army declared against
the President and he finally resigned in favour of the vice-president,
in November, 1891. The first president was an able man in many ways.
He had distinguished himself in the Paraguayan war, and had held a
number of responsible positions, which he filled with credit. He was too
unyielding, however, and his ideas of strong and inflexible rule did not
harmonize with those of others almost equally powerful.
President Floriano had his troubles from the very beginning. Those
opposed to a military man for executor endeavoured to force the election
of a new president, but Floriano announced his determination to serve
the term for which he had been elected. He abrogated the decree of his
predecessor dissolving congress, and that body at once reassembled.
The relations between the executive and legislative branches of the
government were smooth at first. The year 1903, however, opened with
ominous murmurings, with rumours of revolutions and conspiracies. The
only effect this had upon President Floriano was to make him still more
severe and arbitrary. Rebellions broke out in Rio Grande do Sul again,
and also in Matto Grosso. The former insurrection lasted for three years,
but the latter was more quickly subdued.
In September, 1893, the entire navy under Admiral Mello, who had been
Minister of Marine, revolted. The Admiral issued a _pronunciamento_, of
which the following is a part, and is a fair sample of the whole: “The
President of the Republic has armed Brazilians against Brazilians; and he
has raised legions of so-called patriots, spreading mourning, want and
desolation in every nook and corner of the Republic, for the sole purpose
of gratifying his personal caprices and strengthening and perpetuating
the supremacy of his tyrannical dictatorship. Promising to be the
sentinel of the Treasury, the President has perjured himself and deceived
the nation, opening with sacrilegious hand the public exchequer to a
policy of bribery and corruption, thus abusing the authority which, in
an evil hour, the revolution placed in his hands.” The admiral, who had
been joined by some members of Congress and other prominent civilians,
threatened to bombard the city, but President Floriano acted quickly and
manned, as well as strengthened, all the fortifications in the harbour.
The admiral demanded the President’s resignation within six hours, and
that official flatly refused and defied the naval squadron.
[Illustration: A BRAZILIAN CRUISER.]
Congress stood by the President in this crisis and voted him funds. Rio
and Nictheroy were declared in a state of siege. Mello fired a few shots
at the city, which did considerable damage, but did not venture to carry
out his threat to bombard it. He finally escaped with the _Aquidaban_
and an armed transport, the _Esperanca_, and sailed for Rio Grande do
Sul to join the insurrectionists in that quarter of the republic, where
a provisional government had been set up. Admiral Saldanha da Gama was
left in charge of the insurgent fleet. A few months later Mello returned
northward with the _Aquidaban_ to Rio, but did not join the other vessels
in the harbour there. Admiral da Gama attempted to establish a blockade,
but the American Admiral Benham would not permit this, claiming it was an
unjustifiable interruption of commerce. An attempt was made to capture
the land forts and a sanguinary engagement ensued in which over eight
hundred men were killed and wounded. Soon afterwards the insurgents lost
several vessels which were sunk by government shells. The naval revolt
finally collapsed in March, 1894, but the commander, Admiral da Gama,
escaped on board a Portuguese man-of-war and joined the other admiral in
the south. This guerilla war in the south lasted until 1895; and it was
not until several thousand lives had been sacrificed and much property
destroyed that the beef eaters of the turbulent southernmost state
yielded, and a peace was once more restored which has lasted to this day.
President Floriano was very severe with the rebels who were captured, and
scores of them were shot. In fact, for a while, wholesale slaughter of
fellow Brazilians followed. Persons who were simply suspected of being
implicated in the rebellion were arrested and shot down.
The people were weary of military rule and, at the election in March,
1894, it was generally understood that a civil president should be
chosen. President Floriano himself advocated this and practically
selected his successor, Dr. Prudente José de Moraes Barros. A few months
after his term of office expired the ex-president passed away, as had his
successor, just a little while after his enforced resignation.
Republican ideas and principles made a great advance when Dr. Moraes
was inaugurated as president, on the 15th of November, 1894. He was a
lawyer by profession, and a native of the progressive state of São Paulo;
was a little past fifty years of age, and from the earliest days of his
career had been an ardent advocate of republican principles. Furthermore,
the new President was opposed to the use of force in enforcing public
administration. He had been a member of the provisional government of
his state, and was the first governor of that state under the republic,
as well as the first president of the national senate. He lived a
simple life, free from all ostentation, and his straightforwardness and
integrity brought to him the respect of all classes of Brazilians. Thus
it was with a thorough equipment that this new civilian President met the
responsible duties of his high office. The revolutionists insisted that
the election was invalid, on the ground that no voting had taken place in
the states of Rio Grande do Sul, Santa Catharina and Paraná, although
they had no objection to the new President personally. After peace was
restored the President granted amnesty to all who had borne arms against
the republic.
The natural consequence of the early days of extravagance began to be
felt. The national and state government seemed to have vied with each
other in multiplying the number of official employees, and in spending
money on public buildings and other works. To meet the deficits paper
money had been issued, and now the effects of this, together with the
fall in the price of coffee, were being experienced by the nation at
large, and retrenchment became necessary. Enemies both in official and
private circles grew up. The ruling party became split over retrenchment
policies, and an attempt was made to assassinate the President in
broad daylight, which, it was strongly believed, was the result of a
political plot. He would have been killed, had not a brave general thrown
himself in front of the President and received the fatal wound himself.
The effect of this conspiracy was to increase the admiration of the
people for the President, and to condemn the methods of his enemies.
An insurrection arose in the state of Bahia which required federal
assistance; and this was believed by many to be backed by monarchical
sympathizers, for it required an army of several thousand to quell it. A
_coup d’etat_ which had been planned early in 1897 by the vice-president,
who was in power during the temporary absence of the President to
recuperate his health, and who was backed by the discontented military,
was nipped in the bud by his sudden and unexpected return to the capital.
The boundary line with Argentina was settled during his administration,
by the arbitration of President Cleveland who determined the contention
in favour of Brazil.
In this way the four years of President Moraes’s term of office passed
by, and Dr. Manoel Ferraz de Campos Salles, also a civilian and a lawyer,
was chosen as his successor. An empty treasury, a country practically
without credit, and a commercial crisis are the conditions that
confronted the new President. A little later the Bank of the Republic
failed, and this dragged down to ruin many commercial enterprises as
well as a number of smaller banks. The President attacked these various
financial problems with great energy and considerable shrewdness. The
payment of interest on the public debt, which had been suspended for
three years, was resumed, and the value of the money slowly began to
rise. He managed by great shrewdness and tact to maintain his ascendency
over the turbulent majority in Congress. The only complaints were
because of the increase of taxes which were found necessary by his
administration. They were able to show, however, why the money was needed
and where it went. During his term another troublesome boundary question
with France, over the southern limits of French Guiana, was settled. The
dispute included a territory larger than Ohio, Indiana and Illinois, and
was submitted to the arbitration of the Swiss government and the entire
tract, except three thousand square miles, was awarded to Brazil. There
were no outside wars or internal revolutions during the term of Dr.
Campos Salles, and he retired at the end of his term to his home town of
São Paulo, where he still lives and enjoys the confidence and regard of
his fellow citizens.
The third civil President, who took office in 1902, was Dr. Francisco
de Paulo Rodrigues Alves, also a Paulista, like his two immediate
predecessors. He was elected peaceably, having been practically named
by his predecessor. He found the condition of the government very much
better than that individual had, for the finances were much improved.
President Rodrigues Alves announced as his program the improvement
of the sanitary conditions at Rio, and better shipping facilities.
The transformation of that city, which has been elsewhere described,
was the work of this administration and it remains as a monument to
him. More than a thousand houses were torn down to make room for the
improvements, and many millions of dollars were expended, but they were
well spent. When the port works are completed, which were started by
this administration, Rio will have a stone quay more than two miles in
length. A special impost of two per cent. gold on all imports into that
part was levied to pay for these improvements, and the government had no
difficulty in floating loans to secure the money.
Another dispute over boundary, which had long been the cause of friction
with Bolivia, was settled during the term of President Rodrigues Alves.
This was concerning the Acre tract, which includes some of the richest
rubber forests in the world. Brazil secured the land on the payment of
$10,000,000, and an agreement to construct a railroad which would give
Bolivia an outlet to the Amazon. It was in this territory that some
American adventurers sought to set up a little independent kingdom.
Several other serious boundary demarkations were likewise determined
during his term of office. It was during his administration that the Pan
American congress was held in Rio, which was the occasion of the visit
of Secretary Root to that country, and which aided much in strengthening
the friendly ties between the two countries. The consideration shown the
American representative was remarkable. With the exception of a couple of
little revolts which were really no more significant than strikes in our
own land which sometimes require the assistance of federal troops, the
administration of President Rodrigues Alves was marked by peace. He had
filled many public positions and retired from office respected by all,
and still lives to enjoy his honours.
In 1906 Dr. Alfonso Augusto Moreira Penna was elected President, having
served as vice-president under the previous administration. He was
a native of the state of Minas Geraes, and had served as president
(governor, we would say) of that state. President Penna made a tour
of the states before his inauguration and endeavoured to familiarize
himself with their needs. His administration is too recent to be able to
generalize it. All to whom I spoke, however, had only good words to say
for President Penna and his aims. He desired to reform the currency by
establishing a gold conversion fund. Under plans formulated by him and
his advisers the government has made considerable progress along that
line, and has gradually been adding to its gold reserve. His career was
ended by death on the 14th of June, 1909, having served less than three
years of his term, and being in the 62nd year of his age.
The duties of government fell upon the vice-president, Dr. Nilo Peçanha,
who immediately entered upon the discharge of that office. President
Peçanha is a native of the state of Rio de Janeiro, and was a noted
lawyer in that state before his elevation to the vice-presidency.
Although only thirty-nine years of age when elected to that office he had
held numerous offices in his own state, including that of representative,
president and national senator from that state. By reason of the
constitutional inhibition he was prohibited from being his own successor
to the office of president.
At the election held in March, 1910, Marshal Hermes da Fonseca was
elected for the presidential term beginning the 15th of November, 1910.
For the first time in the history of the republic there was an active
campaign in which two candidates, Dr. Ruy Barbosa, an able lawyer,
gifted orator and a civilian, opposed Marshal Hermes, on the ground that
he represented the military element which had proven so unfortunate in
the first few years of the republic. From the very beginning the trend
was toward the Marshal, the States of São Paulo, Bahia, the home of
Dr. Barbosa, and a part of Minas Geraes alone holding aloof from his
banner. Nevertheless, a vigorous campaign was waged, which cannot help
but be educational, for it gave the voters an opportunity they had never
had before—that of choosing between two candidates. The newly-elected
President was born in 1855, and began his military career at the
early age of sixteen. He has successively passed through the various
grades until he reached his present rank in 1906. He is considered an
authority on military matters, and served as Minister of War in the last
administration. There are those who fear the return of a military man
to the office of chief magistrate, but the result can not be told in
advance. As a citizen he stands high, and it is to be hoped that his
administration will redound to the credit of Brazil.
With the single exception of the forced resignation of President Deodoro,
each president has been allowed to serve his term, and his successor has
been peaceably installed in the presidential chair. The semi-independence
of the states has made those political organizations far too important
in the Federal Union, and in many instances it has rendered local
administration cumbersome and costly. During the past three presidential
terms there have been no serious disturbances, and the government has
made great advances in the method of administration. The elections are
still arbitrary and, perhaps, in many instances unfair, but the civil
presidents have been men of character, and some of them have retired from
office far poorer than they went in.
[Illustration: A FARMER’S HOME.]