21. Luther the Translator of the Bible.

A violent attack upon Luther by Catholic writers is caused by the

admiration which Protestants manifest for Luther because he translated

the Bible into German. Catholics, of course, cannot deny that Luther did

translate the Bible, and that his translation is still a cherished

treasure of Protestants; but in order to belittle this achievement of

Luther, which inflicted incalculable damage on Rome, they talk about

Luther's unfitness for the work of Bible-translation and about the

unwarranted liberties Luther took with the Bible.

These writers claim that Luther was, in the first place, morally unfit

to undertake the translation of the Bible. To show to what desperate

means Luther's Catholic critics will resort in order to make out a case

against him, we note that one of the most recent disparagers of Luther

informs the public that Luther's original name had been Luder. This name

conveys the idea of "carrion," "beast," "low scoundrel." When Luther

began to translate the Bible, we are told, he changed his name into

"Squire George." Once before this, at the time of his entering the

university, Catholics note that he changed his name from Luder to

Lueder. But these changes of his name, they say, did not improve his

character. We are told that, while Luther was engaged upon the work of

rendering the Bible into German, he was consumed with fleshly lust and

given to laziness. Luther's own statements in letters to friends are

cited to corroborate this assertion. The conclusion which we are to draw

from these "facts" is this: Such a corrupt person could not possibly be

a proper instrument for the Holy Spirit to employ in so pious an

undertaking as the translation of the Word of God.

Catholics should be reminded that they misquote the book of

matriculation in which the students at Erfurt signed their names on

entering the university. Luther's signature is not "Lueder" but

"Ludher." Other forms of the name "Luder" and "Lueder" occur elsewhere.

But in any form the name has a more honorable derivation and meaning

than Catholic writers are inclined to give it. It is derived from

"Luither," which means as much as "People's Man," (= der Leute Herr).

Another well-known form of the same name is Lothar, which some, tracing

the derivation still further, derive from the old German Chlotachar,

which means as much as "loudly hailed among the army" (= _hluit,_ loud,

and _chari,_ army). Respectable scholars to-day so explain the name

Luther.

At the Wartburg, where Luther was an exile for ten months, his name was

changed by the warden of the castle, Count von Berlepsch. This was done

the better to conceal his identity from the henchmen of Rome, who by the

imperial edict of outlawry had been given liberty to hunt Luther and

slay him where they found him.

The sexual condition of Luther during the years before his marriage was

the normal condition of any healthy young man at his age. Luther speaks

of this matter as a person nowadays would speak about it to his

physician or to a close friend. The matter to which he refers is in

itself perfectly pure: it is an appeal of nature. Do Luther's Catholic

critics mean to infer that Luther was the only monk, then or now, that

felt this call which human nature issues by the ordination of the

Creator? Rome can inflict celibacy even on priests that look like

stall-fed oxen, but she cannot unsex men. Mohammedans are less inhuman

to their eunuchs. Moreover, it must be borne in mind that Luther

complains of this matter as something that disturbs him. It vexed his

pure mind, and he fought against it as not many monks of his day have

done, by fasting, prayer, and hard work. Yes, hard work! The remarks of

Luther about his physical condition are simply twisted from their true

import when Luther is represented as a victim of fleshly lust and a

habitual debauchee. Luther's Catholic critics fail to mention that

during his brief stay at the Wartburg Luther not only translated the

greater part of the New Testament, but also wrote about a dozen

treatises, some of them of considerable size, and that of his

correspondence during this period about fifty letters are still

preserved. Surely, a fairly respectable record for a lazy man!

Catholic writers also declare Luther spiritually unfit for translating

the Bible. They say that all the time that Luther spent at the Wartburg

he was haunted by the devil. He would hear strange noises and see weird

shadows flit before him. He felt that he had come under the sway of the

powers of darkness. This, we are assured, was because he had risen in

rebellion against the divine power of the papacy. The Holy Father whom

he had attacked was being avenged upon Luther by an accusing conscience.

Luther was given a foretaste of the terrors that await the reprobate. He

had become an incipient demoniac. The inference which we are to draw

from this delightful description is this: Could such an abandoned wretch

as Luther was during the exile at the Wartburg be favored with the holy

calm and composure and the heavenly light which any person must possess

who sets out upon the arduous task of telling men in their own tongue

what God has said to them in a foreign tongue?

There is hardly a period in Luther's life that is entirely free from

spiritual affliction. In this respect Luther shares the common lot of

godly men in responsible positions in Church or State during critical

times. Moreover, Luther with all Christians believed in a personal and

incessantly active devil. Luther's devil was not the denatured

metaphysical and scientific devil of modern times, which meets us in the

form of the principle of negation, or logical contradiction, or a

demoralizing tendency and influence, but an energetic devil, possessed

of an intelligence and will of his own, and going about as a roaring

lion, seeking whom he may devour. Luther accepted the teaching of the

Bible that this devil is related to men's sinning, that men can be made

to do, and are doing, his will, and are led about by the devil like

slaves. Luther knew that for His own reasons God permits the devil to

afflict His children, as happened to Job and Paul. Add to this the

reaction that must have set in after Luther had quitted the stirring

scenes and the severe ordeals through which he had passed before the

imperial court at Worms. In the silence and solitude of his secluded

asylum in the Thuringian Forest the recent events in which he had been a

principal actor passed in review before his mind, and he began to spell

out many a grave and ominous meaning from them. If it is true that the

devil loves to find a lonely man, here was his chance.

And if the devil ever had material interests at stake in attacking a

particular person, he made no mistake in assailing this isolated monk,

Martin Luther, in his moments of brooding and depression. Lastly,

Luther's physical condition at the Wartburg must be taken into

consideration. Trained to frugal habits in the cloister and habituated

to fasts and mortification of the flesh, Luther found the new mode of

living which he was compelled to adopt uncongenial. He was the guest of

a prince and was treated like a nobleman. The rich and abundant food

that was served him was a disastrous diet for him, even though he did

not yield overmuch to his appetite. He complains in his letters to

friends during the Wartburg period about his physical distress, chiefly

constipation, to which he was constitutionally prone.

But after all these elements have been noted, it must be stated that the

reports about diabolical visitations to which Luther was subject at the

Wartburg are overdrawn for a purpose by Catholics. Luther's references

to this matter in his letters written at the time suggest only spiritual

conflicts, but no physical contact with the devil. Reminiscences of his

first exile which he relates at a much later period to the guests at his

table are also exaggerated. These soul-battles, far from unfitting him

for the work of translating the Bible, were rather a fine

training-school through which God put His humble servant, and helped him

to understand the sacred text over which he sat poring in deep

meditation.

Lastly, Catholic critics have pronounced Luther intellectually

disqualified for translating the Bible. His Greek scholarship, they say,

was poor. He had barely begun to study that language. It stands to

reason that his translation must be very faulty. They also emphasize the

rapidity with which Luther worked. The translation of the entire New

Testament was completed between December 8, 1521, and September 22 the

following year. (It will be remembered that Luther had returned to

Wittenberg in the first days of March, 1522, and all through the spring

and summer of that year was busily engaged, with the aid of friends, on

his German New Testament.) Finally, Catholics, in their efforts to

belittle Luther's works, have claimed that he plagiarized a German

translation already in existence, the so-called Codex Teplensis.

It seems a mere waste of time to answer these criticisms. They remind

one of a scene in the life of Columbus: the learned Catholic divines of

Salamanca had to their own satisfaction routed the bold navigator with

their arguments that he could not possibly start out by his proposed

route. No doubt, some of them contended that he never made his famous

voyage even after his return. What profit can there be in arguing the

impossibility of a thing when the reality confronts you? Luther's

translation is before the world; everybody who knows Greek can compare

it with the original text. The Teplensian translation, too, can be

looked into. In fact, all this has been done by competent scholars, and

Luther's translation has been pronounced a masterpiece. Not only does it

reproduce the original text faithfully, but it speaks a good and correct

German. Luther's translation of the Bible is now regarded as one of the

classics of German literature. It is true that the philological

attainments of the world have increased since Luther, and that

improvements in his translations have been suggested, but they do not

affect any essential teaching of the Christian religion. Bible

commentators to-day are still citing Luther's rendering as an authority.

The movement recently started in Germany to replace Luther's translation

by a modern one deserves little consideration because it originated in

quarters that are professedly hostile to Christianity. The things in

Luther's German Bible which vex Catholics most are in the original Greek

text. Luther did not manufacture them, he merely reproduced them. It is

the fact that Luther made it possible for Germans to see what is really

in the Bible that hurts. To please the Catholics, Luther should not have

translated the Bible at all.

The truth of this remark is readily seen when one examines specific

exceptions which Catholics have taken to Luther's translation. They find

fault with Luther's translation of the angel's address to Mary: "Du

Holdselige," that is, Thou gracious one, or well-favored one. The

Catholics demand that this term should be rendered "full of grace,"

because in their belief Mary is really the chief dispenser of grace.

They complain that in Matt. 3, 2 Luther has rendered the Baptist's call:

"Tut Busse," that is, Repent, instead of, Do penance. They fault Luther

for translating in Acts 19, 18: "Und verkuendigten, was sie ausgerichtet

hatten," that is, They reported what they had accomplished. Catholics

regard this text as a stronghold for their doctrine of confession,

especially for that part of it which makes satisfaction by works of

penance a part of confession; they insist that the text must be

rendered: They declared their deeds, that is, the works which they had

performed by order of their confessors. Catholics charge Luther with

having inserted a word in Rom. 4, 15, which he translates: "Das Gesetz

richtet nur Zorn an," that is, The law worketh only wrath, or nothing

but wrath. They object to the word "only," because in their view man can

by his own natural powers make himself love the Law. They set up a great

hue and cry about another insertion in Rom. 3, 28, which Luther

translates: "So halten wir es nun, dass der Mensch gerecht werde ohne

des Gesetzes Werk', allein durch den Glauben," that is, We conclude,

therefore, that a man is justified without the deeds of the Law, by

faith alone; they object to the word "alone," because in their teaching

justification is by faith plus works. It is known that there are

translations before Luther which contain the same insertion. On this

insertion Luther deserves to be heard himself. "I knew full well," he

says, "that in the Latin and Greek texts of Rom. 3, 28 the word solum

(alone) does not occur, and there was no need of the papists teaching me

that. True, these four letters sola, at which the dunces stare as a cow

at a new barn-door, are not in the text. But they do not see that they

express the meaning of the text, and they must be inserted if we wish to

clearly and forcibly translate the text. When I undertook to translate

the Bible into German, my aim was to speak German, not Latin or Greek.

Now, it is a peculiarity of our German language, whenever a statement is

made regarding two things, one of which is affirmed while the other is

negatived, to add the word solum, 'alone,' to the word 'not' or 'none.'

As, for instance: The peasant brings only grain, and no money. Again:

Indeed, I have no money now, but only grain. As yet I have only eaten,

and not drunk. Have you only written, and not read what you have

written? Innumerable instances of this kind are in daily usage. While

the Latin or the Greek language does not do this, the German has this

peculiarity, that in all statements of this kind it adds the word 'only'

(or 'alone'), in order to express the negation completely and clearly.

For, though I may say: The peasant brings grain and no money, still the

expression 'no money' is not as perfect and plain as when I say: The

peasant brings grain only, and no money. Thus the word 'alone' or 'only'

helps the word 'no' to become a complete, clear German statement. When

you wish to speak German, you must not consult the letters in the Latin

language, as these dunces are doing, but you must inquire of a mother

how she talks to her children, of the children how they talk to each

other on the street, of the common people on the market-place. Watch

them how they frame their speech, and make your translation accordingly,

and they will understand it and know that some one is speaking German to

them. For instance, Christ says: _Ex abundantia cordis os loquitur._ If

I were to follow the dunces, I would have to spell out those words and

translate: 'Aus dem Ueberfluss des Herzens redet der Mund!' Tell me,

would that be German? What German would understand that? What sort of

thing is 'abundance of heart (Ueberfluss des Herzens)' ? No German

person could explain that, unless he were to say that, possibly, the

person had enlargement of the heart, or too much heart. And that would

not be the correct meaning. 'Ueberfluss des Herzens' is not German, as

little as it is German to say 'Ueberfluss des Hauses (abundance of

house), Ueberfluss des Kachelofens (abundance of tile-oven), Ueberfluss

der Bank (abundance of bench).' This is the way the mother speaks to her

children and the common people to one another: 'Wes das Herz voll ist,

des gehet der Mund ueber.' That is the way to speak good German. That is

what I have endeavored to do, but I did not succeed nor achieve my aim

in all instances. Latin terms are an exceedingly great hindrance to one

who wishes to talk good German." (19, 974.)

In insisting on the principle that a translation must reproduce the

exact thought of a language, that idiomatic utterances of the one

language must be replaced by similar utterances in the other, and that

the genius of both the language from which and the one into which the

translation is made must be observed by the translator, Luther has every

rhetoric and grammar on his side. Those who find fault with him on this

score deserve no better titles than those which he applied to them, all

the more because he knew the true reason of their faultfinding. The

Catholic charges of Bible perversion against Luther flow, not from a

knowledge of good grammar, but from bad theology. Luther was, of course,

fundamentally in error according to the opinion of Catholics by not

making his translation from the approved and authorized Latin Vulgate,

the official Catholic Bible, but from the Greek original.

To return favor for favor, we shall note a few places where Catholics

might bring their own Bible into better harmony with the original text.

In Gen. 3, 15 their translation reads: "She shall crush thy head, and

thou shalt lie in wait for her heel." This rendering has been adopted in

order to enable them to refer this primeval prophecy of the future

Redeemer to Mary. Gen. 4, 13 they have rendered: "My iniquity is greater

than that I may deserve pardon." This is to favor their teaching of

justification on the basis of merit. The rendering "Speak not much" for

"Use not vain repetitions" in Matt. 6, 7 weakens the force of the Lord's

warning. In Rom. 14, 5 the Catholic Bible tells its readers: "Let every

man abound in his own sense," whatever the sense of that direction may

be. What the apostle really means is: "Let every man be fully persuaded

in his own mind." In Gal. 3, 24 the Catholic Bible calls the Law "our

pedagog in Christ"; the correct rendering is: "our schoolmaster to bring

us unto Christ." In the Catholic Bible the following remarkable event

takes place in Luke 16, 22: "The rich man also died: and he was buried

in hell." The pall-bearers, funeral director, and mourners at these

obsequies deserve a double portion of our sympathy. In Acts 2, 42 we are

told that the disciples at Jerusalem were persevering "in the

communication of the breaking of the bread." The last verse in

Galatians, chap. 4, is made to read: "So then, brethren, we are not the

children of the bondwoman, but of the free: by the freedom wherewith

Christ has made us free." The next chapter begins: "Stand fast," etc.

Luther has expressed opinions of certain books of the Bible which

question their divine authorship. These opinions are being assiduously

canvassed by Catholic writers to prove that Luther accepted only such

portions of the Bible as suited his purpose, and rejected all the rest

as spurious. He is said to have arrogated to himself the authority to

declare any book of the Scriptures inspired or not inspired, and is,

therefore, justly regarded as the father of the higher criticism of

modern times, which has taken the Bible to pieces and destroyed its

power. But Catholic writers fail to state that the uncertainty which

Luther occasionally manifests regarding the divine origin and

authenticity of certain books of the Bible is due to the confusion which

the Catholic Church has created by decreeing that the apocryphal books

shall be considered on a par with the canonical writings of the Bible.

Setting aside the verdict of the ancient Church, and even of their

famous church-father Jerome, the Catholic Church has by an arbitrary

decree ruled the following books into the Bible: 1 Esdras, 2 Esdras,

Tobit, Judith, The Rest of Esther, The Wisdom of Solomon, Ecclesiasticus

(Sirach), Baruch, with the Epistle of Jeremiah, The Song of the Three

Holy Children, The History of Susanna, Bel and the Dragon, The Prayer of

Manasses, 1 and 2 Maccabees. These writings are called apocrypha because

their divine origin is in doubt. Scrupulously careful to keep the

divinely inspired writings separate from all other writings, no matter

how godly their contents might seem to be, the Church of the Old

Covenant excluded these writings from the canon, that is, from the list

of fully accredited inspired writings. Besides, in the Catholic Bible in

Luther's days there were apocryphal portions inserted in canonical

writings like Esther.

In the course of his studies Luther learned that certain writings in the

Catholic Bible represented as Biblical were no part of the Bible. Acting

upon the direction which the Lord gave to the Jews: "Search the

Scriptures . . . they are they which testify of Me" (John 5, 39), he

considered this a good test of the genuineness of any portion of the

Bible, viz., that it conveyed to him knowledge of Christ and the way of

salvation. The Bible, he held, can speak only for, never against Christ.

By this principle he determined for himself the respective value of

various writings in the Bible. Ecclesiastes and Jonah did not appeal to

him as very full of Christ. In the New Testament he seems strongly

attracted by the Gospel of John. But there are statements in his

writings in which he expresses a preference for Matthew, Mark, and Luke.

One must understand Luther's view-point and aim on a given occasion to

grasp these valuations. In regard to Job he expressed the opinion that

the book is dramatic rather than historical: it does not relate actual

occurrences, but rather points a moral in the form of a narrative. In

the New Testament the overgreat emphasis which he thought James placed

on works as against faith caused him to depreciate this Epistle and to

question its apostolic authorship. Luther also knew that in the earliest

centuries of the Christian era the question had been raised whether

Second Peter, Jude, James, Revelation, really belonged in the canon.

Unbiased readers will see in all these remarks of Luther nothing but the

earnest struggle of a sincere soul to get at the real Word of God. A

person may express a preference for certain portions of the Bible

without declaring all the rest of the Bible worthless. Doubts concerning

the divine character of certain, portions of the Scripture arise and are

occasionally expressed by the best of Christians. But Luther's critical

attitude toward certain books of the Bible is either misunderstood or

misrepresented when it is made to appear that Luther permanently

rejected, or tore out of his Bible, such books as Esther, Jonah,

Ecclesiastes, Second Peter, James, Hebrews, Jude, and Revelation. Some

Catholics go so far as to charge Luther with having rejected the

Pentateuch, the first five books in the Bible, because he speaks

slightingly of Moses' law as a means of justification. Not only did

Luther translate and take into his German Bible all the writings just

named, but he also cites them in his doctrinal writings as proof-texts.

In the Index of Scripture citations which Dr. Hoppe, the editor of the

only complete edition of Luther's works printed in America, has added to

the last volume we find 11 such references to Job, 12 to Ecclesiastes, 6

to Jonah, 48 to Second Peter, 18 to James, 6 to Jude, 61 to Hebrews, 17

to Revelation. We have counted only such references as show that Luther

employed these writings as divine in his doctrinal arguments. By actual

enumeration it would be found that he has referred to them much more

frequently. On Jonah, Second Peter, and Jude he wrote special

commentaries, and for all the books of the Bible he furnished

illuminating summaries, in some cases, as in Revelation, the summaries

are furnished chapter for chapter. This goes to prove that Luther had

ultimately reached very clear and settled opinions regarding the

authenticity and divine character of those books of the Bible which he

is charged with having blasphemously criticized. Luther's criticism of

these portions of the Bible is the most respectable criticism that has

come to our knowledge. It shows his scrupulous care not to admit

anything as being God's Word of the divine origin of which he was not

fully convinced. It is Rome, not Luther, that has vitiated the Bible and

created confusion in Christian minds, by admitting into the sacred

volume portions which do not belong there.

Luther's questioning attitude towards the books of the Bible, which we

have named is the attitude of the early Christians. There was doubt

expressed in the first centuries as to the genuineness of these books,

and it required convincing information in those days when facilities for

communication were poor to secure the adoption of the books which we now

have in the Bible. Why do not the Catholics embrace the early Christians

in their charge of Bible mutilation? Nor were those early Christians who

questioned the divine authorship of certain books about the origin of

which they had no definite knowledge any less Christian than those who

had convincing information about them. For the former possessed in the

writings which they had accepted as authentic the same truths which the

latter had embraced.

Luther voices his profound reverence for the Scriptures in innumerable

places throughout his writings. "The Holy Scriptures," he says, "did not

grow on earth." (7, 2094.) Again: "When studying the Scriptures, you

must reflect that it is God Himself who is speaking to you." (3, 21.)

Again: "The Scriptures are older and possess greater authority than all

Councils and Fathers. Moreover, all the angels side with God and the

Scriptures. . . . If age, duration, greatness, multitude [of followers],

holiness, are inducements to believe something, why do we believe men

who live but a short time rather than God, who is the Oldest, the

Greatest, the Holiest, the Mightiest of all? Why do we not believe all

the angels, since a single one of them has greater authority than the

Pope? Why do we not believe the Bible, when one passage of Scripture

outweighs all the books in the world?" (19, 1734.) Again: "The Bible

alone is the true lord and master over all writings on earth. If this

is not so, of what use is the Bible? Then let us cast it aside, and be

satisfied with the books and teachings of men." (15, 1481.) Again: "All

Scripture is full of Christ, the Son of God and Mary. Its sole object is

to teach us to know Him as a distinct person, and that through Him we

may in eternity behold the Father and the Holy Ghost, one God. The

Scriptures are ajar to him who has the Son, and in the same proportion

as his faith in Christ increases the Scriptures become clear to him" (3,

1959.) How little Luther would have in common with the destructive

higher critics of the Bible in our day, we can gather from the following

statement: "If cutting and tearing the Bible to pieces were a great art,

what a famous Bible would I produce! Especially if I were to lay my hand

on the important passages, those on which the articles of our faith rest.

. . . My position, then, is this: In view of the fact that our faith is

supported by Holy Writ, we must not depart from its words as they read,

nor from the order in which they are placed. . . . Otherwise, what is to

become of the Bible?" (20, 213.)

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