suspension from the regency, Knox says, “My toung did bothe perswade
and obtein, that your authoritie and regiment suld be obeyed of us
in all things lawfull, till ye declair yourself opin enemie to this
comoun welthe; as now, allace! ye have done.” Historie, p. 180.
This declaration is justified by the letters which he wrote to his
brethren before his arrival in Scotland. The following extract from
a letter addressed to the protestant nobility, December 17, 1557, is
a specimen: “But now, no farder to trubill you at the present, I will
onlie advertis you of sic bruit as I heir in thir partis, uncertainlie
noysit, whilk is this, that contradictioun and rebellioun is maid to
the autoritie be sum in that realme. In whilk poynt my conscience will
not suffer me to keip back from you my consall, yea, my judgment and
commandement, whilk I communicat with yow in Godis feir, and by the
assurance of his trueth, whilk is this, that nane of you that seik
to promot the glorie of Chryst do suddanlie disobey or displeas the
establissit autoritie in things lawful, neither yet that ye assist
or fortifie such as, for their awn particular caus and warldlie
promotioun, wald trubill the same. But, in the bowallis of Chryst
Jesus, I exhort yow, that, with all simplicitie and lawfull obedience,
with boldness in God, and with opin confessioun of your faith, ye seek
the favour of the autoritie, that by it (yf possible be) the cause
in whilk ye labour may be promotit, or, at the leist, not persecutit:
Whilk thing, efter all humill request, yf ye can not atteane, then,
with oppin and solemp protestation of your obedience to be given
to the autoritie in all thingis not planelie repugnying to God,
ye lawfullie {462} may attemp the extreamitie, whilk is, to provyd
(whidder the autoritie will consent or no) that Chrystis evangell may
be trewlie preachit, and his haly sacramentis rychtlie ministerit unto
yow and to your brethren, the subjectis of that realme. And farder
ye lawfullie may, yea, and thairto is bound, to defend your brethrene
from persecutioun and tiranny, be it aganis princes or emprioris, to
the uttermost of your power; provyding alwayis (as I have said) that
nether your self deny lawfull obedience, nether yit that ye assist nor
promot thois that seik autoritie and pre‑eminence of warldlie glorie.”
MS. Letters, p. 434, 435.
In a conversation with queen Mary at Lochleven, we find him
inculcating the doctrine of a mutual compact between rulers and
subjects. “It sall be profitabill to your majesty to consider quhat is
the thing your grace’s subjects luiks to receave of your majesty, and
quhat it is that ye aucht to do unto thame by mutual contract. They ar
bound to obey you, and that not bot in God; ye ar bound to keip lawes
unto thame. Ye crave of thame service; they crave of you protectioun
and defence against wicked doars. Now, madam, if you sall deny your
dewty unto thame, (quhilk especialy craves that ye punish malefactors,)
think ye to receave full obedience of thame?” Historie, p. 327. This
sentiment was adopted by his countrymen. The committee appointed by
the regent Murray, to prepare overtures for the parliament which met
in December 1567, (of which committee our Reformer was a member,)
agreed to this proposition: “The band and contract to be mutuale and
reciprous in all tymes cuming betwixt the prince and God, and his
faithful people, according to the word of God.” Robertson’s Records
of Parliament, p. 796. This was also one of the articles subscribed
at the General Assembly in July preceding; and their language is still
more clear and express,――“mutual and reciproque in all tymes coming
betwixt the prince and God, and also betwixt the prince and faithful
people.” Buik of the Universall Kirk, p. 34, Advocates’ Library. Keith,
582. See also the proclamation of the king’s authority, in Anderson’s
Collections, vol. ii. p. 205. Keith, 441. The right of resistance was
formally recognised in the inscription on a coin stamped soon after
the coronation of James VI. On one of the {463} sides is the figure of
a sword with a crown upon it; and the words of Trajan circumscribed,
_Pro me; si mereor, in me_; _i.e._ Use this sword for me; if I deserve
it, against me. Cardonell’s Numismata Scotiæ, plate ix. p. 101. Our
Reformer’s Appellation may be consulted for the proof of what has been
asserted (p. 305, 306) as to his endeavours to repress aristocratical
tyranny, and to awaken the mass of the people to a due sense of their
rights. See also his Historie, p. 100. The effect of the Reformation
in extending popular liberty was very visible in the parliament which
met in August 1560, in which there were representatives from all the
boroughs, and a hundred lesser barons, “with mony otheris baronis,
fre‑halderis, and landit men.” Keith informs us that, during a space
of no less than seventy‑seven years preceding, “scarcely had one
of the inferior gentry appeared in parliament. And therefore,” adds
he, “I know not but it may be deemed somewhat unusual, for a hundred
of them to jump all at once into the parliament, especially in such
a juncture as the present was.” History, p. 147, 148. The petition
presented by the lesser barons, for liberty to sit and vote in the
parliament, has this remarkable clause in it; “otherwise we think
that whatsomever ordinances and statutes be made concerning us and our
estate, we not being required and suffered to reason and vote at the
making thereof, that the same should not oblige us to stand thereto.”
Robertson’s History of Scotland, Append. No. 4.
Liberal principles respecting civil government accompanied the
progress of the Reformation. Knox had the concurrence of English
bishops in his doctrine concerning the limited authority of kings,
and the lawfulness of resisting them. See above, Note BB, and vol. ii.
Note U. And he had the express approbation of the principal divines
in the foreign churches. Historie, 363, 366. In the 17th century,
some of the French reformed divines, in their great loyalty to the
_Grand Monarque_, disclaimed our Reformer’s political sentiments,
and represented them as proceeding from the fervid and daring spirit
of the Scottish nation, or adapted to the peculiar constitution of
their government. Riveti Castig. in Balzacum, cap. xiii. § 14: Oper.
tom. iii. p. 539. Quotations from other French authors are given by
Bayle, Diet. Art. Knox, Note E. In the controversy occasioned by the
execution of Charles I., our {464} Reformer’s name and principles
were introduced. Milton appealed to him, and quoted his writings, in
defence of that deed. One of Milton’s opponents told him that he could
produce in his support only a single Scot, “whom his own age could not
suffer, and whom all the reformed, especially the French, condemned in
this point.” Regii Sanguinis Clamor ad Cœlum, p. 129. Hagæ‑Comit. 1625;
written by Pierre du Moulin, the son. Milton, in his rejoinder, urges
with truth, that Knox had asserted, that his opinions were approved of
by Calvin, and other eminent divines of the reformed churches. Miltoni
Defensio Secunda, p. 101.
Long before the controversy respecting the execution of Charles,
Milton had expressed himself in terms of high praise concerning our
Reformer. Arguing against the abuses committed by licensers of the
press, he says, “Nay, which is more lamentable, if the work of any
deceased author, though never so famous in his lifetime and even to
this day, come to their hands for license to be printed or reprinted,
if there be found in his book one sentence of a venturous edge,
uttered in the height of zeal, (and who knows whether it might not
be the dictate of a divine spirit?) yet, not suiting with every
low decrepit humour of their own, though it were KNOX himself, the
reformer of a kingdom, that spake it, they will not pardon him their
dash: the sense of that great man shall to all posterity be lost
for the fearfulness, or the presumptuous rashness of a prefunctory
licenser. And to what an author this violence hath bin lately done,
and in what book of greatest consequence to be faithfully publisht, I
could now instance, but shall forbear till a more convenient season.”
Prose Works, vol. i. p. 311. The tract from which this quotation is
made, was first published in 1644, the year in which David Buchanan’s
edition of Knox’s History appeared; and Milton evidently refers to
that work.
END OF THE FIRST VOLUME.
EDINBURGH:
PRINTED BY BALLANTYNE & COMPANY,
PAUL’S WORK, CANONGATE.
FOOTNOTES
1 ― See an account of this MS. in vol. ii. p. 367.
2 ― See Note A.
3 ― Nisbet’s Heraldry, p. 180. Crawfurd’s Renfrew, by Semple,
Part II, p. 30, 139. Account of Knox, prefixed to his
Historie, anno 1732, page ii. Keith’s Scottish Bishops,
p. 177.
4 ― In times of persecution or war, when there was a risk of
his letters being intercepted, the Reformer was accustomed
to subscribe, “John Sinclair.” Under this signature at one
of them, in the collection of his letters in my possession,
is the following note: “Yis was his mother’s surname, wlk
he wrait in time of trubill.” MS. Letters, p. 346.
5 ― See Note A.
6 ― See Note B. Beza (Icones Virorum Illustrium, Ee. iij.
anno 1580) and Verheiden (Effigies et Elogia Præstant.
Theolog. p. 92. Hagæcomit. 1602) say that Knox was
educated at the university of St Andrews.
7 ― Boetii Vitæ Episcopor. Murthlac. et Aberdon. fol. xxix.
coll. cum fol. xxvi‒xxviii. Impress. anno 1522. This
little work is of great value, and contains almost the
only authentic notices which we possess, as to the state
of learning in Scotland, about the beginning of the
sixteenth century. Mackenzie, the copier of the fabulous
Dempster, (who gives an account of learned men who never
existed, and of books that no man ever saw or could
see,) talks of almost every writer whom he mentions,
as finishing “the course of his studies in the Belles
Lettres and Philosophy,” in one of the Scots universities.
These are merely words of course. The Aristotelian rules
concerning rhetoric were taught by the professors of
scholastic philosophy; but it does not appear that stated
lectures of this kind were read, until the time of the
Reformation, when they were appointed to be regularly
delivered in the colleges. First Book of Discipline,
p. 40, 42, edit. anno 1621.
8 ― In the twelfth century, there was a school at Abernethy
and at Roxburgh. Sir James Dalrymple’s Collections, p. 226,
255. Other schools in that and the subsequent century are
mentioned in charters, apud Chalmers’s Caledonia, i. 76.
9 ― Caledonia, i. 768.
10 ― Boetii Vitæ, fol. xxx. Vaus was the author of “Rudimenta
Artis Grammaticæ per Jo. Vaus Scotvm Selecta――Edinbvrgi
Excudebat Robertus Lekpreuik, Anno Do. 1566.” 4to. This
was probably another edition of the work printed by Jod.
Bad. Ascensius, Paris, 1522.
11 ― Row’s History of the Kirk of Scotland, MS. p. 3, 4.
Simson taught at Perth between 1550 and 1560. At the
establishment of the Reformation, he became minister
of Dunning and Cargill, from which he was translated, in
1566, to Dunbar, where he sustained the double office of
minister of the parish, and master of the grammar-school.
He was the author of the Latin Rudiments, which continued
to be taught in the schools of Scotland until the time
of Ruddiman, and were much esteemed by that accomplished
scholar. Row, ut supra. Keith’s History, p. 534.
Chalmers’s Life of Ruddiman, p. 21, 22, 63.
12 ― Life of John Erskine of Dun, p. 2, in Wodrow MSS. vol. i.
Bibl. Coll. Glas. This industrious collector had access to
some of Erskine’s papers, when employed in compiling his
life. Additional facts respecting the early state of Greek
literature in Scotland will be found in Note C.
13 ― “In the Hebrew toung, (says Knox, in his defence before
the bishop of Durham,) I confess myself ignorant, but
have, as God knaweth, fervent thirst to have sum entrance
thairin.” MS. Letters, p. 16.
14 ― Major had come to St Andrews in 1523. The Records of that
University shew that Buchanan was not of St Salvator’s
College, but of St Mary’s. It is probable that Major
at that time taught in this College; and it was not
until 1533 that he became provost, or principal, of
St Salvator’s.
15 ― These sentiments are collected from his Commentaries on
the Third Book of the Master of Sentences, and from his
Exposition of Matthew’s Gospel; printed in Latin at Paris,
the former in 1517, and the latter in 1518.
16 ― See Note D.
17 ― Lord Hailes, having given an example of this, adds,
“After this, can Buchanan be censured for saying that he
was ‘solo cognomine _Major_?’” (Provincial Councils of
the Scottish Clergy, p. 11.) By the way, it was Major
who first said this of himself. It was the sight of these
words, “Joannes, solo cognomine Major,” in the dedicatory
epistle to his writings, that drew from Buchanan the
satirical lines, which have been so often appealed to by
his enemies, as an infallible proof of the badness of his
heart. If fault there was in this, we may certainly make
the apology which his learned editor produces for him in
another case, “non tam hominis vitium, quam poetæ.” Poets
and wits cannot always spare their best friends.
18 ― Buchanan always mentions Knox in terms of high respect,
Oper. ed. Ruddiman. p. 313, 321, 366. And the Reformer,
in his Historie, has borne testimony to the virtues as
well as splendid talents of the Poet: “That notable man,
Mr George Bucquhanane――remanis alyve to this day, in the
yeir of God 1566 years, to the glory of God, to the gret
honour of this natioun, and to the comfort of thame that
delyte in letters and vertew. That singulare wark of
David’s Psalmes, in Latin meetre and poesie, besyd mony
uther, can witness the rare graices of God gevin to that
man.” Historie, p. 24.
19 ― D. Buchanan’s Life of Knox. Mackenzie’s Lives, iii. 111.
Although I have followed the common accounts, I have great
doubts if Knox was made Master of Arts. It was usual to
put Mr before the names of those who had been laureated,
but I have never seen this title prefixed to his name in
any old record.
20 ― “In hac igitur Anthropotheologia egregie versatus Cnoxus,
eandem et magna autoritate docuit: visusque fuit magistro
suo (si qua in subtilitate felicitas,) in quibusdam
felicior.” Verheiden, Effigies et Elogia Præstant. Theolog.
p. 92. Hagæcomit. 1602. Bezæ Icones, Ee. iij. Melch. Adami
Vitæ Theolog. Exter. p. 137. Francofurti, 1618.
21 ― See Note E.
22 ― Bezæ Icones, Verheidenii Effigies, Melchior Adam; ut supra.
Spotswood’s History, p. 265. Lond. 1677.
23 ― During the minority of James V. the celebrated
Gawin Douglas was recommended by the Queen to the
archbishopric of St Andrews; but John Hepburn, prior
of the regular canons, opposed the nomination, and took
the archiepiscopal palace by storm. Douglas afterwards
laid siege to the cathedral of Dunkeld, and carried it,
more by the thunder of his cannon, than the dread of the
excommunication which he threatened to fulminate against
his antagonist. Buch. Hist. xiii. 44. Spotsw. 61. Life of
Gawin Douglas, prefixed to his translation of the Æneid;
Ruddiman’s edition.
24 ― Sir David Lyndsay’s Works, by Chalmers, i. 344. ii. 237,
238. Winzet, and Kennedy; apud Keith, App. 488, 504.
25 ― The Popes were accustomed to grant liberty to the
commendators to dispose of benefices which they held by
this tenure, to others who should succeed to them after
their death. Introduction to Scots Biography, in Wodrow
MSS. vol. ix. p. 171; Bibl. Coll. Glas. So late as anno
1534, Clement VII. granted, _in commendam_, to his nephew
Hypolitus, Cardinal de Medici, ALL the benefices in the
world, secular and regular, dignities and parsonages,
simple and with cure, being vacant, for six months; with
power to dispose of all their fruits, and convert them to
his own use. Father Paul’s History of the Council of Trent,
lib. 1, p. 251. Lond. 1620.
26 ― One exception occurs, and must not be omitted. When
George Wishart was preaching in Ayr, Dunbar, archbishop
of Glasgow, took possession of the pulpit, in order to
exclude the Reformer. Some of the more zealous hearers
would have dispossessed the bishop, but Wishart would not
suffer them. “The bishope preichit to his jackmen, and to
some auld boisses of the toun. The soum of all his sermone
was, They sey, we sould preiche: Quhy not? Better lait
thryve nor nevir thryve. Had us still for your bishope,
and we sall provyde better the nixt tyme.” Knox, Historie,
p. 44.
27 ― War not the preiching of the begging freiris,
Tint war the faith among the seculeiris.
Lyndsay, ut supra, i. 343, comp. ii. 101.
28 ― Lord Hailes’s Notes on Ancient Scottish Poems, p. 249,
250, 297, 309. We need not appeal to the testimony of the
reformers, nor to satirical poems published at that time,
in proof of the extreme profligacy of the popish clergy.
The truth is registered in the Acts of Parliament, and
in the decrees of their own councils, (Wilkins, Concil.
tom. iv. p. 46‒60. Keith’s Hist. pref. xiv. and p. 14,)
in the records of legitimation, (Lord Hailes, ut supra,
p. 249, 250,) and in the confessions of their own writers.
(Kennedy and Winzet, apud Keith, append. 202, 205‒7.
Lesley, Hist. 232. Father Alexander Baillie’s True
Information of the Unhallowed Offspring, &c., of our
Scottish Calvinian Gospel, p. 15, 16; Wirtzburg, anno
1628.)
29 ― In consequence of a very powerful confederacy against the
religious knight, called Templars, and upon charges of
the most flagitious crimes, that order was suppressed
by a general council, anno 1312; but their possessions
were conferred upon another order of sacred knights. The
plenitude of papal power was stretched to the very utmost,
in this dread attempt: “Quanquam (says his holiness in
the bull) de jure non possumus, tamen ad plenitudinem
potestatis dictum ordinem reprobamus.” Walsingham, Histor.
Angl. p. 99. When the Gilbertine monks retired from
Scotland, because the air of the country did not agree
with them, their revenues were, upon their resignation,
transferred to the monastery of Paisley. Keith’s Scottish
Bishops, p. 266.
30 ― See Note F.
31 ― Fox, p. 1153, printed anno 1596. Chalmers’s Lyndsay,
ii. 62, 63, 64. Lord Hailes, Provincial Councils of the
Scottish Clergy, p. 30. Sir Ralph Sadler’s testimony to
the clergy, as the only men of learning about the court of
James V., may seem to contradict what I have asserted. But
Sadler speaks of their talents for political management,
and in the same letters gives a proof of their ignorance
in other respects. The clergy, at that time, made
law their principal study, and endeavoured to qualify
themselves for offices of state. This, however, engaged
their whole attention, and they were grossly ignorant in
their own profession. Sadler’s State Papers, i. 47, 48;
Edin. 1809. Knox, Historie, p. 18.
Andrew Forman, bishop of Murray, and papal legate for
Scotland, being obliged to say grace, at an entertainment
which he gave to the pope and cardinals in Rome, blundered
so in his latinity, that his holiness and their eminences
lost their gravity, which so disconcerted the bishop,
that he concluded the blessing by giving all the false
carles to the devil, _in nomine patris, filii, et sancti
spiritus_; to which the company, not understanding his
Scoto-Latin, said Amen. “The holy bishop,” says Pitscottie,
“was not a good scholar, and had not good Latin.” History,
p. 106.
32 ― Wilkins, Concilia, tom. iv. 72. Lord Hailes’s Provincial
Councils of the Scottish Clergy, p. 36.
33 ― Luther often mentioned to his familiar acquaintances the
advantage which he derived from a visit to Rome in 1510,
and used to say that he would not exchange that journey
for 1000 florins; so much did it contribute to open his
eyes to the corruptions of the Romish court, and to weaken
his prejudices. Melchior. Adami, Vitæ Germ. Theol. p. 104.
Erasmus had a sensation of the same kind, although weaker.
John Rough, one of the Scottish Reformers, felt in a
similar way, after visiting Rome. Fox, p. 1841.
34 ― Notwithstanding laws repeatedly made to restrain persons
from going to Rome, to obtain benefices, the practice was
greatly on the increase about the time of the Reformation.
It is schort tyme sen ony benefice
Was sped in Rome, except great bishoprics;
But now, for ane unworthy vickarage,
A priest will rin to Rome in Pilgrimage.
Ane cavill quhilk was never at the scule
Will rin to Rome, and keep ane bischopis mule:
And syne cum hame with mony a colorit crack,
With ane burdin of beneficis on his back.
CHALMERS’S _Lyndsay_, ii. 60.
35 ― Knox, 14‒16. Spotswood, 64, 69. Keith, append. 205.
Dalyell’s Cursory Remarks, prefixed to Scottish Poems
of the Sixteenth Century, i. 16‒18. Chalmers’s Lyndsay,
i. 211.
36 ― See Note G.
37 ― Knox, Historie, p. 14.
38 ― Dalyell’s Cursory Remarks, ut supra, i. 28.
39 ― Patriots have toil’d, and in their country’s cause
Bled nobly; and their deeds, as they deserve,
Receive proud recompense.――――――――――――――
But fairer wreaths are due, though never paid,
To those who, posted at the shrine of truth,
Have fallen in her defence.――――――――――――――――
Yet few remember them.――――――――――――――
―――――――――――――― With their names
No bard embalms and sanctifies his song:
And history, so warm on meaner themes,
Is cold on this. She execrates, indeed,
The tyranny that doom’d them to the fire,
But gives the glorious sufferers little praise.
COWPER _Task_, Book V.
In the margin, Cowper names Hume as chargeable with the
injustice which he so feelingly upbraids. While it is
painful to think that other historians, since Hume, have
exposed themselves to the same censure, it is pleasing
to reflect, that Cowper is not the only poet who has
“sanctified,” and, I trust, “embalmed his song,” with the
praises of these patriots. The reader will easily perceive
that I refer to the author of _The Sabbath_.
40 ― His father, Sir Patrick Hamilton of Kincavil, was son of
Lord Hamilton, who married a sister of King James III. His
mother was a daughter of John Duke of Albany, brother to
the same monarch. Pinkerton’s Hist. of Scotland, ii. 45,
46, 289.
41 ― There was an act of parliament, as early as 17th July,
1525, prohibiting ships from bringing any books of Luther
or his disciples into Scotland, which had always “bene
clene of all sic filth and vice.” Act. Parl. Scot.,
vol. ii. p. 295. This renders it highly probable, that
such books had already been introduced into this country.
42 ― F. Lamberti Avenionensis Comment. in Apocalypsin, præfat.
anno 1528.
43 ― Lambert, ut supra. Bezæ Icones, Ffj. Fox, 888. Knox, 4‒6.
Lindsay of Pitscottie’s History of Scotland, p. 133‒5;
Edin. 1728. This last author gives a very interesting
account of Hamilton’s trial, but he is wrong as to the
year of his martyrdom.
44 ― Pinkerton.
45 ― Cald. MS. i. 69.
46 ― In 1546, Winram having spoken to the bishops in favour
of George Wishart, cardinal Beatoun upbraided him, saying,
“Well, sir, and you, we know what a man you are, seven
years ago.” Pitscottie, 189.
47 ― See Note H.
48 ― See Note I.
49 ― Wodrow’s MSS. in Bibl. Coll. Glas. vol. i. p. 2.
Calderwood’s MS. Hist. of the Church of Scotland, vol. i.
p. 35. Knox, Historie, p. 22.
50 ― See Note K.
51 ― Cald. MS. i. 103, 119. Sadler, i. 47. Knox, 21, 24.
52 ― Sadler, i. 94. Knox, 27, 28. Pitscottie, 164. Keith, 22.
Sir James Melvil’s Memoirs, 2‒4. Lond. 1683. Knox says,
that the roll contained “mo than ane hundreth landit men,
besides utheris of meener degre, amongis quhome was the
lord Hamiltoun, then second persoun of the realme.” Sadler
says, “eighteen score noblemen and gentlemen, all well
minded to God’s word, which then they durst not avow;”
among whom were the earl of Arran, the earl of Cassils,
and the earl Marishal. Pitscottie says, “seventeen score;”
but he includes in his account, not only “earls, lords,
barons, gentlemen,” but also “honest burgesses and
craftsmen.”
53 ― The progress of opinion in Scotland, and the jealous
measures adopted for checking it, may be traced in the
variations introduced into the Act of Parliament, 17th
July, 1525, “For eschewing of Heresy,” as these are marked
in the original record. The act, as originally drawn, in
prohibiting the rehearsing of, or disputing about, the
heresies of Luther or his disciples, has this exception:
“gif” (_i.e._ unless) “it be to the confusioun thairof;”
but this being thought too loose, the following clause is
added on the margin, “and that be clerkis in the sculis
alenarlie.” According to the tenour of the act when passed
in 1525, “na maner of persoun, _strangear_, that happenis
to arrive with thare schip within ony part of this realme,
bring with thame any bukis or workis of the said Luther
his discipulis or servandis, disputis or rehersis his
heresies, &c., under the pane of escheting of thare
schipis and guidis, and putting of thaire personis
in presoun.” But in 1527, the chancellor and lords of
council added this clause: “and all uther the kingis
liegis assistaris to sic opunyeons be punist in semeible
wise, and the effect of the said act to straik upon
thaim.”――From this it appears, that, in 1525, protestant
books and opinions were circulated by strangers only, who
came into Scotland for the purpose of trade; but that, in
1527, it was found necessary to extend the penalties of
the act to natives of the kingdom. Both these additions
were embodied in the act, as renewed 12th June, 1535.
Acta Parliamentorum Scotiæ, vol. ii. p. 295, 341, 342,
published by the authority of his Majesty’s commissioners
on the public records of the kingdom. This highly valuable
and accurate work will afterwards be referred to under the
title of Act. Parl. Scot.
54 ― Bezæ Icones, Ee. iij.
55 ― Act. Parl. Scot. ii. 415, 425. Sadler’s Letters, i. 83.
Crawfurd’s Officers of State, 77, 438. Keith, 36, 37.
56 ― Knox, 34.
57 ― Ibid. 33, 34.
58 ― Life of Knox, prefixed to his History of the Reformation,
anno 1644.