incorporation of this church, is what I have particularly in view.
This is explicitly stated by A Lasco, in a book which he published in
1555. In his dedication of it to Sigismund, king of Poland, he says,
“When I was called by that king, [Edward VI.] and when certain laws
of the country stood in the way, so that the public rites of divine
worship used under popery could not {409} immediately be purged out
(which the king himself desired;) and when I was earnest for the
foreign churches, it was at length his pleasure, that the public rites
of the English churches should be reformed by degrees, as far as could
be got done by the laws of the country; but that strangers, who were
not strictly bound to these laws in this matter, should have churches
granted unto them, in which they should freely regulate all things
_wholly according to apostolical doctrine and practice_, without any
regard to the rites of the country; that by this means the English
churches also might be excited to embrace the apostolical purity,
by the unanimous consent of all the estates of the kingdom. Of this
project, the king himself, from his great piety, was both the chief
author and the defender. For, although it was almost universally
acceptable to the king’s council, and the archbishop of Canterbury
promoted it with all his might, there were not wanting some who took
it ill, and would have opposed it, had not his Majesty checked them
by his authority, and the reasons which he adduced for the design.”
Again, in the Appendix to the same book, p. 649, he says, “The care
of our church was committed to us chiefly with this view, that in the
ministration thereof, we should follow the rule of the divine word
and apostolical observance, rather than any rites of other churches.
In fine, we were admonished both by the king himself, and his chief
nobility, to use this great liberty granted to us in our ministry,
rightly and faithfully, not to please men but for the glory of God,
by promoting the reformation of his worship.” The following are the
original words of the author: “Cum ego quoque per Regem illum vocatus
essem: et leges quædam patriæ obstarent, quominus publici potissimum
cultus divini ritus sub papismo usurpati (pro eo ac rex ipse cupiebat)
repurgari protinus possunt. Ego vero peregrinorum ecclesiis sedulo
instarem, ita demum placuit, ut ritus publici in Anglicis Ecclesiis
per gradus quosdam (quantum per leges patrias omnino liceret)
repurgarentur: Peregrinis vero hominibus (qui patriis hac alioqui in
parte legibus non usque adeo tenerentur) ecclesiæ concederentur in
quibus omnia libere, et nulla rituum patriorum habita ratione (juxta
doctrinam duntaxit atque observationem apostolicam) instituerentur,
ita enim fore, ut Anglicæ quoque ecclesiæ ad puritatem apostolicam
amplectendam unanimi {410} omnium regni ordinum consensu excitarentur.
Ejus vero consilii rex ipsemet (pro sua pietate) præcipuus non autor
tantum, sed etiam propugnator fuit. Etsi enim id in senatu regio
omnibus propemodum placeret, ipseque Cantuariensis archiepiscopus
rem omnibus modis promoveret; non deerant tamen qui id moleste
ferrent, adeoque et reluctaturi fuerint huic instituto regio, nisi
rex ipse, non tantum authoritate sua restitisset: sed productus etiam
instituti hujus rationibus conatus eorum repressisset.” De Ordinatione
Ecclesiarum peregrinarum in Anglia. Epist. Dedic. et p. 649. Larger
extracts from this work may be seen in Voetii Politica Ecclesiastica,
tom. i. 420‒422.
Had Mr Gilpin been acquainted with these facts, he would have spoken
with a little more moderation and respect concerning this accomplished
reformer, than he has done in the following passage. “By the favour
of Edward VI. he was allowed to open a church for the use of his own
persuasion. But he made only a bad use of this indulgence; interfering
very impertinently in the controversies then on foot.” Gilpin’s Lives
of Latimer and Gilpin, p. 243. Lond. 1780. Writers who, like Gilpin,
deal in abridgements, should be very cautious and sparing in the
reflections which they make on characters, as they are apt to mislead
their readers, without furnishing them with the facts which would
serve to correct their mistakes.
Note T, Footnote 162.
_Chaplains of Edward VI._――The following account of the freedom used
by the chaplains of Edward VI. in reproving the vices of the courtiers,
is given by Knox, in his “Letters to the Faithful in London,” &c. I
quote from the MS.
“How boldlie thair synis wer rebukeit, even in thair faces, suche as
wer present can witnes with me. Almost thair wes none that occupyit
the place [pulpit] but he did prophesie, and planelie speake, the
plaguis that ar begun, and assuredlie sall end. Mr Grindal planelie
spak the deth of the kingis maieste, complayning on his houshald
servandis and officeris, who nether eschameit nor feirit to raill
aganis Godis trew word, and aganis the preacheris {411} of the
same. The godlie and fervent man, maister Lever, planelie spak the
desolatioun of the commoun weill, and the plaguis whilk suld follow
schortlie. Maister Bradfurde (whome God, for Chrystis his Sonis sake,
comfort to the end) spared not the proudest, but boldie declareit that
Godis vengence suld schortlie stryke thame that than wer in autoritie,
becaus thay abhorrit and lothed the trew word of the everlasting God.
And amangis many uther willit thame to tak exempill be the lait duck
of Somerset, who became so cald in hering Godis word, that the yeir
befoir his last apprehensioun, hie wald ga visit his masonis, and
wald not dingyie[487] himself to ga from his gallerie to his hall for
hering of a sermone. God punnissit him (said the godlie preacher), and
that suddanlie; and sall hie spair you that be dowbill mair wickit? No:
hie sall not.[488] Will ye, or will ye not, ye shall drink the cupe
of the Lordis wrath. Judicium domini! judicium domini! the judgment
of the Lord! the judgment of the Lord! lamentabillie cryit hie, with
weipping teiris. Maister Hadden most learnedlie opinit the causis
of the bypast plagis, affirmyng that the wors were to follow, unless
repentance suld schortlie be found. Thir things, and mekill mair I
hard planelie spokin, efter that the haill counsale had said, thay
wald heir no mo of thair sermonis; they wer but indifferent fellowis;
ye, and sum of thame eschameit not to call them pratting knaves. But
now will I not speik all that I knaw, for yf God continew my lyfe in
this trubill, I intend to prepair ane dische for suche as than led the
ring in the gospell: but now thay haif bene at the scule of Placebo,
and amangis laddis [ladies] hes learnit to dance, as the devill list
to pype!” P. 120, 121.
With Knox’s representation exactly agrees the affecting “Lamentation
for the change of religion in England,” composed in prison by bishop
Ridley, in which he names our countryman, along with Latimer, Lever,
and Bradford, as distinguishing themselves by the faithfulness and
boldness with which they censured the vices which reigned at court.
I would willingly make extracts from it, but must refer the reader to
the paper itself, which he will find inserted {412} at large, in the
account of the bishop’s trial and martyrdom, by Fox, p. 1614‒1620.
Edit. anno 1596.
Grindal was an exile during the reign of Mary, and, under Elizabeth,
was made successively bishop of London, archbishop of York, and
archbishop of Canterbury. Thomas Lever was a very learned man, and
Master of St John’s College, Cambridge. He was Knox’s colleague at
Frankfort. Upon the accession of Elizabeth, he was admitted to a
prebend in the cathedral of Durham, but was afterwards deprived of it
on account of non‑conformity. He seems to have been allowed to preach
through the country, and, in 1577, died Master of Sherburn Hospital.
Some of his sermons are in print. Troubles of Franckfort, p. 13‒28.
Strype’s Parker, p. 212. App. 77. Grindal, 170. Annals, iii. 512‒514.
Hutchinson’s Durham, ii. 594. John Bradford was in prison when Knox
wrote the above account of him, and was soon after committed to the
flames. James Haddon had been chaplain to the Duke of Suffolk, and
went to Strasburg at the death of Edward VI. He was chosen, along with
Knox, to be one of the ministers of the English church at Franckfort,
but declined accepting the office. Troubles of Franckfort, 13, 16, 23.
Strype’s Annals, ii. Append. p. 46.
Note U, Footnote 169.
The _Confession_ or _Prayer_, composed and used by Knox, after the
death of Edward VI. and the accession of Mary, shows the state of his
mind at that crisis, and refutes the unfounded charges of the popish,
and of some episcopal writers, that he was guilty of stirring up
rebellion against the queen. I extract it from his treatise on Prayer,
printed in 1554, which is now exceedingly rare.
“Omnipotent and everlasting God, father of our Lorde Jesus Chryste,
who be thy eternal providence, disposeth kingdoms as best seameth
to thy wisdom, we acknowledge and confesse thy judgementis to be
righteous, in that thou hast taken from us, for our ingratitude,
and for abusinge of thy most holy word, our native king, and earthly
comforter. Justly may thou poure forth upon us the uttermoste of thy
plagues; for that we have not knowen the dayes {413} and tymes of
our merciful visitacion. We have contempned thy worde, and despised
thy mercies. We have transgressed thy lawes: for deceitfully have
we wrought everie man with our neighbours; oppression and violence
we have not abhorred; charitie hath not apeared among us, as our
profession requireth. We have little regarded the voices of thy
prophets; thy threatnings we have esteemed vanitie and wynd: so that
in us, as of ourselfis, restis nothing worthy of thy mercies. For all
are found frutless, even the princes with the prophetes, as withered
trees apt and mete toe be burnt in the fyre of thy eternal displeasure.
But, O Lord, behold thy own mercy and goodness, that thou may purdge
and remove the most filthy burden of oure most horrible offences. Let
thy love overcome the severitie of thy judgmentis, even as it did in
geving to the world thy onely Sonne Jesus when all mankynde was lost,
and no obedience was lefte in Adam nor in his sede. Regenerate our
hartes, O Lord, by the strength of the Holy Ghost. Convert thou us,
and we shall be converted. Work thou in us unfeigned repentance, and
move thou our hartes too obey thy holy lawes. Behold our trobles and
apparent destruction; and stay the sword of thy vengeaunce, before
it devoure us. Place above us, O Lord, for thy great mercies sake,
such a head, with such rulers and magistrates, as feareth thy name,
and willeth the glory of Christ Jesus to spred. Take not from us the
light of thy euangely, and suffer thou no papistrie to prevail in
this realme. Illuminate the harte of our soveraigne ladye, quene Marie,
with prignant gifts of thy Holy Ghoste. And inflame the hartes of
her counsayl with thy trew fear and love. Represse thou the pryde of
those that wolde rebelle. And remove from all hartes the contempte of
the worde. Let not our enemies rejoyce at our destruction; but loke
thou too the honor of thy own name, O Lorde, and let thy gospell be
preached with boldenes in this realme. If thy justice must punish,
then punish our bodies with the rodde of thy mercy. But, O Lord, let
us never revolte nor turne backe to idolatrie agayne. Mytigate the
hartes of those that persecute us, and let us not faynte under the
crosse of our Saviour; but assist us with the Holy Ghoste, even to
the end.”
{414}
Note V, Footnote 207.
_Call and Invitation to Knox from the English Congregation at
Franchfort._――“We haue receiued letters from oure brethren off
Strausbrough, but not in suche sorte and ample wise as we looked for,
wheruppon we assembled together in the H. Goaste we hope, and haue
with one voice and consent chosen yow so particulerly to be one off
the ministers off our congregation here, to preache vnto vs the most
liuely worde off God, accordinge to the gift that God hathe giuen yow,
for as much as we haue here throughe the merciful goodnes off God a
churche to be congregated together in the name off Christe, and be all
of one body, and also beinge of one natiō, tonge, and countrie. And at
this presente, hauing neede off suche a one as yow, we do desier yow,
and also require yow in the name off God not to deny vs, nor to refuse
theis oure requests, but that yow will aide, helpe, and assiste vs
with your presence in this our good and godlie enterprise, which
we haue take in hand to the glorie off God and the profit off his
congregation and the poore sheepe off Christ dispersed abroad, who
withe your and like presences, woulde come hither and be of one folde,
where as nowe they wander abroad as loste sheepe without anie gide. We
mistruste not that yow will ioifullie accepte this callinge. Fare ye
well from Franckford this 24. off September.
“Your louinge brethern,
Iohn Bale
Edmond Sutton
Iohn Makebraie.
VVilliam VVhittingham Thomas wood Mighell Gill
Thomas Cole Iohn Stanton Iohn Samford
VVilliam VVilliams VVilliam VValton Iohn VVood
George Chidley Jasper swyft Thomas Sorby
VVilliam Hammon Iohn Geofrie Anthony Cariar
Thomas Steward Iohn Graie Hugh Alforde.”
A Brieff Discours off the Troubles begonne at Franckford in {415}
Germany Anno Domini 1554. Abowte the Booke off Common prayer and
Ceremonies. Pag. xix. xx. Printed M.D.LXXV.
Note W, Footnote 218.
_Quis tulerit Gracchos de seditione querentes?_
Knox was accused by the English exiles of High Treason, because he
charged queen Mary with cruelty, and said that the emperor was as
great an enemy to Christ as Nero. But his accusers, it might easily
be shown, used stronger language on this subject than ever he did.
Mr Strype informs us that the protestants who felt and outlived the
persecution of Mary, used the very worst epithets in speaking of her
character. Memorials of the Reform, iii. 472. We need no other proof
of this than the Oration composed by John Hales, and pronounced by a
nobleman before queen Elizabeth, at her entrance upon the government.
Speaking of the late persecution under Mary, the orator exclaims,
“O cruelty! cruelty! far exceeding all crueltys committed by those
ancient and famous tyrants, and cruel murderers, Pharaoh, Herod,
Caligula, Nero, Domitian, Maximine, Dioclesian, Decius; whose names,
for their cruel persecution of the people of God, and their own
tyranny practised on the people, have been, be, and ever shall be in
perpetual hatred, and their souls in continual torments in hell.” The
late Queen he calls “_Athalia, malicious Mary, unnatural woman; no, no
woman, but a monster, and the Devil of hell, covered with the shape of
a woman_.” See Works of the Rev. Samuel Johnston, p. 144.
Nor did they speak in more civil terms of foreign princes. Take, for
an example, the invective of Aylmer against the French king, Henry II.
“Is he a king or a devil, a Christian, or a Lucifer, that bi his
cursed confederacie so encourageth the Turke? Oh! wicked catife and
fierebrand of hell, which, for th’ increasing of his pompe and vayn
glory, (which he shall not long enjoy,) wil betray Christ and his
cross, to his mortal enemy. Oh, foolish Germains! which see not their
own undoing, which conspire not together with the rest of Christian
princes to pull such a traytour to God, and his kingdom, by the eares
out of France, and hang him against the sonne {416} a drying. The
devill hath none other of his sede nowe but him, to maintaine both
the spiritual and the temporall antichryste, the Pope and the Turke.
Wherefore seeing he hath forsaken God, lyke an apostata, and sold
himself to the devil, let us not doubte but God will be with us
against him, whensoever he shall seek to wrong us; and I trust he will
now, in the latter age of the worlde, shew his myght in cuttynge of
this proude Holofernes’ head by the handes of our Judith. Oh! blessed
is that man that loseth his lyfe against such a Termagaunt! Yea, more
blessed shall they be that spend their lyves against him than against
his great maister, the Turke: for the Turke never understode the
crosse of Christ; but this Turkish apostata is named a devellis name,
_Christianissimus_, and is in the very heart of Christendome, and lyke
a traiterous Saracene, is Christ’s enemy.” Harborowe for Faithfull
Subjects, Q. 1. Strasborowe, 1559.
I do not find Collier, nor other high‑church historians, quoting or
commenting upon such language. On the contrary, Aylmer is praised
by them for “his handsome pen,” while every opportunity is taken to
inveigh against the virulence of our Reformer. We may safely challenge
them to prove that he ever indulged in language so intemperate, or so
disrespectful to princes, as that which I have just quoted.
Note X, Footnote 243.
_Canons of Scottish Councils._――“When a house is in flames,” says Lord
Hailes, “it is vain to draw up regulations for the bridling of joists
or the sweeping of chimneys.” Such was the situation of the popish
church in Scotland, when the clergy began to speak of reforming
abuses. The 21st canon of the council which met in 1549, ordains that
there should be a reader of theology in each cathedral church, whose
lectures should be attended by the bishop and canons, “si voluntas
fuerit;” and also a lecturer on canon law. The 22d canon decrees that
there should be a lecturer on theology in each monastery. Wilkins,
Concilia, iv. 52. The 26th canon enjoins the rectors of universities
to see that the students are well instructed in Latin grammar and in
logic. The 28th appoints the {417} ordinaries to call all the curates
within their bounds before them, to examine them anew, and to reject
those who are found insufficient for their office. The last eight
canons were intended to regulate the consistorial courts. Ibid. p. 53,
58, 59. To the 14th canon of the council which sat in 1551‒2, we owe
the establishment of our parochial registers of proclamation of banns
and baptisms. After renewing former statutes against clandestine
marriages, and in favour of proclamation of banns of marriage, the
canon goes on to enact, “Ut singuli curati deinceps habeant registrum,
in quo nomina infantum baptizatorum inscribantur, una cum nominibus
personarum, quæ talium baptizatorum parentes _communiter habenter et
reputantur_, nec non compatrum et commatrum, cum die, anno, mense,
adscriptis etiam duobus testibus notent; quod etiam ipsum in bannorum
proclamationibus servetur, quas præsens conventio in ecclesiis
parochialibus tam viri quam mulieris respective, si diversarum fuerint
parochiarum, fieri mandat; quæ equidem registra inter pretiosissima
ecclesiæ jocalia conservari vult et præcipit, quodque decani in suis
visitationibus, desuper diligentem indaginem faciant, et defficientes
ad commissarios referant, ut graviter in eosdem animadvertatur.”
Wilkins, ut sup. p. 71, 72.
The 6th canon enacts regulations respecting testaments. On this
subject, the following quotation, from the proceedings of a council in
1420, will serve to explain the canon which modified the exaction of
mortuaries, mentioned in p. 351. The clergy of each diocese reported
on oath to the council, “That the practice was first to pay the debts
of the deceased, and then to divide his effects into three equal
portions, whereof one was given to his widow, and one to his children:
That the executors bestowed the remaining third in payment of legacies,
and for the soul of the deceased (pro exequiis et anima defuncti):
That of this third or _dead’s part_ (defuncti pars) the executors were
wont to pay, or to compound with the ordinary, at the rate of five per
cent for the expense of confirmation.” Chartulary of Moray, apud Lord
Hailes’s Prov. Councils, p. 23. Besides the five per cent claimed by
the bishop, we have already seen that the vicar had twenty per cent,
even according to the mitigated arrangement, before any legacy was
paid. No mention is made of the case of a person leaving neither wife
nor {418} children; and _there_ it was,” says Lord Hailes, “that the
clergy reaped their harvest.” He might have added the case of persons
dying intestate, to whom the bishops had the power of naming executors.
That was the golden age of the clergy, when they were under no
necessity of instituting processes for augmentation from unexhausted
teinds, or of count and reckoning to recover the use of funds destined
to their support!
Note Y, Footnote 245.
_Of the Catechism commonly called Archbishop Hamilton’s._――Very
different and discordant accounts have been given of this book. My
account is taken from the catechism itself, compared with the canon
of the council which authorized its use. The title is as follows:――
“THE CATECHISME, That is to say, ane cōmone and catholik instructioun
of the christin people in materis of our catholic faith and religioun,
quhilk na gud christin man or woman suld misknaw: set furth be ye
maist reuerend father in God Johne Archbischop of sanct Androus
Legatnait and primat of ye kirk of Scotland, in his prouincial
counsale haldin at Edinburgh the xxvi. day of Januarie, the zeir of
our Lord 1551, with the aduise and counsale of the bischoippis and
other prelatis, with doctours of Theologie and Canon law of the said
realme of Scotland present for the tyme.――S. Aug. libro 4 de trinitate.
cap. 6.――Contra rationem nemo sobrius, contra scripturam nemo
christianus, contra ecclesiam nemo pacificus senserit.――Agane reasone
na sober man, agane scripture na christin man, agane the kirk na
peaceabil or quiet man will iudge, or hald opinioun.” On the back of
title are two copies of Latin verses, “Ad. Pivm Lectorem.” The title,
preface by the archbishop, and “table of materis,” are on thirteen
leaves. The catechism begins on folio i, and ends on folio ccvi, after
which there are three pages of errata, on the last of which is the
following colophon. ☞ “Prentit at Sanct Androus, be the command and
expēsis of the maist reuerend father in God, Johne Archbischop of
sanct Androus, and primat of ye hail kirk of Scotland, the xxix day
of August, the zeir of our Lord M.D. lii.”
{419} The archbishop’s epistle addressed to “Personis, Vicars, and
Curattis,” prefixed to the catechism, informs us of its design and
use. “First to your awin erudition.――Secundly, According to the
decreit maid in our prouincial counsale, our will is that ye reid ye
samyn catechisme diligently, distinctly, and plainly, ilk ane of yow
to your awin parochianaris, for thair cōmon instructioun and spiritual
edificatioun in the word of God, necessarie of thame to be knawin.”
The canon of the council provides that it be read “omnibus dominicis
et festivis,” which is thus explained in the close of the archbishop’s
epistle: “Euerilk Sonday and principal halydaie, quhen yair cummis
na precheour to thame to schaw thame the word of God, to haue yis
catechisme usit and reid to yame in steid of preching, quhil [until]
God of his gudnes prouide ane sufficient nowmer of catholyk and abil
precheouris, quhilk sal be within few yeiris as we traist in God.”