The Letter

Francois Hidalgo committed an action which might well be considered

treason by the Spanish Government. He wrote three letters of the same

content, all dated January 17, 1711, addressed to the Governor of

Louisiana. Only one reached its destination. In mid-summer of 1713 the

Governor of Louisiana, La Mothe de Cadillac, had the letter in his

possession. (There is always an incident in history which incites a

chain reaction in such a way that a new era begins, always resulting in

the establishment of new frontiers. The Hidalgo letter was such an

incident).

One must surmise how such a letter could travel through nearly a

thousand miles of wilderness and reach its destination. The whole new

frontier of El Camino Real hinged on this accomplishment.

The contents of the letter showed that Father Hidalgo had first-hand

knowledge of the land of the Hasinai and the Caddos as well as the

waterways of the adjoining area. He wrote that the French traders were

to ascend the Mississippi to the confluence of the Red River, then

ascend the Red River to the tribe of the Natchitoches Indians, thence to

travel westward over the Buffalo Trail to the Hasinai Indians and there

procure guides to the Hidalgo Mission.

Father Hidalgo could have acquired knowledge of the Caddo area from the

reports of De Leon, Teran and Father Massinetes, but he would have not

had the knowledge of the waterways, which could have only been obtained

from the Natchitoches Indians who may have come to the Campti from their

location on the north shore of Lake Pontchartrain; information was given

to Flores and Colliea and passed on to Hidalgo.

The letter was an invitation “to come and trade” with the Hidalgo

mission, the word “trade” being used as bait could have come from two

sources, that of Bejoux to the Ais and that of Flores and Colliea. It is

possible that Hidalgo wrote the letters very early in the year so that

one could be sent to the Ais Tribe ahead of the arrival of Allarge

Bejoux. The later two letters were carried in the Fall of the year by

Flores and Colliea, who in turn gave the letters directly to a

Natchitoches Indian who had come to the Campti, but who was living on

the north shore of Lake Pontchartrain. Several historians say that St.

Denis had the letter in his possession before it was presented to

Governor Cadillac. St. Denis through his association with the

Natchitoches Indians, who were settled near his Fort Louis, would have

been the most logical Frenchman to receive the letter. Then, too, St.

Denis, while vying with Cadillac to be sent as the leader on the trading

expedition to the Hidalgo mission, had stated that he and Jules Lambert,

who was at that time in the Illinois country, had been on a trading trip

to the Natchitoches Indians in the summers of 1710 and 1712. Here, then,

is another possibility that St. Denis may have received the first letter

sent by Francois Hidalgo by an Indian messenger to the Ais, and who was

instructed to give the letter to the first Frenchman who came to trade

in his area.

The letter had the desired effect; St. Denis was appointed to lead the

expedition. Cadillac chose wisely because St. Denis was an educated man,

and was a third generation Canadian and, further, he understood the ways

of the Indians. He was a linguist and could speak many Indian dialects,

and also speak, read and write in Spanish.

The trading expedition, consisting of Indians of the Natchitoches tribe,

left Biloxi in mid October, 1713. Among the Indians were the White

Chief, his son, Koanan, and two daughters, one called _Quilchil_, “the

pretty weaver,” and the other called _Olchogonime_, “the good girl.”

The Jean Penicaut narrative is an actual eye witness account of St.

Denis’ journey to Natchitoches and on to Mexico. The party consisted of

nearly forty Indians and twenty-three Frenchmen, two of whom were St.

Denis and Penicaut, and several French traders, Pierre Largen, Jean

Lagross, Roberto Talon, Pedro Talon, Lafrinaries, Allarge Bejoux,

Labinaries, Enrique Lantillac; Medar Jalot, who was valet and doctor to

St. Denis; the two Barberousse brothers were hunters for the party’s

food; _Rambin_ was a tailor. Soldiers in the party included Lt.

Phillippe Blondell, De Lery, De Muy, Williard Anvillaries, De Beaulieux,

De Voixant, Frainbouis, and Lavasseur, who was also a map maker.

Leaving Biloxi, the party traveled what was then known as the Iberville

passage, crossing Lake Pontchartrain and through Manchac Pass to Lake

Maurepas, then into Manchac Bayou and a short portage to the Mississippi

River; ascending the Mississippi to the confluence of the Red River at

Baton Rouge, then ascending the Red River to a point opposite the

present day town of Colfax. Here the stream divided and Penicaut wrote,

“we took the left and larger branch of water.” After some distance

upstream he describes the Ecore de La Croix, which must have been the

high bluffs near Chopin, Louisiana.

On November 25, 1713, the St. Denis party arrived among the Natchitoches

Indians, living on an island that the river formed by dividing into two

branches and flowing around it.

St. Denis spent the first few weeks cultivating the friendship of the

Indians. Trade was vigorous and profitable, he sent at least twice back

to Biloxi for more trade goods. He had traveled at least once as far as

the settlement of the Nacogdoches Indians before deciding on an exact

location for a trading post. In early Spring of the following year two

block houses were erected in the Natchitoches Village, one to store the

merchandise and the other to house the ten Frenchmen who were to remain

in Natchitoches while the others went west in search of the Hidalgo

mission.

While St. Denis was among the Hasinai Indians, an incident happened

which causes one to wonder at the foresightedness of Francois Hidalgo.

Among the Indians was an Indian maid named Angelica who had received

instructions at a Spanish mission and who spoke Spanish fluently. She

became the interpreter between St. Denis and Bernardino, Chief of the

Hasinai. Bernardino, with some of the members of his tribe, acted as

guide, for St. Denis, but instead of bringing the Frenchmen to the

Hidalgo mission, they were led to Presidio San Juan Bautista on the

south bank of the Rio Grande River on July 19, 1714. Surely these

Indians would have known where the Hidalgo mission was located; the

leading of the Frenchmen to the Spanish post was just as Hidalgo would

have wished, or planned.

[Illustration: PLAN OF FORT NATCHITOCHES]

Plan du Fort des Natchitoche.

A. Church.

B. Home of the Commandante.

C. Gunpowder and arm storage.

D. House of the priest, and where records were kept.

E. Barracks of the militia.

F. Guardhouse.

G. Dining hall for soldiers.

H. Houses of domestic servants and kitchen.

I. Privy.

There was quite an uproar at Post Du Nord, as the French called the

Presidio San Juan Bautista. The French trade-goods were confiscated, and

St. Denis was confined to the area inside the presidio. Somehow St.

Denis found out about the plans of the Spanish priests to establish

missions to the east, and sent word back to Bienville. The Frenchman

knew that very often presidios followed the establishments of missions.

Bienville was informed by St. Denis that this land belonged to the

French.

Claud De Tisne was dispatched to Natchitoches to build a Fort in 1716,

Post St. Jean Baptista Des Natchitoches, naming the post after the title

given by St. Denis when the two block houses were built in the spring of

1714.

St. Denis remained in the custody of the Spanish from 1714 until

February 17, 1716, when he arrived at Presidio San Juan Bautista. When

the Don Domingo Ramone expedition left Saltillo, Mexico, St. Denis was

selected as guide, along with several other Frenchmen, Medar Jalot, the

two Talon brothers, Pierre Largen and Jean Lagross. The other Frenchmen

who were with St. Denis had previously returned to Natchitoches,

undoubtedly carrying messages for St. Denis. Medar Jalot declared later

that he had delivered messages four times for St. Denis, thus the French

had been kept well informed of the goings-on of the Spanish.

St. Denis while on this adventure married a Spanish wife, Manuella

Sanchez Ramone, daughter of the Alverez, Don Diego Ramone at the Spanish

Presidio. He left her at the presidio, which was also her home, and

returned to Natchitoches.

The Ramone expedition established the following Missions:

San Francisco de Los Delores on the Neches River, La Purisima

Conception on the Angelina River, Mission San Jose, North of

Nacogdoches, and Mission Neustra Senora de Guadelupe at Nacogdoches.

All of these were established in 1716.

[Illustration: LA PRESIDIO NUESTRA SENORA DE LOS DELORES

La Presidio Nuestra Senora de Los Delores was erected by Domingo

Ramone in the summer of 1716. It was later repaired by the Marquis

De Aguayo in 1722. The plan of the fort is the work of Aguayo. The

fort overlooked Los Torres, or Mill Creek, near the intersection of

the lower Douglas Road and the road from Douglas to Wells just west

of Nacogdoches, Texas. This presidio was erected and garrisoned to

protect the three Missions in the near Nacogdoches vicinity.

La Presidio Nuestra Senora de Los Delores was abandoned in 1731.

(Drawing by the author).]

In 1717 father Margil de Jesus and Father Francois Hidalgo established

two missions further to the east, La Mission Nuestra de Los Delores

among the Ais Indians, near the present day city of San Augustine,

Texas, and on the first day of St. Michael the Archangel, September 29,

1717 established La Mission de San Miguel Cuellar de Los Adais, among

the Adais Indians, one mile north of present Robeline, Louisiana.

At this moment Father Francois Hidalgo’s vision had come into

being—after twenty-five years of dreaming, he had established his chain

of missions to the very end of the Texas Country.

With the establishment of this last mission among the Adais Indians just

fifteen miles away from the French post at Natchitoches, both the French

and Spanish realized that each must maintain settlements so as to hold

the territories thus far gained.

War broke out between France and Spain in 1719 and in that same year

Phillipe Blondell from the French post among the Natchitoches Indians,

raided the mission among the Adais and allowed one prisoner to escape

after making known to him that the French were coming in multitudes to

drive the Spanish back. This caused a withdrawal of all Spanish Missions

in the Texas area as far as San Antonio.

Every country has its “man of the minute”, and this country of New Spain

was no exception. He offered his wealth and abilities to restore the

Texas missions and to re-occupy the Texas country. The new governor of

Coahuile and the Texas region was the Marquis de San Miguel de Aguayo,

his title was Don Joseph de Alzar, Knight Commandante de Aragon,

Governor and Captain General of the Provinces of Texas-New Phillippines

and of Coahuile, New Kingdom of Estrandura—and he had earned every one.

[Illustration: LA MISSION DE SAN MIGUEL DE CUELLAR DE LOS ADAIS

The Mission de San Miguel de Cuellar de Los Adais was founded by

Padre Margil de Jesus and Padre Francois Hidalgo on September 29,

1717. September 29 was also the Feast Day of St. Michael the Arch

Angel and the Mission was named for him.

The site of this Mission is one-half mile northwest of Robeline,

Louisiana, on a hill which overlooks a small valley, and across the

valley one-half mile north of another hill was the Presidio de

Nuestra Senora del Pilar de Los Adais.

Fra Jose de Solice visited the Adais area in 1767 and kept a Diary

of his visitation in which he noted that the Mission Records showed:

256 Baptisms, 64 Marriages and 116 Burials.

In this Diary were listed the names of families he visited in the

Adais area: Bano, Cachon, Flores, Bustamenta, Garcia, Solice,

Martinez, Sanchez, Rodriguez, Sanchon, Mora, Benetis, Cartinez,

Carlos, Vega and La Lima, y Barbo, Cazorla, Fuente, Gallerado and

Gonzalez. Cardova, Duro, Mancheca, Solice, Mercado, Guerra, and

Bautimino.]

KITCHEN

PRIESTS’ HOME

STORE HOUSE

MISSION

[Illustration: Explanation of map of: La Mission San Miguel de

Cuellar de Los Adais and Mission established September 29, 1717; Del

Presidio de Neustra Senora del Pilar de Los Adais, presidio

established November 1721.

PLAN. This presidio shown on this map of 1722 was the Capitol of the

Providence of Texas and is located at 32 degrees and 15 minutes

latitude and 285 degrees and 52 minutes longitude. The scale, Toise,

one Toise equals six feet. The present day location is one mile

north of Robeline, Louisiana, just one quarter mile west of Highway

Six from that point.]

Camino del Bayuco, road to Bayuco. (Bayuco, a house of Entertainment—A

Night Club of that period.)

Camino de los Ais, road to the Ais tribe of Indians at San Augustine,

Texas. This was the dry weather trail and passed through

Marthaville, Belmont, Zwolle and Ebarb, Louisiana.

Camino de la Laguna, road to swampy lake area, Spanish Lake.

Camino del Bano, road to Rancho Bano, allotted to the Mission, also a

part of El Camino Real.

Arroyo de Chacon, small river of Chacon, named after Chacon who had

settled on the Creek—Winn Break today. (Chacon is also a

Spanish dance which had its own music set to special tempo.)

By the middle of October, 1720, the Aguayo expedition was well on its

way to the Los Adais area, with three thousand nine hundred fifty horses

and six hundred mules, loaded with powder, shot, food, clothing and six

cannons, five hundred eighty-four men _AND_ two hundred thousand

piastres to build presidios on the frontier.

Aguayo, while en-route to Los Adais, received word the war between

France and Spain had ended and there would be no war on the frontier,

never the less, Aguayo established the missions and the Presidio San

Antonio de Bexar at San Antonio. At the tribe of the Adais he began

proceedings to establish a presidio there. France, too, had their “man

of the minute” in the person of St. Denis.

[Illustration: LA PRESIDIO DE SAN ANTONIO DE BEXAR

La Presidio de San Antonio de Bexar, established by Aguayo in 1722,

was located at San Antonio, Texas.

The work of Aguayo in establishing the presidios along El Camino

Real gave permanence and protection to the Spanish settlers who were

to follow, from San Antonio to the Adais in Louisiana, seeking a new

kind of freedom. Their source of food and other essentials was so

far away that they learned to live “off the land”, and became

dependent on no one. As far as they were concerned the head of the

Spanish Government was so far away he was only a figure of speech to

them. This freedom was bred into their descendants—the seed cast by

Francois Hidalgo, fortified by Aguayo, nourished by El Camino Real

and the Neutral Strip was to blossom into the State of Texas at San

Antonio.]

[Illustration: PLAN OF FT. DEL PILAR DE LOS ADAIS]

1. House of the Governor.

2. Church, which was enclosed within the Presidio.

3. Houses of the Soldiers stationed there.

4. Powder Magazine.

5. La Mission San Miguel de Cuellar de Los Adais.

6. Priests’ home.

7. Dwellings of the Adais Tribe of Indians.

8. The Rancho of La Lima, possibly the first merchant and Indian

trader of the Spanish in this area.

With St. Denis came the balance of power, which is necessary on any

frontier. The Spanish had the French out-numbered ten to one, but they

also knew that the tribes of the Caddo Federation favored St. Denis and

the French. The gold piasters were of special attraction, as they would

have been in any locality, to St. Denis, who was an accomplished trader.

Aguayo was quick to realize that the Spanish must trade with the French

for food and their very existence. He turned a deaf ear to Captain

Reynaud, St. Denis and Bienville, who was now the Governor of Louisiana,

and their protests concerning the building of a presidio at Los Adais,

and on October 12, 1721 celebrated the rebuilding of the mission. On

November 1st in the same year was celebrated the re-establishment of La

Presidio de Nuestra Senora del Pilar de Los Adais—the Presidio housing

the Governor of all the province of Texas.

In 1722 St. Denis was made Post Commandante of Fort St. Jean Baptiste

des Natchitoches and all of the Red River Territory.

Breutin’s map of 1722 of the Natchitoches area, shows the names of

inhabitants who owned land: Durion, Derbonne, Duplisses, Marachal,

Lebrun, Boquet, Prudhomme, LaFleur, Roland, St. Denis, Dauphine,

Rondain, Frainbouis, Rambin, Robert and Frainaries.

Other known inhabitants of the Natchitoches area were: Redot, Lieutenant

of the Company of the West; Marley Dupuy, Ensigne; Medar Jalot, St.

Denis’ valet; Pierre Cotolleau, farmer; Pierre Fausse, Farmer; Francois

Berry, soldier; Francois Lemoine, soldier; Estinne LeRoy, soldier;

Pierre DuBois, blacksmith; Marainne Benoist, housewife; Louise Francois

Gillot, housewife; Pierre Dupuy, called Gaupillion, to distinguish him

from Dupuy the ensigne; Jeanne Grinot, housewife; Collette de Poissot,

housewife; Marie Cathern de Poutree, housewife; Martine Bonnet,

housewife; Antoniette Audebrands, housewife; Pierre Marineau; Sieur De

Champingnole, sergeant; Lieutenant Maillard; Louis Reclos, soldier;

Emanuella Sanchez Ramone, wife of St. Denis; Sieur Barme, storekeeper;

and Jean Lagross and the two Barberousse brothers who had settled near

Campti, establishing a trading post among the Yatasee Indians, which had

moved from Nantanchie Lake in 1722.

[Illustration: LA PRESIDIO NUESTRA DE SENORA DEL PILAR DE LOS ADAIS

Established in November 1721 and completed early in the Spring of

1722 by the Marquis de Aguayo.

Knights in Armour are usually associated with the European countries

and the valiant deeds accomplished by such men, but here on this

tiny hill among the Adais Indians two Knights met, The Marquis de

Aguayo, a Black Knight of the Argonne, and Louis Juchereau de St.

Denis, who had previously received The Order of the Cross of St.

Louis delivered to St. Denis by D’Artagnan, a direct envoy of the

King and Queen of France. Thus, two Knights met at the Adais, supped

and visited, each recognized the abilities of the other, each having

received the highest honor which could be bestowed by their

respective King.

_Camino de Los Ais_

_Camino de la Lag_

_Camino de Natchi_

1. Governor’s House.

2. Church.

3. Soldier’s Barracks.

4. Guardhouse.

5. Stables.

6. Mess Hall.

7. Kitchen.

8. Privy.

9. Powder Magazine.

10 and 11. Water wells.

This Spanish Fort was erected in the shape of a hexagon. Aguayo had

six cannons and building the Fort in this shape permitted the

greatest amount of cannon fire in all directions. One will notice

that on the hilltop, the site of this Spanish presidio, several

hundred yards in all directions there is an absence of large trees

and that those that are growing are second and third-growth trees.

The reason is that Aguayo followed the same methods a trained

military officer would have done. He would have cleared the Land of

all trees and undergrowth for at least three hundred yards in all

directions, so that should an attack occur, the enemy would not have

the benefit of any kind of natural cover. The shoulder guns of that

period had a fairly accurate killing effect for a distance of 150

yards. Therefore the Musketeer in the presidio would have some extra

150 yards in which to sight the enemy, take aim and fire. This

presidio is unique in this respect: It stood for nearly fifty years

as a frontier command-post and never once had to defend itself.

This plan of the Presidio at Los Adais, showing the effectiveness of

a hexagon shaped fort with cannon spaced to give the maximum

protection to the fort, was submitted to Aguayo to his superiors at

Mexico City in 1722.

The Presidio Nuestra Senora del Pilar de Los Adais has a very unique

history, it stood guarding a frontier against another nation and

among the Indians, who were at that time, considered savages, for

nearly fifty years, yet this fort never had to defend itself against

any hostile demonstration.]

[Illustration: _Carte des Natchitoches_

_J.F. BREUTIN. 1722._]

Pierre Largen was trading among the Peticaddos and the Caddoquopois.

La Petit was among the Peticaddos on Caddo Lake near Shreveport, he had

the year previously established a trading post there.

Jean Lagross, who had also married an Ais maiden, had a trading post

among the Ais Indians on the Angelena River near the present town of San

Augustine, Texas. He was not molested by the Spanish because of the

marriage he was considered a member of the Caddos of which the Ais was a

tribe.

In 1723 St. Denis sent Lieutenant Antoine Layassard to establish Post Du

Rapides near present Alexandria. The year previously LaPerrier and his

two daughters had been assassinated at the rapids portage by a band of

roving Indians, and Post Du Rapides was established to protect travelers

en-route to Post des Natchitoches.

In this same year, 1723 St. Denis received reinforcements, Doctor

Alexander, Lt. Basset, Lt. Renault de Hautrive and Paul Muller. Michael

Robin, a Notary for the Company of the West was also in the group.

Augayo, tiring of the frontier, left for the interior of Mexico. He

appointed as Lieutenant Governor of Los Adais, Lieutenant of the King,

Almazon, who immediately set up a new trade restriction, forbidding

fraternalization and trading of any sort with the French. It was during

the tenure of Almazon that a land grant was issued to Juan Sanchez

comprising one square league of land (the grant was an area now

consisting of high ground astraddle Toplecot Creek in the Allen area

between Robeline and Powhattan, Louisiana). Almazon allotted land to

Cadet Chacon. There was also land allotted for the support of the Adais

mission called Rancho Bano. Manuel Guiterez, who had wed Maria Garcia,

also received an allotted land grant. The last three allotments of land

were in the immediate Robeline township area.

St. Denis could see permanence in this establishment of farms in the

Adais area. The presidio there now had a fighting force of one hundred

men-at-arms, many of which were well-mounted and excellent cavalry men.

He could to a certain extent visualize a self supporting Spanish

frontier if the farmers’ production of crops were successful. The

Spanish would need only slight assistance from the Indian farmers with

the sale of their produce to the Spanish.

St. Denis retaliated by inviting all of the chiefs of the Caddo tribes

of Indians to come to the Post St. Jean Baptiste to receive presents,

knowing that all of the chiefs would bring their families and a number

of followers and that many would have to pass the Spanish presidios on

their way to Natchitoches. He was successful in working out a trade

agreement with all of the tribes to buy their entire surplus food

supply.

This alliance of the Caddo federation with the French restored the

balance of power on the Spanish-French frontier. St. Denis assured the

Caddo chiefs that each year such presents would be available as long as

the alliance was kept.

This one move by St. Denis brought safety to the French of the area.

Thus any unpleasantness which arose thereafter was confined to verbal

statements or letter writing.

III

DACHICOIN—A NOBLE INDIAN

LOS ADAIS, 1723

Dachicoin had only two years before he reached the considered age of an

adult, which according to the Adais law was sixteen. He had ignited the

council-fire of the Adais and was demanding audience. The Elders came

and seated themselves in their proper places and bade him speak.

He brought to the attention of the Adais how nice the Spanish or French

treated an Indian of position in any Indian tribe—they dared not molest

this Indian or any of his family. Also, the Indian of position seemed to

get a better deal in the matter of trade-goods. “If we make all the

Indian adult males of the Adais an officer or man of position then the

whole tribe will benefit by it. I wish first to test this and, if I am

successful, then I demand to be made a _conachas_”.[4] Dachicoin

explained his proposed test to the Elders.

Dachicoin went to the Natchitoches Post and demanded of Sieur Barme, a

merchant of certain trade-goods, a supply of such goods, saying that he

would bring all the profit back to the merchant in return for which he

expected something that he could trade for himself at profit. Sieur

Barme saw possibilities in Dachicoin because he agreed to the Indian’s

terms. Sieur Barme did not overlook the fact that the Indian spoke to

him in French. Later he found out that the Indian also spoke Spanish.

Dachicoin was made a _conachas_ among the Adais.

When Dachicoin was fifteen years old the Spanish priests came to the

Adais. Even at this young age he must have realized that a new way of

life was beginning among the Adais, and decided to follow the new trend

by working with the Spanish priests, guiding them among the tribes of

the Caddos and commuting back and forth with them to the Natchitoches

post. Soon he mastered the Spanish language. When he was sixteen and had

successfully filled the agreement of his first test with Sieur Barme,

the Natchitoches merchant, three other men, Lotbotiniere, Lagross and

Largen, saw the possibility of profit in the use of Dachicoin. One or

the other of these traders was continuously traveling back and forth to

the Hasinai Indians who lived deep in the Tejas Country. So Dachicoin

began a tutorship with the traders, and at the same time began to master

the French language.

In 1719 Dachicoin, because he could understand French, heard of the salt

shortage at the new post at New Orleans. By this time the young Indian

trader had acquired five horses as his part of profit while trading with

the Hasinai Indians. He went to Sieur Barme and asked for ten knives,

explaining that he wished to trade the knives to the Destonies for salt,

this salt would be taken to New Orleans and traded for more knives which

would be returned to Sieur Barme. He would replace the ten knives and

the other remaining knives would be divided equally between himself and

the merchant. He would leave two horses with Sieur Barme as security.

Dachicoin then went to Largen, who had dug-out canoes. He wished use of

the largest one, explaining his intention to Largen, and leaving one of

his horses with him as security. In return for the use of the canoe

Dachicoin would take some of Largen’s merchandise of furs to New Orleans

and trade the furs for knives, all Largen needed to do was to say how

many knives he expected in trade for the furs—of course this service

would be free for the use of the boat. The Indian then went to

Lieutenant Blondell, the Post Commandante, and told him his intentions,

wondering if the officer had letters he wished to be delivered to his

French superiors, saying that he would deliver the letters which at the

same time would explain to the officials at New Orleans that Dachicoin

was a high-ranking Indian of the Adais tribe. “This will be important in

my getting a fairer trade for salt and other merchandise”, he said. “I

would also like for you to request Quitlami, Son of Koanan, who is

called the White Chief of the Natchitoches Indians by the French, to

insure safe passage among the Indians I might encounter because Quitlami

will have the arm band of the Son of a Chief and I the arm band of a

conachas of the Adais. These marks of distinction will be observed by

those tribes who are not on friendly terms with the French, but who

would not wish to arouse an undesirable antagonism between two tribes

such as the Adais and the Natchitoches. The letters will safe-guard us

from white men who might be inclined to forget the _calumet_ of the

French and the Caddos of whose Federacy we are members. For this service

I will expect a French soldier’s coat, one of the things I most desire

in life. I will leave two horses at your disposal as a guarantee of my

return and my true intention to serve the French. Because of my

association with the Caddo Federacy I can be of many uses to the

French.” The Commandant was no fool. He quickly realized the importance

of Dachicoin, and agreed to his wishes even paying Quitlami’s expenses

in the form of presents from the company merchandise.

To the average reader it would seem that Dachicoin was risking five

horses which were of more value on this frontier than the supposed

profits of this particular trading trip, but Quitlami revealed to

Lotbotiniere that Dachicoin distributed these horses in good hands and

those people were obligated to take as good care of them as if the

horses belonged to them. Thus Dachicoin was assured of the good care of

his animals with no expense to himself.

The canoe or dug-out of Largen was a four-place canoe, which is a boat

that required four men to paddle it and would at the same time, besides

the human cargo, carry fourteen hundred pounds of freight. Thus equipped

Dachicoin and Quitlami set out from Natchitoches to the Distonies on

Saline Bayou in Natchitoches Parish, where he traded five of the knives

for two hundred gourds of salt, each gourd contained approximately one

pound of salt. From Natchitoches he carried the furs of Largen and small

gourds of finely chopped matot, ground leaves of the Sassafras tree.

This spice was an excellent trade goods of the Natchitoches tribe. The

spice, however, was sent by Blondell and was to be exchanged for some

personal things for the Commandant. He did, however, pay for Dachicoin’s

coat out of his own merchandise. Because of the success of the trading

trip Dachicoin’s name became popular along the frontier. His character

was such, that his word was his bond. He never bought any trade goods

outright to sell them for a profit as did the French traders. Always he

asked for goods on consignment. It was a familiar sight at Natchitoches

and at Los Adais to see Dachicoin arrange what he had received for a

consignment into three piles—one pile represented the cost of trade

goods and one the profits. The one who supplied the merchandise could

take his choice of two of the piles, the other went to Dachicoin for his

labors.

Dachicoin had taken for his wife, a squaw of the Hasinai said to be a

daughter of Bernardino, Chief of that tribe. Upon returning to the

Adais, Dachicoin spoke to Largen, who was at the time at the Adais,

explaining to him that he wished to be blessed in marriage by a priest

just as white men and women were when priests married them. Largen

explained to Dachicoin that if he were married by the Church it would be

contrary to the beliefs of the Caddos. (The Caddos believed in

separations or divorce—that a squaw or man being dissatisfied could

separate, the squaw taking the male children and the man the female

children. These separations occurred quite often among the different

tribes of the Caddos.) At this Dachicoin replied, “A man will have need

for only one woman if she is the correct woman for him and a woman needs

only one man if he is the correct man for her, my squaw and I understand

these things and I, Dachicoin say that it can be no other way.” Pierre

Largen sponsored the wedding at the Los Adais Church. It is said that

Father Margil De Jesus performed the ceremony.

The squaw, or shall I say wife of Dachicoin, was allowed by her husband

to ride a horse instead of walking as most Indians required their squaws

to do, and, not only that, but to add to her comfort she was seated on a

good Spanish saddle, and even had a pack horse to carry such things that

a squaw was required to carry. This caused much dissatisfaction among

the other squaws and the Indian men alike.

Dachicoin lit the Council Fire of the Adais and when enough of the tribe

had gathered, spoke to them. “You of the Adais are cooking in metal pots

that I, Dachicoin gave to you. Because all that I have also belongs to

my squaw, then she too gave the pots”. There was no one to criticize her

then, for it is a law of the Caddos that no other person can be

concerned in the private affairs of a Caddo family unless invited to do

so. If one violates this law then he is to be punished by the elders.

“If there are any more envious remarks about my squaw I shall see that

the law is fulfilled. What I have said shall now be forgotten, it must

not occur again.”

At the Natchitoches council fire he berated the Natchitoches in much the

same way. Such was the power of Dachicoin that he could demand the

obedience of two tribes of Indians.

In 1722 St. Denis returned to Natchitoches replacing Captain Reynaud as

Commandante. He, too, was quick to learn the importance of Dachicoin.

In 1723 St. Denis received a demand from Bernardino of the Hasinai for

the ransom of a Frenchman. He then sent the small, tin box containing

papers of the French officer. St. Denis recognized the name of the

officer, a man who once had fought a duel with him. This French officer,

Belle-Isle, with St. Denis had attended the Royal School in Paris. They

had always seemed to be at odds with each other, and now St. Denis was

being asked to pay ransom for him. But St. Denis was not one to hold a

grudge, and he knew that Belle-Isle had the makings of a good French

officer. He could not bring himself to believe that there was a

possibility of Belle-Isle being a deserter and had somehow become a

slave of the Indians. Too, he realized the possibility of the Spanish

rescuing him, and from gratitude Belle-Isle might have been inclined to

offer his services to Spain. St. Denis personally knew French officers

in the service of Spain, but now he had the problem of going behind the

Spanish Fort at Los Adais to rescue Belle-Isle.

St. Denis sent for Quitlami and had him go to the Adais and bring

Dachicoin back with him. When the two Indians returned he sent for

Lagross, Largen and Lobotiniere for a conference. All were given the

details about Belle-Isle.

The ransom was to be ten French rifles with 100 shots and enough powder

to fire those 100 shots for each rifle. This was an impractical and

dangerous form of ransom because if the party delivering the rifles

should be intercepted by the Spanish they would have grounds to think

that the French were trying to supply the Indians with fire arms to be

used against them, which could create a disastrous incident on the

frontier.

Dachicoin asked if he might speak, and without waiting for a reply,

asked St. Denis if he would settle with Bernardino for two rifles and

the requested powder and shot. St. Denis would be glad to agree to such

a settlement, but continued Dachicoin, “why not turn this trip for

ransom into profit?”, which caused a raising of eyebrows. All those

present were traders and the word “profit” was music to their ears.

Dachicoin explained, “Bernardino is a trader and a clever one, and also

the father of my squaw. If I go as a member of the ransom party my squaw

must also go as she will wish to see her father again. Also this party

will need someone to cook for them, she can do that. Bernardino has sent

five of his braves and ten extra horses. He fully expects each of those

ten extra horses to have something on them. We must send five men to

accompany the Hasinais; to send less would show carelessness, to send

more would show we were afraid, five men to ride five of the horses sent

by Bernardino. We must fix a box of wood the size of one which would

contain ten rifles, but instead of rifles it will contain lengths of

cane filled with the seeds of watermelons, squash, gourds, corn and

beans. The Hasinais are farmers, but because they move around for place

to place, staying in one place only long enough to raise and harvest a

crop; they are often short of seed, we will also send salt, honey,

pecans, hickory nuts, walnuts; these are the things that we have plenty

of. In return we will ask for the Frenchman and horses and some amole

root.[5] The last two things are the cheapest trade-goods of the

Hasinais. Bernardino has often admired my French coat and has often

tried to trade me for it, but I explained to him that it would be too

small for him. If M. Rambin can make a coat the size of the one that

would fit M. Largen, then Bernardino would try to trade for it

especially if Largen pretends he does not wish to trade for the coat. We

will have to explain to Bernardino that we have no extra rifles

available but the one I am carrying. The other rifle mentioned will be

given to me when I return as payment for my assistance in this trip. My

squaw will have among the things necessary for her to take some of the

knives from the company store, each of us will also have some knives to

trade. We will trade for horses and the amole root and anything else

that Bernardino has. Quitlami must tell Bernardino that the coat that M.

Largen is wearing is magic and is Largen’s trading coat. That when

Largen has it on he always makes more profit on his trades. That it

would be a great service to the Natchitoches and the Adais if Bernardino

could trade Largen out of the coat. So far no one has been able to do

this.”

The trip from Natchitoches to the Hasinais was roughly about 360 miles.

Immediately on the arrival of the party Bernardino brought the slave

Belle-Isle forward and demanded the rifles when he was told that there

was only one rifle and it belonged to Dachicoin. He was furious and

threatened to kill the slave on the spot. Dachicoin explained that there

were many other trade goods of value and things that the Hasinais

needed. Largen was not then wearing the coat made by Rambin the tailor.

In true Caddo fashion Bernardino either spit upon or kicked the trade

goods offered for Belle-Isle (this was characteristic of the Caddos, any

trade goods was treated in such a way as to cheapen it in the eyes of

the one offering it for trade. Those things that they wanted most they

spurned the most). Each time Bernardino spit on the trade goods, Largen

in turn spit upon Belle-Isle, meanwhile telling him in French that this

was necessary. Largen picked up a bundle and went into the Hinta-sak of

Bernardino. Quickly Quitlami went to Bernardino and explained to him

about the coat of Largen. When Largen came back he was strutting and

showing off the coat. He explained the designs on the coat, the hawk on

one side was an emblem of the Caddos. He was a Caddo because he had

taken an Ais Squaw. The Fleur De Lys because he was also French. Twenty

buttons, more buttons than on any French or Spanish officer’s coat

(Rambin had surely done his best work here). Bernardino began wanting to

trade for the coat but Largen would hear none of it. Finally Bernardino

offered the slave for the coat and explaining that if the slave was a

Frenchman and Largen was a Frenchman then they were brothers—surely a

brother would give a coat to save his brother’s life and if they did not

come to an agreement about the coat then the slave was sure to die.

Largen then surprised Bernardino by saying he would give the coat if the

Chief would given ten horses to the slave and ten horses to him and then

trade horses for the other trade goods along with the amole root and

some wolf hides. This Bernardino agreed to.

St. Denis was awakened by the sound of thundering hooves. Lobotiniere

called to him. St. Denis wiped his eyes as he witnessed the success of

the trip—eighty horses, many of them loaded with hides and other

merchandise.

After all settlements were made among those who participated on the

trip, Belle-Isle told St. Denis of his misfortune. The ship he was on

left France in 1718. After they had entered the Gulf of Mexico a storm

came up and the ship was blown off course. Then scurvy broke out aboard

ship. Finally land was sighted. The ship’s captain, believing that the

ship was at a point east of Biloxi, put ashore those who were not yet

affected, instructing them to go west overland where they would be sure

to find the French. However, it must have been west of the Mississippi

instead of east of it. Belle-Isle related, “there were five of us, all

died except me. In the distance one day I saw a camp fire and went to

it. The Indians took me captive and made me a slave. I was with them

eighteen months when Bernardino bought me from them. Bernardino could

understand a few words of French. He sent the tin box to you. You know

the rest. Bernardino, however, did treat me very well”. (Belle-Isle was

indeed lucky; that ship and its entire crew were never heard of again).

I suggest a toast to Dachicoin, who thought like a Frenchman, spoke like

a Spaniard, had all the cunning of an Indian, and the honesty of a

Pilgrim. Such was the importance of Dachicoin.

By the year 1740 Belle-Isle had become a power in politics at New

Orleans.

In 1737 the Natchitoches tribe was able to ship 350 head of horses to

New Orleans as part of its surplus trade-goods, and all because of

Dachicoin, a _conachas_ of the Adais.

IV

ST. DENIS AND THE SPANISH

In 1724 St. Denis and Almazon affixed the Arroyo Hondo as the boundary

between the French and the Spanish. There was also an agreement to allow

the French traders, who were to go to the Upper Caddos during the wet

season, to pass through the Los Adais area. In this same year Jean

Muller was permitted to establish La Post du Bayou Pierre[6].

By 1725 St. Denis had won the Spanish commandant over to his point of

view and persuaded him to allow free trade in the area. The French were

also allowed at Los Adais on Sundays to attend religious services. (The

French, up until a few years later, were without the services of a

priest at Natchitoches).

Word reached the Viceroy in Mexico City that Almazon was too lenient

with the French and that he was actually encouraging open trade with

them. In 1730 Almazon was replaced by Don Juan Antonio de Bustillio y

Zavalles, who was quick to realize that La Presidio de Los Adais was

entirely dependent on the French for its very existence. He sent a

letter to the Viceroy to that effect, further advising that the Spanish

settlers of the area scarcely produced enough crops to sustain

themselves and their families. Zavalles was an experienced military

officer and understood the importance of maintaining a modicum of

friendship on the frontier with the French and the Indians. Zavalles in

1730 issued a land grant to Juan de Mora.[7]

In 1730 Natchitoches welcomed the arrival of its first French priest,

Father Vietry.

In April of 1731 Zavalles received an urgent message from St. Denis

saying that the Natchez Indians were on their way to attack the French

Post and asked for assistance. Zavalles sent fifteen men, which may just

have been enough to help St. Denis gain a victory over the Natchez

Indians. One Spaniard lost his life in the battle.

Zavalles was criticized by his Spanish superiors at San Antonio and

Mexico City for assisting the French, but Zavalles reasoned that if the

French Post had fallen to the Natchez Indians nothing would have

prevented the Natchez from attacking the Spanish presidio. There was

also the possibility of the Caddos aligning themselves with the Natchez.

Such a procedure had often happened among warring Indian tribes against

the white man. It is far better, if a battle is to be fought, that it

take place in foreign territory. He reasoned that even if the French

lost, there would be other Frenchmen to return and settle the land. If

the Spanish had gained control of the Adais-Natchitoches frontier their

dominance would not have been for long. As a result of this assistance

of the Spanish, food and trade-goods from the French became more

plentiful and cheaper in price.

Manuel de Sandoval in 1734 replaced Zavalles as Governor of Los Adais.

After a few months on the frontier he left and assigned Jose Gonzales as

Governor of Los Adais. Zavalles in the meanwhile was being prosecuted at

San Antonio de Bexar because of his leniency with the French. An

investigation of the conditions on the Spanish frontier proved that

Zavalles was correct in his actions. His rank and prestige were

restored. St. Denis took advantage of the unrest of the Spanish, and in

the midst of protests and letter writing, he moved the Post St. Jean

Baptiste “one pistol shot” distance to the west bank of the Red River.

Jose Gonzales was commandante of an ill-equipped presidio, the crops

were failures and the French had control of the food, but the Spanish

always had time for fiesta. And the French came to visit and trade. Much

to the discomfort of Gonzales, fraternization became the order of the

day.

It was the year 1735, when Chamard erected his home and added a chapel

so that civil marriages could be blessed by the priests from Los Adais

on their monthly visits. Natchitoches was quite often without the

services of a priest at this time. Chamard came to the Natchitoches area

in 1730 as an agent and notary for the Company of the Indies. Chamard

was a very devout Catholic and was a leader in rebuilding the church

which had burned in 1734. He set an excellent example on the frontier

for those who were not inclined to attend religious services regularly.

V

DOCTORS AND EARLY MEDICINE—1722 TO 1744

Medar Jalot had some learning under the direction of Dr. Ambroise

Benoist Gendron of Quebec, Canada. Jalot became a member of a party

under the guidance of Henri De Tonty (The Iron Hand) that left Quebec in

1710. They came to Biloxi via the Great Lakes, the Illinois River, the

Mississippi River, Lake Manchac and Lake Pontchartrain. Jalot was with

the St. Denis expedition to Mexico in 1714 as the valet to St. Denis,

and in 1722 was listed in the Natchitoches census. Jalot, although not a

doctor by title, served the Natchitoches Post in that capacity because

of his skill in treating wounds and body sores. Jalot also had knowledge

of many Indian remedies for the sicknesses of the country.

It was the custom at this time for Kings to issue certificates to men of

the medical profession, designating them as _Docteur du Roi_, Doctor of

the King. Doctors who would accept such a commission for frontier duty

would receive a year’s salary in advance, clothing, a chest of medicine,

an allotment of paper, note books and the personal best wishes of the

King. The physician would then in turn be obliged to render his services

free to the militia and others connected with the service of a post and

the Indians of the surrounding area. The post of his designated-location

would place at the doctor’s disposal, an office, lodging and food at the

officers’ table. Transportation was obligingly supplied by the King, “a

one way ticket.”

To the young Doctor who had thus qualified himself this would seem to be

a golden opportunity. Dr. Le Beau was the first to arrive at the

Natchitoches post. He was the first Doctor to realize that this golden

opportunity did not supply medium-of-exchange. The post personnel, their

wives and children were exempt from payment for his services. All of the

inhabitants and their families supplied the post with food and produce,

so they were also exempt as were the Indians. The doctor knew that he

would have to wait two years before he would receive his next salary

from the King. He could receive payment for his services to the Spanish

at Los Adais, but traffic with the Spanish was forbidden. He was soon to

realize that the first year’s pay that had been issued would only buy

three pairs of pants at Rambin’s Tailor shop ... and that Rambin was

making his livelihood by redoing old clothing rather than tailoring new

garments. Too, he was duty bound to stay one year in the service to

fulfill his obligation to the Crown. By not doing so he was subject to

arrest. Needless to say, after his year was up Dr. Le Beau resigned his

commission and struck out on his own.

In 1727 Dr. Alexander was the next “Docteur du Roi” to arrive in

Natchitoches. He was killed in a duel by Captain Jentzen, a Swedish

officer in the service of the King of France.

In 1730 Dr. Godeau arrived with a King’s Commission. He wed the Widow

Brossilier, and adopted his two-year-old stepdaughter. The Widow

Brossilier had land, and so this doctor became a farmer and notary, with

his medical profession becoming a sideline.

The people of the Natchitoches area did not like the idea of having to

pay for doctor’s services. Doctor Godeau had, after his first year

resigned his commission, and now could charge legally for his services.

They waited but no new Docteur du Roi arrived.

Dr. Godeau was at the Natchitoches Post at the time of the Natchez

Indian attack. In this two-months war on the Natchitoches frontier the

Doctor won the friendship of the fifteen Spaniards who assisted in the

defense of the French Post. In 1733 Dr. Godeau travelled to the Adais

Post on Saturdays and Sundays to render his services to the Spanish, and

to attend mass on Sunday. Thus, in the Robeline area was set up the

first form of medical clinic in all the territory later comprised in the

Louisiana Purchase. The Spanish had money to pay for professional

services which naturally attracted men of any profession.

The people’s voice must have been heard, for the Good King Louis XV sent

in 1737 Dr. Tontin. By this time King Louis must have decided that it

was easier to send new doctors each year as soon as they were qualified

_medecins_. He realized that the “one way ticket” was just another way

to populate Louisiana with learned men. Doctor Pain (or Payne) was sent

in 1738, Doctor Jaubaer in 1739, and Doctor Bonnafons in 1740.

So now it was Dr. Bonnafons’ turn to match his wits with this French

frontier. In sizing up his predicament Dr. Bonnafons found that the

recognized occupations listed on the post roster as ones that were to

obtain free medical service were: Trappers, Traders, Commercial Hunters

and Fishermen, Druggists, Farmers, Blacksmiths, Store owners, Tailors,

Bakers, Carpenters, Gunsmiths, Butchers, Soldiers and the Indians. The

good commandante, Louis Juchereau de St. Denis, saw to it that all of

these men obtained their just share of the Post business. I feel sure,

too, that the doctors, Pain, Jambare and Tontin advised Doctor Bonnafons

what to expect. This doctor, however, had the wits to fit the occasion.

He demanded of St. Denis that because the office space inside the fort

was too small, that a building be erected outside the fort for his home

and office. He showed the commandante that according to the rights

enumerated in his commission that the Post Commander must furnish him

with these suitable conveniences. St. Denis complied with the doctor’s

demands.

Dr. Bonnafons became a barber and for this privilege he paid a license.

Being a barber he was allowed to sell drugs. The druggist was part of

the Grocery Guild, so that he was now qualified to sell “stuffs” (bolts

of uncut cloth). Sieur Ignace Antee, a farmer and part-time cobbler, was

encouraged to erect a lean-to on the opposite side of the doctor’s

building. Because he had assisted Laignon and Antee to erect their

lean-tos, Dr. Bonnafons considered himself a carpenter. He informed

Jacques Turpeax, a soldier and baker at the Natchitoches Post, that he

would purchase the surplus bread which was baked and not used by the

militia, thus furnishing quick lunches for weary, hungry travelers.

Because the Doctor was in the grocery business, he could sell wine which

went well with the cheese brought to the French Post by the inhabitants

of Campti.

One must realize that we are at a time between the dates 1740 and 1744,

because St. Denis died in 1744, and that the location of Dr. Bonnafons’

building would have been near the new fort which had been erected by St.

Denis “one pistol shot to the west” from the location of the Fort St.

Jean Baptiste as shown on Breutin’s Map of 1722. This placed the new

fort in the environs of what was later the American cemetery. As to the

location of Dr. Bonnafons’ building we have this clue. In his ledger he

states that he obtained land adjoining his from Duplessis. On Breutin’s

map the Duplessis land would have been in the vicinity of the south bank

of Bayou Amulet near G. W. Black’s Grocery and Market. Also, in this

same area along Bayou Amulet the traders coming to Natchitoches tethered

their mules.

Having obtained this land adjoining his building, Dr. Bonnafons erected

a blacksmith shop for Jean Baptist Marin. As the doctor’s business grew,

so did the buildings and the good doctor had his eye out for more

business and reasoned that “where their is a demand, there should be a

supply”.

About 20 years preceding Dr. Bonnafons’ arrival in Natchitoches, some of

the farmers had obtained slaves from New Orleans. The slaves, coming

directly from Africa, believed in voodoo, and for a generation had sold

their charms, amulets, love potions and cure-all charms to the Indians,

as well as the white inhabitants.

Dr. Bonnafons, being a druggist and grocer was allowed, according to the

Drug Guild, to sell notions. So he added a trinket department to his

store which had such items as earrings, necklaces, mirrors and of course

the voodoo charms. Bonnafons reasoned that the local natives and

inhabitants might just as well have the imported kind from New Orleans

where the voodoo charm-makers were more skilled and the charms had more

power. He reasoned with himself that according to law, slaves were not

allowed to have money or engage in a business which would supply them

with money. So he decided to put them out of business. Naturally Dr.

Bonnafons told his customers that he did not believe in voodoo, that he

was a doctor and that only a doctor could cure illnesses—that the charms

were just novelties and that some people bought them in ignorance.

Commercial traders with the Indians who bought such trinkets from Dr.

Bonnafons at a discount were Jean Camion, Nicholas and Jean Lassard,

Pierre Gaigne, Lantallac, Nicholas Tibaud, Francois Gueno, De Lima of

Los Adais, Francois Moreau, Jean Robalet, Louis Barme, Joseph Le Douc,

Jean Baptiste Derbonne, Le Bomme, Henri Vidol and Pierre Bossier. By

supplying these traders Dr. Bonnafons became the first wholesaler of

merchandise in the Natchitoches section.

As the following bill testifies, Dr. Louis Bonnafons served the

Natchitoches area well. The bill concerns the services rendered to

Pierre Fausse’s young son.

1. Pour _6_ bouttiles de quillendive[8] per l’order du chirurgiens.

2. Pour _6_ denier (6 articles of merchandise.)

3. Pour 12 boutilles d’eau de vie. (Brandy used as a sedative to

settle nerves and upset stomach.)

4. Pour _6_ bouttiles de medecine laxatif (laxatives).

5. Pour le cerceuil de defuma. (For making the coffin.)

The child was given 6 bottles of nausea medicine, 12 bottles of brandy

(that is, if the child was given all of the brandy—he may have had help

in disposing of this medicine) and 6 bottles of laxatives. This was

enough of such medicine to kill any patient. Dr. Bonnafons, being the

doctor in attendance, would also be the first to know of the child’s

death. Thus being a carpenter he was also a cabinet maker which made him

a coffin-maker. Thus Dr. Bonnafons was also an undertaker.

From Dr. Louis Bonnafons’ ledger, covering a six-year period from 1741

to 1747, come these names and families: Joseph Lattier, soldier; Claud

Bertrand, soldier; Jean La Berry, soldier; Louis Juchereau de St. Denis

family; Antoine Chesneau family; Michel Chesneau family; Pierre Baillio,

soldier; Vencient Perrier family; Remi Possiot family; Louis Rachal

family; Gaspard Barbier, brother of Madam Cheveret—“bought violin sold

to me by Bartholmey Rachal”; Joseph Robideux (Robeaux), one powder horn;

Jean Baptiste Gonnin, carpenter; Francois Gurno, carpenter; Pierre

Allarg, carpenter; Pierre Mercer, farmer; Andre Barringer, farmer; Remi

Possiot, soldier; Fancois Langlois, soldier; Edwardo Lattier,

soldier-farmer; Louis Badin, farmer; Andries Rambin family; Louis Rambin

family; Madam de La Chaise. There were many more, but to list them would

be a repetition of names mentioned earlier in this book.

Dr. Louis Bonnafons died in 1759. He never married. His ledger brings

out but one important fact: Natchitoches and El Camino Real area has

always had possibilities for the right sort of man. Likewise, these

so-called, one-stop, shopping centers are nothing new to our country.

Too, during this early period of the Natchitoches community there was a

form of socialized medicine, which proved even at this early period a

doctor could not exist by merely depending on his chosen profession for

a livelihood when controlled or limited by the state.

VI

ROMANCE AT LOS ADAIS

There was quite a stir on the fine spring morning of April 8, 1735 at

Los Adais. Senorita Victoria Gonzales, daughter of the Lieutenant

Governor of this Spanish presidio, had eloped with a Frenchman, Jean

Baptista DerBonne, assisted by two other Frenchmen of the Post St. Jean

Baptiste des Natchitoches after the High Mass that Sunday. Governor

Gonzales, holding office during the absence of Governor Manuel de

Sandoval, and Reverend Padre Ignacio Certa were talking when word of the

elopement was brought. A searching party was immediately organized but

was unsuccessful in capturing the culprits.

The next day Gonzales wrote a letter to his superiors, stating the above

details and adding that, even though DerBonne was a French officer and a

gentleman, he had refused permission for the marriage. He was so

infuriated that he disowned his daughter, thereby wishing to show to the

officials over him that he had nothing to do with this matter. However,

he did suspect Padre Certa and his brother-in-law Juan de Mora, because

both had intervened in DerBonne’s behalf. He also added that de Mora was

in jail and at present he had not decided what to do with him. He

received word that the party arrived in Natchitoches at midnight, and

Father Pierre Vietry, a priest of the Jesuit Order, had married Victoria

and DerBonne immediately, thus violating the laws of the Catholic Faith.

He wrote: “As you know the banns of betrothed have to be announced at

three Sunday Services before the wedding. I am told that the elopers

traveled by pirogue, going from arroyo to arroyo and finally reaching

the Red River and then on to Natchitoches, which explains why our land

searching-party did not find them. Padre Vallejo of the Mission Margil

de Los Adais is going to Natchitoches to request wine so necessary in

the procedure of the Mass. I am sure Victoria will accompany him back to

Los Adais to get her things and the family blessing. Now that she has

been married by the Church there is nothing I can do. She is seventeen

and of marriageable age.”

The two nationalities had much to say to each other about this wonderful

new topic of conversation. The Spanish would give credit to Victoria for

planning the whole thing, after all a woman of Victoria’s intelligence

must have planned it because certainly a Frenchman could not have had

the head for such clever thinking—DerBonne was just the lucky one who

won her heart. The French would say that DerBonne was a sly one, that he

had stolen Victoria from under their very eyes. The stupid Spanish

bachelors, allowing such a pretty prize as Victoria to slip away from

them. And so the talk went, but there has to be a formula for each and

every elopement that is successful.

Now in this case, take three bayous, a little river and a larger river,

mix with one uncle, a willing duenna, two willing assistants, two

understanding priests, a friend. Add a handsome French officer, a

beautiful senorita and an irate father. Then allow a certain amount of

time for observation to turn into fascination, watch closely as

fascination develops into desire and desire materializes into love, then

you will have the correct ingredients for a successful elopement. So

explains the material gathered from John Eskew, Belisle, J. Fair Hardin,

Ross Phares and Poitre-Babinsik. All of these authors have shed some

light on this incident.

Now, as a certain character would say, let’s add up the facts.

Jean Baptist Der Bonne or Derbonne as the French would write it, was an

officer at the French Post, Jean Baptist Des Natchitoches. The Spanish

Post, Del Presidio Nuestra Senora del Pilar de Los Adais, was roughly 17

miles due west. The dividing boundary was the Arroyo Hondo, a small

stream that ran roughly north and south midway between these two

outposts. True, both nationalities respected this boundary to a certain

extent, that is they visited openly but hid their trading with each

other.

The Spanish had use of the good Doctor Payne (Pain), the post Doctor at

Natchitoches, in return the Spanish Fiesta was open to all. If a

Frenchman visited the Spanish Church for Mass or Confession he was very

welcome.

Father Ignacio Certa admitted in one of his letters that he had spoken

to Gonzales in behalf of Der Bonne. Certainly this priest must have

approved of the Frenchman or he would not have intervened for him.

The foster brother of Gonzales’s wife, Juan de Mora, was a very good

friend of Der Bonne because he helped and was put into prison because of

the incident. Even this imprisonment was a sham, as de Mora could have

gone to the post at Natchitoches a guest of DerBonne. He could have left

immediately after the two eloped and with a fast horse, reached

Natchitoches well ahead of any searchers. I believe de Mora remained at

Los Adais and allowed himself to be imprisoned so that his

brother-in-law, Gonzales, might save face with his superiors in Mexico

and the Tejas country. There are no records revealing a trial or

punishment of Juan de Mora. One thing is certain, there was a food and

clothing shortage at Los Adais and de Mora was one of the Spaniards who

was on very good terms with the French officer, DerBonne. And DerBonne,

being an officer, would have enough influence at the French post at

Natchitoches to assist the Spanish traders in getting more reasonable

bargains when purchasing food and clothing there. Too, DerBonne being a

French officer, as a side line, also was a trader among the Indians and

certainly with the Spanish. Now that the Frenchman had taken a Spanish

wife and she being the daughter of Gonzalez, the Gonzalez family would

certainly profit by this marriage. The deals, however, having been

transacted through DerBonne and de Mora and both men now being of the

Gonzalez family would leave the Lieutenant Governor in the clear as far

as his superiors were concerned.

The duenna (chaperone) of Victoria Gonzalez must have assisted the two

lovers, reasoning that the duties of a duenna, are to look after her

charge’s morals and religious training and to teach her things she must

know concerning her social standing and her responsibilities to her

family in respect to marriage. A duenna, therefore accepted or rejected

those who wished to court her charge. Quite often the duenna had to be

won as well as the young senorita. The chaperone’s duty was to channel

her young charge’s affections and thoughts toward the suitor considered

most able to support the young lady in the manner to which she was

accustomed; but the duenna would also observe the suitors that the

senorita liked best, and by elimination, to these she thought most

suitable, certain privileges would be allowed. In this case the suitor

was DerBonne. Now came the time for observation to turn into

fascination. To watch closely as fascination develops into desire, and

then when desire materializes into love, arrangements must be made so

that the wedding can be solemnized. The duenna or chaperone was also a

match-maker.

Now for allowing those certain privileges. At a fiesta at Los Adais,

DerBonne and Victoria danced, and after a while walked out into the

patio for a breath of fresh air. The man, being a gentleman, would not

on first meeting attempt to guide his companion to a darkened shadowy

spot for closer conversation. The duenna naturally followed and observed

at a discreet distance. She would locate herself at such vantage point

where she could see and yet not be seen.

At Church on Sunday, DerBonne having received an invitation from de

Mora, with de Mora advising DerBonne to be there early, arrangements

were made so that DerBonne sat next to Victoria, with the duenna on one

side of the couple and de Mora on the other. Perhaps at sometime during

the services of the Mass the duenna suggested a walk in a certain

direction, making sure that DerBonne overheard the suggestion intended

for Victoria. Just to be sure, immediately after the Church Services de

Mora would suggest a stroll before eating the noon meal, and, as if by

chance both parties met at some point on a secluded footpath, the young

couple would find that for the moment they were alone and unobserved,

while the elderly couple was engaged in some topic of conversation. Now

for a quick embrace and kiss while the old duenna was not looking. To

these well planned, or chance meetings as the young couple thought,

surely fate was lending a helping hand. So fascination turns into desire

and desire into love. Now to ask for her hand in marriage (the old

duenna and de Mora must have felt proud of themselves.) DerBonne asked

the father, Jose Gonzalez, but the irate father refused. Then the

priest, Father Ignacio Certa, interceded on behalf of DerBonne. Another

refusal as the obdurate father explained that the Spanish authorities

would not permit such a thing on the frontier. After all, the Spanish

and the French were rivals here, and such a marriage might even lead to

war among the two nationalities at these outposts of empire.

DerBonne was well aware of the dire consequences that might result from

the marriage and without a doubt had discussed the situation with his

Commandante, St. Denis. Now, Louis Juchereau de St. Denis was one of the

slyest and most commercial-minded men who ever trod the soil of

Natchitoches, certainly the most adventurous. Without accusing him of

entering into a conspiracy, he evaluated the circumstances concerning

this elopement, and weighed the risks of the outcome.

First, DerBonne was a good French soldier and officer and if he were to

get married this would bring about family ties on the frontier, which

would keep him in the Natchitoches district (quite often when a

soldier’s enlistment expired he left the Natchitoches area for greener

pastures). DerBonne would settle land nearby so that his wife to be

would be near her own people. Eventually when his enlistment expired,

the French would have an experienced officer in this area without having

to pay for his services. DerBonne was also a trader, and his supplies

were furnished by the store at the Natchitoches post and St. Denis

received a commission on all merchandise sold at the post as well as on

all trade merchandise sent back to New Orleans. This marriage between

DerBonne and the daughter of a high ranking official at Los Adais would

naturally bring on better trade relations, even if it was to be effected

in a slightly underhand way.

Secondly, St. Denis understood the love of a Spanish parent wishing to

see his offspring happily married. He probably thought of his own

marriage to Manuella and how her family risked all their worldly

possessions and position of office to protect his marriage into the Don

Diego Ramone family. The Spanish, to be sure, had their faults, but also

they must be commended for their forgiving and understanding nature when

the welfare of their families was concerned. In this respect Jose

Gonzalez, the Lieutenant Governor of Los Adais, would be no exception.

He knew that this man would have to do a great deal of letter writing

and pretending but in the end would be a forgiving father-in-law. St.

Denis, after weighing the risks, secretly consented to lend his support

to this marriage. Even if the risks had been greater St. Denis would

have given his consent because his whole life, if one studies it

carefully, was full of risks and intrigue. One more incident would have

made no difference to him. The fact is that he probably enjoyed the

entire situation, for this affair would bring a new topic of interest

and conversation to the dull life of the frontier.

The whole procedure of the successful elopement suggests the cool,

calculating mind of one such as St. Denis possessed, not the flustrated

mind of a young lover.

Let us examine the water-route that these two elopers traveled: The

Arroyo Adais, a small stream of water that ran near the Presidio De Los

Adais and then into the Bayou Mayoux. This bayou ran into La Petite

Rigolet (Little River, as it is known today) in turn ran into Bayou

Pierre, which drained into Red River (just above Grande Ecore) flowed

past the French fort at Natchitoches. The distance traveled would be

about twenty-four miles.

Governor Gonzalez’s letter states that DerBonne and two Frenchmen ran

off with his daughter. These two Frenchmen would have to be hand-picked

men capable of carrying out an assignment without a flaw. Men who could

stand the rigors of twenty-four miles of continuous paddling, part of

the time being in the black of the night, men who could be trusted to

keep their mouths shut, and above all men who were not afraid of danger

for which there would be no profit to them and certain imprisonment if

they were caught. Evidently the post at Natchitoches had two such men.

However, their names are not mentioned. So by process of elimination of

the known inhabitants of Natchitoches at this time let’s see if we can

determine who these two men were. But first, one most important point

that should be brought out, because as they were to travel by water

there could be no risk of a drowning, especially of the girl—if this

were to happen war would certainly follow. The inhabitants of

Natchitoches in 1736 were: St. Denis, Commandante, his wife, Manuella

and his children; Pierre Largen, trader, married to an Ais Indian

maiden; Lt. Basset next in command; Lobotiniere, trader and farmer,

married; Duterpints, soldier and baker for the post; Jean Lagross,

trader and merchant, settled across the river from Campti; Dr. Payne

(Pain), Doctor and Notary, married; Jean Baptista Deherbonne (BerBonne,

Derbon, Derbonne); Lt. Gautren, married; Lafreniere, soldier; Joseph La

Duc, soldier; Prudhomme, planter and trader, married; Sieur Barme, store

keeper, married; Jacques De La Chase, government storekeeper, married;

P. Duplessis, Notary, married; Father Pierre Vietry, Jesuit Priest;

Sieur Bacque, farmer, married; Pierre Mercer, farmer; Andre Berrange,

farmer; Antoine Germaine, soldier; Juan Biseros, merchant, married;

Antonio Charbonnet, merchant; Gilbert Maxent, merchant; Pierre Gaignie,

trader, married; Nicholas Tibaud, trader; Paul Muller, soldier; the two

Barberousses, hunters contracted to supply meat for the Post;

LaRenaudiere, a miller; Rambin, a tailor, married; the Dupress brothers,

hunters and trappers; DeLame, storekeeper and trader; Jean Layssard and

Nicholas Layssard, brothers, soldiers and traders; Lantallic, farmer and

trader; Sieur Badin, farmer, trader and storekeeper; Francois Lemoine,

soldier in love with Victoria Emanuella Garcia; Sieur Jambare, doctor.

According to a 1735 census there were only 32 people at Natchitoches,

however, this must have meant the personnel of the Post St. Jean

Baptist. It will be noticed that there were many traders listed,

undoubtedly many of these were also soldiers, but not listed as

soldiers, because a soldier’s pay was so small, and that they were paid

only once a year, if at all. Many of them drew from the Army Post

Exchange and sold this merchandise either to the Indians or the

Spaniards, who seemed to have many gold coins, but there the army post

had nothing to sell them. The reason being that Los Adais was too remote

from its base of supplies.

Of all the names listed, the two most likely to have assisted DerBonne

would have been Francois Lemoine and Jean Lagrosse. I give these

reasons—Francois Lemoine was young, strong and ablebodied or he would

not have been a soldier. He was in love with a Spaniard, Victoria

Emanuello Garcia. Therefore, if someone was willing to break the barrier

between the two nations he might profit by assisting and observing the

outcome. Jean Lagross, Indian trader had married a Caddo maiden of the

Ais tribe. By so doing he was recognized as a member and friend of the

Caddo federation of which the Adais Indians at Los Adais was also a

tribe of this federation. This being the case the Adais would not take

part in a search for a member of their own nation if their assistance

was requested by the Governor of the Spanish Fort. Lagross had been with

St. Denis during his stay in Mexico, he had a good knowledge of the

Spaniard’s abilities, and too, Lagross had many friends among the

Spanish. Being a trader he had traveled this water route many times. His

skilled hands would surely be the ones to steer the pirogue safely back

to Natchitoches.

The good friends, St. Denis and Manuella, would have met the boat when

it arrived at Natchitoches. Manuella would not have missed this wedding

for anything. After all Victoria was of her own people and who in

Natchitoches could best represent her.

Now for the part of Gonzalez’s letter stating that a priest could not

marry a couple without the proper notices of the betrothal being read on

three consecutive Sundays. This is true in most cases, but, there is an

old saying that the French always had a way for everything, and so in

this case they had a way which was recognized by the Church. Due to the

shortage of priests in Louisiana there was a ceremony of marriage called

“jumping the broom” and in the eyes of witnesses this was considered a

just and true marriage. The couple vowed that the wedding would be

solemnized as soon as a priest was available (Quite often in recent

years this procedure was looked upon as a joke but in the year 1735 in

Louisiana it was no joking matter). Here, too, a time element was

necessary. Possibly somewhere en-route to Natchitoches this party pulled

the boat onto the bank long enough to make a broom of switch cane and

the two witnesses, Lagrosse and Lemoine, watched as DerBonne and

Victoria jumped the broom. This was necessary. You will note that the

wedding took place after mid-night or right at mid-night, the beginning

of another day. When the couple told Father Vietry that they had jumped

the broom yesterday they did not lie, they had witnesses to prove it.

Father Pierre Vietry had no choice but to marry them.

Just so you do not get the wrong impression of Jose Gonzalez you should

know that in his letter he states that Padre Vallejo was going to

Natchitoches the next day and that Victoria would return with him to

receive blessings of her family. Later maps of Natchitoches show that

DerBonne owned more land than St. Denis, the Commandante of the

Natchitoches Post. Gonzalez could have refused Victoria her dowry

because she eloped. Either she got the dowry or DerBonne was an

excellent trader. With twenty eight known competitors in the same

profession, I believe he got the dowry, and Papa Gonzalez saved face and

his position by the elopement happening as it did. And, too, I believe

Jose could have written that letter before the elopement and put down

the facts just as they occurred.

In July of the same year Francois Lemoine married Victoria Manuella

Garcia. And so ... the Arroyo Honda barrier came down.

VII

INCIDENTS OF THE YEARS, 1735-1742

In 1735 Justine de Louche was the first to settle in the area of

Cloutierville, Louisiana.

In 1736 Manuel Flores and Carlos Bustimento demanded the same privileges

allowed Sanchez, that the Spanish Governor of Los Adais give them title

to their land. This was granted and soon to follow were grants to

Solice, Toro, Rodriguez, Martinez and Garcia. These family men soon

became independent and also became traders among the Indians.

In this same year Benites Franquis de Lugo replaced Sandoval as Governor

of Los Adais. An old enemy of Sandoval, he placed him under arrest and

stripped the ex-governor of his wealth and rank. He was charged with

deserting the post at Los Adais and going to live at San Antonio de

Bexar, thereby neglecting the duties of his office; and for recognizing

the Arroyo Hondo boundary instead of the west bank of the Red River,

thus allowing the French to build a new fort on that side of the Red

River.

The friends of Sandoval appealed to the Viceroy to send witnesses to Los

Adais to investigate the charges of Governor Lugo.

In 1737 Fernandez de Jauregui y Urritgua, who was at that time Governor

of Nueva Leon, a region which adjoined the Coahuila and Tejas country,

came to Los Adais as a _visatador_ (witness). He questioned the

population, visited the post at Natchitoches and made inquiries there.

Lieutenant Gonzalez explained the conditions of the presidio, the

shortage of manpower and food and how nearly all the necessities

necessary to sustain life had to be obtained from the French.

Urritgua left Prudincio de Orbito as temporary governor, arrested Lugo,

sent a message back to the Viceroy clearing Sandavol of all charges and

requesting that the prisoner be restored to his position. In the same

year San Antonious Bazaterra was sent as Governor of Los Adais and all

of the Texas Region. Bazaterra was a merchant from Saltillo in Mexico,

and he used his new position to transport his personal merchandise to

the Adais frontier. He demanded that the Spanish cease trading with the

French.

In April, 1738, he detained and arrested Jean Lagross, a French trader

en-route to the Upper Caddos on the big bend of the Red River. According

to the Arroyo Hondo agreement between Sandavol and St. Denis, the French

traders were to be allowed to pass through the Spanish held Adais land

during the wet season. Jean Lagross had a passport to that effect, but

Bazaterra refused to recognize the passport and had Lagross’ merchandise

burned in front of witnesses.

Word of his action soon reached St. Denis and messages were sent to Los

Adais, to San Antonio and to Mexico City, by means of Indian carriers.

Bazaterra was accused of trouble making and charged with making advances

toward Lagross’ wife, who, although an Indian, had been legally wed to

Lagross at La Mission Senora de Guadelupe at Nacogdoches. Therefore she

was a French woman and had been recognized as such by the French at

Natchitoches and by the Spanish at Los Adais since her wedding. St.

Denis also reminded the Spanish officials that due to the fact that

Lagross had taken an Ais maiden for his wife, in the eyes of the Caddo

Federation of Indians, Lagross was a Caddo according to the Indian’s

viewpoint, therefore, this injustice could lead to serious trouble if

the Frenchman were not compensated for his loss. Much to the

disappointment of Bazaterra, he was ordered to pay Lagross for his

merchandise out of his own pocket. “Such”, remarked St. Denis, “is the

power of the pen”.

Bazaterra, however, in spite of his difficulties, piled up the

equivalent of forty thousand dollars during his nearly four-year tenure

as Governor on the Adais frontier. It must be said on his behalf that he

was an excellent tradesman. St. Denis admitted that he was glad to see

him leave.

In 1741 Thomas Phillip Winthuisin replaced Bazaterra as Governor of Los

Adais. The new governor was a civilian and lacking in the knowledge of

the military. This in itself presented a dangerous situation on the

Adais frontier. The inhabitants requested that a man of the military be

sent to Los Adais.

And in 1742 the talk of the year was how two ex-French soldiers,

Lavespere and Brossilier, maintained _travasser_ (a kind of flat boat)

service from New Orleans to Natchitoches, bringing additional medical

supplies to Dr. Bonnafons. These two men had rigged their boat with

pulleys which enabled them to pull the boat through the shallow places

in the river at low-water stage.

VIII

THE THREE CABINS

Jose Guiterez, a _mestizo_ (a person of mixed Indian and Spanish blood)

was returning from Natchitoches after having visited the store of Dr.

Bonnafons. As he descended the trail down the side of Grand Montania he

allowed his horse to pick its way. At the foot of this high hill a small

creek flowed called the Arroyo Hondo and at the bank of the small creek

he must rest his animal for a while before continuing on to his home

near the Presidio de Los Adais. The spring of the year 1742 had been a

very trying and wet year, the Arroyo Hondo would be wider now because of

so much rainfall. He always felt good when he reached this small

rivulet, considered the half-way distance from Los Adais to

Natchitoches, for in his mind he felt he was more than half-way home.

As Guiterez rested he thought of his horse, a beautiful stallion. He

often wondered if the Indian who had traded the mare, which was with

foal at the time and later delivered this colt, envied him now because

of the trade. Certainly many of the French officers at Natchitoches and

Los Adais had tried to buy the animal, but Jose would always refuse to

consider even talking of a trade or sale. Not only because he was such a

fine animal, he loved the horse, _El Trumpitero_, named so because of

the shrill whinnies the horse voiced when a female of his species was in

his vicinity. And Jose had reaped generous profits in stud fees. The

horse had made quite a name for himself and for his owner, Jose

Guiterez.

The year before the young Spaniard had been sent to the Presidio de San

Antonio de Bexar to deliver a message from the Governor, Winthusin, to

the alvarez of San Antonio de Bexar asking his opinion about paying the

French trader, Jean Lagross, for goods that had been confiscated by the

former Governor of Los Adais, Bazaterra, after he had granted a passport

to the Frenchman to travel through the Spanish territory when going to

trade with the Caddos on upper Red River.

The alvarez at San Antonio de Bexar did not see the situation as clearly

as did the Governor of Los Adais and was inclined to advise against

paying Lagross. He first asked Guiterez’s opinion concerning the

contents of the message because he was the only one present who would

know some of the events that led to the new Governor of Los Adais’

request. Guiterez explained to the alvarez that this particular

situation was important because the French trader had married an Ais

Indian maiden, therefore, in the eyes of all of the Caddo tribes he was

considered a Caddo and the whole Caddo Federacy might take offense if

the goods were not paid for; that on the Adais frontier it was necessary

to maintain friendly relations with the French in order to purchase

much-needed food supplies for the Spanish troops at el Presidio de Los

Adais. Jean Lagross was one of the Frenchmen with the Ramone Domingo

expedition that established the Spanish missions as far as the

Nacogdoches Indians, and from that year, 1716, he had traded among the

Indians of this frontier. For the last twenty-five years he had been

known favorably in all this country.

“This is no ordinary French trader but one who is loved by the Spanish,

French and the Indians, it is best to pay him for his merchandise.”

El Trumpitero had carried his master to San Antonio de Bexar and back to

Los Adais in less than three weeks, a distance of over a thousand miles.

Another time the horse went to Natchitoches and back to Los Adais for

medicine for a sick soldier, over thirty miles, in five hours. Because

of his horse Guiterez had become the official messenger of Los Adais,

which had by now realized the importance of his horse. The children at

Los Adais greeted the horse and waved at him as if the animal was a

human being. Jose and his horse were such a common sight at Natchitoches

even inside the post.

On each occasion when he arrived at Natchitoches he always felt obliged

to go by the house of St. Denis, whose wife was Spanish, and tell her of

the news at Los Adais. He was likewise welcomed at the house of Jean

Baptist DerBonne who had wed Victoria Gonzalez, the daughter of a past

governor of Los Adais. Another hospitable friend, Francois Lemoine, was

a cousin of Louis Juchereau de St. Denis of the Lemoyne family as were

Iberville and Bienville. This young French soldier had married Victoria

Emmanuella Garcia, the daughter of a Spanish sergeant of the Presidio at

Los Adais. Thus Jose Guiterez was most welcome at these three homes of

Frenchmen in Natchitoches. Aside from bringing news to these three

Spanish ladies, they in turn found out through Guiterez what the needs

of the women of Los Adais were and then purchased these necessities for

them from the stores at Natchitoches because trade between the two posts

was forbidden. As a result the Spanish women at Los Adais did their

trading through the Spanish women at Natchitoches, which custom

continued even when trade between the two posts was not forbidden.

As Jose sat on the bank of the Arroyo Hondo admiring his horse, he

leaned against the trunk of a tall, slender tree and began to think

about his future. For a long time he had felt that there was something

lacking in his life but he had not been able to put his finger on the

cause of his unrest. He questioned himself about his status in life,

concerning his accomplishments and his ability to support himself and

his parents, and came to the conclusion he needed a wife and property of

his own—either a farm or a business of some kind. He knew that his

parents did not need support from him and that his older brothers

actually operated the small rancho and farm—they were all married and

therefore would continue to remain on the family estate. According to

the custom of the times, the oldest brother would inherit the estate,

that is the profits from the operation of it. He, Jose Guiterez, decided

he would strike out for himself, perhaps engaging in some kind of

business for he did not like rancho or farm work. Being a soldier had

too many disadvantages. True, in the end after an enlistment period, a

soldier was given a certain amount of land, farm animals and equipment.

He could get them from his own family if he needed them. Being a settler

on a frontier was just as important as being a soldier, each in his own

way was serving the purpose of making the frontier secure.