neutrality of Belgium. Belgium, as we feared and as we now, informed by
the actual facts, see still more clearly, was for a long time in
alliance with France and--with you. France's airmen were flying over
Belgium before we marched in; negotiations with France had already taken
place, and in Maubeuge there was found an arsenal full of English
munitions which had been stationed there before the declaration of war.
This arsenal--you know where Maubeuge is situated!--points to agreements
which Great Britain had made with France, and to which Belgium was also
party. These agreements are before the whole world today, for the chain
of evidence is complete and the treacherous plot of Great Britain is
revealed. She has encouraged and pledged the Belgians against us, and
therefore it is she who must answer for all the misery which has been
visited upon that poor country. Had it been our responsibility, not a
single hair of a Belgian's head should have been harmed. If, then, the
Belgian wrongs like those of Servia are only the flimsiest pretexts for
Great Britain's declaration of war against us, there remains,
unfortunately, no other reason for this declaration of war save the
intention of your statesmen either to destroy us or so to weaken us that
Great Britain will rule supreme on the seas and in all distant parts of
the world. This intention you personally deny and thus far I must take
your word for it. But do you deny it also for your Government? That you
cannot do, for the facts have been brought to light; when Great Britain
determined to join the coalition of Russia with France, which is ruled
by Russia, when it put aside all the differences that stood between her
and Russia, when it set upon us not only the hordes of Russia but the
scrupulous Japanese, "the yellow peril," and called upon all Europe,
when it also sunk in the ocean its duties to European culture--for all
of that there is but one explanation: England believes that the hour for
our destruction has struck. Why does she wish to destroy us? Because she
will not endure our power, our zeal, our perfection of growth! There is
no other explanation!
*Lifting Humanity.*
We and Great Britain in alliance with America were able in peaceful
co-operation to lift humanity to a higher plane, and to lead the world
in peace, allowing to each his rights. We Germans, now know no, and have
never known any, higher ideal than this. In order to realize this ideal
the German Kaiser and the German people have made many sacrifices in the
past 43 years. In proportion to the development of our strength, we
should be able to lay claim to more territory than we now possess in the
world. But we have never attempted to force this claim. We held that the
strength of our nation should be in its zeal and in the peaceful fruits
of that zeal. Great Britain has begrudged us that; she has been jealous
of our powers, jealous of our fleet, jealous of our industries and our
commerce, and jealousy is the root of all evil. Jealousy it is which has
driven Great Britain into the most fearful war which history knows and
the end of which is unforseen.
What course is open to you, gentlemen, once you are enlightened as to
the policy of your country? In the name of our Christian culture, which
your Government has frivolously placed in jeopardy, I can offer you but
one counsel: To burden your consciences no longer with Servia and
Belgium, which you must protect, but to face about and stop your
Government in its headlong course; it may not be too late. As far as we
Germans are concerned, our way is clearly indicated, though not so our
fate. Should we fall, which God and our strong arm prevent, then there
sinks with us to its grave all the higher culture of our part of the
world, whose defenders we were called to be; for neither with Russia nor
against Russia will Great Britain be able longer to maintain that
culture in Europe. Should we conquer--and victory is for us something
more than mere hope--then shall we feel ourselves responsible, as
formerly, for this culture, for the learning and the peace of Europe,
and shall put from us any idea of setting up a hegemony in Europe. We
shall stand by the one who, together in fraternal union with us, will
create and maintain such a peaceful Europe.
For the continuation of your cordial attitude toward me I am personally
grateful. I would not unnecessarily sever the bond which holds me to the
upright Christians and the learning of your country, but at the present
moment this bond has no value for me.
PROF. VON HARNACK.
P.S.--It is in your power now to wage a battle which would be of honor
to you. As a fourth great power arrayed against Germany, the lying
international press has raised itself up, flooded the world with lies
about our splendid and upright army, and slandered everything that is
German. We have been almost entirely cut off from any possibility of
protecting ourselves against this "beast of the pit." Do not believe the
lies, and spread abroad the truth about us. We are today no different
than Carlyle pictured us to you. HARNACK.
*The Causes of the War*
*By Theodore Niemeyer*
_Theodore Niemeyer, Kaiser Wilhelm Exchange Professor at Columbia
University for 1914-15, and well-known Professor of Kiel
University, has addressed the following letter to the editor of The
New Yorker Staats-Zeitung._
KIEL, 14th August, 1914.
_To the Editor of the New Yorker Staats-Zeitung_:
Dear Sir: English papers publish a telegram from Mr. Andrew Carnegie, in
which the view is expressed that the German Emperor, "in declining to
take part In the peace conference proposed by Sir Edward Grey, an
advocate of peace," proved unfaithful to that love of peace which he has
shown during the past twenty-five years--that he, on the contrary, has
taken up the rôle of a disturber of the peace of Europe.
To the best of my knowledge, the German press has only referred to this
telegram with the simple remark that intelligence of the real state of
affairs has evidently not yet reached the ears of the sender of the
telegram.
This attitude of the German press is in conformity with its firm
consciousness of the justice of its cause and its confidence in the
ultimate triumph of truth. Both in this consciousness and in this
confidence I will not be surpassed by any one, but to observe silence in
the face of such accusations is beyond my power. To allow such a
misconstruction to pass unchallenged through the world seems to me (and
doubtless to many thousands besides me) unbearable.
The misunderstanding about the Peace Conference is easily put right. Sir
Edward Grey did not propose any peace conference at all, but a
conference of the Ambassadors of those four powers which were at that
time not directly concerned, namely Germany, England, France, and Italy.
These powers were to attempt to exert their influence on Austria-Hungary
and Russia in the same way as the Ambassador's Conference (or rather
Ambassadorial Reunion) in London had done, in 1912 and 1913, on the
Balkan States and Turkey. What the united six powers at that time
undertook toward the Balkan States was now to be done by
four--discordant--powers upon two others who are in a state of highest
political tension. To this proposal Germany replied that the apparatus
of an Ambassadorial Conference does not work quickly or effectually
enough for the emergency of the moment, or to be able to ease the tense
political situation.
*The Kaiser's Efforts.*
In place of this, however, the German Emperor undertook to negotiate in
person with the Russian and Austrian monarch and was overwhelmed with
grief when the leaders of Muscovite policy frustrated all his exertions
by completely ignoring his efforts for peace, (made at the express
desire of the Czar,) and then in real earnest amassing Russian forces on
the German frontier, evidently resolved to force on a war under any
circumstances--even against the will of the Czar.
It is here that the clue to all the terrible events of the present day
is to be found.
The incessant intriguing of the Russian military party for many years
past has at last succeeded in drawing first France and then England to
their cause, by turning the mistrust, the dread of competition, the
hopes of revenge, and the ever-increasing armaments to their use with
incomparable skill. The task was facilitated by Germany's industrial
up-growth, which--in willful misconstruction of the truths of the laws
of international communities--has been represented as a calamity for
other States.
*England's Growing Friendship.*
In quite recent times people in England began to recognize this
misconstruction of facts as such. They began to understand that
friendship with Germany might be a blessing and that in this way peace
would be possible. This, however, meant the possibility of the Muscovite
policy being completely frustrated. An Anglo-German understanding seemed
already to be shaking the very foundations of the Triple Entente. Russia
had been obliged during the two Balkan wars (the London Ambassadorial
Conference was in fact the clearing house for this) to make important
concessions to the detriment of her protégés, Servia and Montenegro, in
order to retain the friendship of England, which ardently strove for
peace. Now, however, it was highest time for Russia to pocket her gains;
for the English people were slowly beginning to realize that in St.
Petersburg they were trying to engage England in the cause of
Pan-Slavism. The unnatural alliance was becoming more and more unpopular
from day to day. How long would it be before Russia lost England's help
forever?
Before this took place Russia must bring about a European war. The iron,
which had been prepared with the help of the English military party, had
to be forged, for never again would there be a moment so favorable for
the complete destruction of Austria and the humiliation of Germany.
Servia was thrust to the front. Russia's Ambassador managed that
wonderfully. The fire was set in so skillful a manner that the
incendiaries knew in advance there was no possibility of extinguishing
it. The conflagration must spread and soon blaze in all corners of
Europe.
What was the use of a Peace Conference in such circumstances? Conscious
of the irresistible consequences of their action the real rulers of
Russia sent forward their armies; it was now or never, if the work was
to be done with the help of England. And without England perhaps even
France would not consent to join.
Thus it came about, and thus we have seen the peaceful policy of the
German Emperor, which he has upheld for twenty-five years, completely
wrecked.
We are now fighting not only for our Fatherland, but also for the
emancipation of our culture from a menace that has become insupportable.
Yours faithfully,
TH. NIEMEYER,
Kaiser Wilhelm Professor, Columbia University.
*Comment by Dr. Max Walter*
To the letter addressed by Prof. Th. Niemeyer to the editor of The New
Yorker Staats-Zeitung (see No. 237, 3, 2, of Frankfurter Zeitung) I
should like to add the following remarks: During my activity as
Professor of the Methodics of Foreign Language Teaching at Teachers
College, Columbia University, New York, (January-June, 1911,) I was
introduced to Mr. Andrew Carnegie, with whom I had a long interview. He
expressed his views upon the peace question and arbitration, and spoke
for a long time about the German Emperor who had repeatedly received him
during his visits to Germany. He expressed his great appreciation of the
important services rendered by our Emperor for the maintenance of peace,
and declared that he, above all others, deserved the title of the
Peace-loving Monarch, (Friedensfürst.) To him it was chiefly due that,
during the various crises which had repeatedly brought Europe to the
brink of war, the disaster had again and again been averted. The German
Emperor, he considered, looked upon it as his chief pride that no war
should take place during his reign, that Germany should develop and
prosper in peaceful emulation with other countries, and his greatest
desire was that other nations should recognize ungrudgingly that all
Germany did to raise the moral and ethical standard of mankind was for
the benefit of all.
If now Carnegie has really declared, as this letter maintains, that he
considers the German Emperor the "Disturber of Peace," it shows clearly
how baleful the influence of the English press has been--that it could
shake such a firm conviction in our Emperor's love of peace. Let us hope
that this letter of Prof. Niemeyer's and other explanations to the same
effect will induce him to recognize the horrible misrepresentations of
English papers and to return to his former conviction.
It was on this occasion, too, that Andrew Carnegie indorsed Prof.
Burgess's view, that the three nations--America, Germany, and
England--should unite, and then they would be able to keep the peace of
the world. When I expressed my doubts in the real friendship of England,
he replied, then America and Germany, at least, must hold together to
secure universal peace. Hitherto I have refrained from publishing this
interview, but now I consider it my duty to make known the views that
Carnegie once held, and to which, if he has really changed them, we may
hope he, who has done so much in his noble striving after peace, will
return right away.
If there should remain the least doubt in Mr. Andrew Carnegie's mind, he
has only to read the telegrams exchanged between the Emperor William and
the Czar on the one hand, and King George and the Emperor on the other.