Wherever we went we breathed the air of this friendship, indeed, it
almost took away our powers of will, so thoroughly did it anticipate
every plan and every need. Like parcels of friendship, we were sent from
place to place, always the feeling that we had all known each other
forever. That was an experience for which all of us--for who of us
Germans who have come over here has not experienced it?--will be
perpetually thankful. That will never be forgotten.
*Friendship for Germany.*
But beautiful and noble as that was, your nation has furnished ours with
something still more unforgettable. In those horrible days of 1870, when
a great number of Germans were shut up in unfortunate Paris, the
American Ambassador assumed the care of them, and what America did at
that time she is again doing for all of our country--men who, surprised
in the enemy's country by the war, have been detained there. They are
intrusted to the special care of the American Ambassador, and we know
with as much certainty as though it were an actual fact already that
that care will be the best and the most loyal. That, my friends, is true
service of friendship, which is not mere convention but such as it is in
the Catechism: "Give us our daily bread and good friends." They belong
together.
But to answer the question why you are our good friends we must reflect
a little for the answer which we might have given a few days ago--"You
are our good friends as our blood relations"--alas! that answer no
longer holds. That is over! God grant that in later days we may again be
able to say it, but by a circumstance which has torn our very
heartstrings it has been proved that blood is not thicker than water.
But where then is the deep-lying reason for this friendship? Does it
rest in the fact that we have so many Germans over there; that they have
been received so cordially; that they have done so much for the building
up of America, soul and body, or that we find friends in so many
Americans on this side of the water? This is an important consideration,
but it is not the ultimate cause we are seeking.
My friends, when it is a powerful relationship, imbedded in rock as it
were, which is under consideration, then the matter is more than
superficial, and that which is at the bottom of this deeper fact,
history is at this very moment showing us as she writes in characters of
bronze before our eyes; because we have a common spirit which springs
from the very depths of our hearts, for that reason are we friends!
And what is that spirit? It is the spirit of the deep religious and
moral culture which has possessed us through a succession of centuries
and out of which this powerful American offshoot has sprung. To this
culture belong three things, or, rather, it rests upon three pillars.
The first pillar is the recognition of the eternal value of every human
soul, consequently the recognition of personality and individuality.
These are respected, nourished, striven for. Second is the recognition
of the duty at any time to risk this human soul, which is to each one of
us so dear, for that great ideal--"God, freedom, and the Fatherland."
The dearer that human soul, that life, is prized by us, Germans and
Americans, the more surely do we give it up willingly and joyously when
a high cause demands it. And the third pillar is respect for law and
therewith the capability for powerful organization in all lines and in
all manner of communities.
*A Different Culture.*
But now before my eyes I see rising up against the culture which rests
upon these three pillars--personality, duty to sacrifice all for ideals,
law and organization--another culture, a culture of the horde whose
Government is patriarchal, a civilization of the mob which is brought
together and held together by despots, the Byzantine--I must extend it
further--Mongolian-Muscovite culture.
My friends, this was once a true culture, but it is no longer. This
culture was not able to bear the light of the eighteenth century, still
less that of the nineteenth, and now, in this twentieth century, it
breaks out and threatens us--this unorganized mob, this mob of Asia;
like the sands of the desert it would sweep down over our harvest
fields. That we already know; we are already experiencing it. That, too,
the Americans know, for every one who has stood upon the ground of our
civilization and who with a keen glance regards the present situation
knows that the word must be: "Peoples of Europe, save your most hallowed
possessions!"
*"I Cover My Head!"*
This, our culture, the chief treasure of mankind, was in large part,
yes, almost wholly, intrusted to three peoples: to us, to the Americans,
and--to the English. I will say no more! I cover my head! Two still
remain, and must stand all the more firmly together where this culture
is menaced. It is a question of our spiritual existence, and Americans
will realize that it is also their existence. We have a common culture,
and a common duty to protect it!
To you, American citizens, we give the holy pledge that we shall offer
our last drop of blood in the cause of this culture. May I in addition
say to you, since I have made this pledge, that we shall as a matter of
course protect those of you here in our land and care for you and do
everything for you? If we have made the greater pledge, surely we can
manage these trifles.
But you, my dear fellow-countrymen, we are all thinking with one mind on
what is now going on about us. It is a very grave but a splendid time.
Whatever in the last analysis we shall go through, at present there is
no longer any one of us who any longer regards life in the rôle of a
blasé or critical spectator, but each one of us stands in the very midst
of life, and, indeed, in the very midst of a higher life. God has of a
sudden brought us out of the wretchedness of the day to a high place to
which we have never before spiritually attained. But always where life
emerges, a higher life or merely life itself, wherever there is a thirst
for life, there is it set close around by death, as at every birth when
something new comes to the light of day, and so if the most precious
thing is to be gained, then death will stand close by life. But this we
also know, that when death and life intertwine in this fashion, the fear
of death vanishes away; in the intertwining, life only appears and full
of life man goes through death and into death. It brings to my mind an
old song, the powerful song of victory of our fathers:
It was a famous battle,
Fought 'twixt Life and Death;
Life came out the victor,
Triumphant over Death;
Already it was written
How one Death killed the other,
So making mock of Death!
Death which is willingly met kills the great death and secures the
higher life. Death makes us free. Thus spake Luther.
Let me say a few words in closing. Before all of us there stands in time
of crisis an image under which are the plain words: "He was faithful
unto death, yea, even to death on the cross." Now the time for great
faithfulness has come for us, for this obedience for which our neighbors
in former times have ridiculed us, saying: "See, these are the faithful
Germans, the men who do all on command and are so obedient!" Now they
shall see that this great obedience was not mere discipline, but a
matter of will. It was and still is discipline, but it is also will.
They shall see that this great obedience is not pettiness and death, but
power and life.
From the east--I say it once more--the desert sands are sweeping down
upon us; on the west we are opposed by old enemies and treacherous
friends. When will the German be able to pray again, confessing:
God is the Orient,
God is the Occident;
Northernmost and Southern lands
Rest in peace beneath His hands.
We shall hope that God may give us strength to make this true, not only
for us but for all Europe.
Until then, since we see the very springs of our higher life and our
existence threatened, we shout: "Father, protect our springs of life and
save us from the Huns."
*A Reply to Prof. Harnack*
*By Some British Theologians.*
Prof. Harnack.
Honored Sir: We, the undersigned, a group of theologians who owe more
than we can express to you personally and to the great host of German
teachers and leaders of thought, have noticed with pain a report of a
speech recently delivered by you, in which you are said to have
described the conduct of Great Britain in the present war as that of a
traitor to civilization.
We are quite sure that you could never have been betrayed into such a
statement if you had been acquainted with the real motives which actuate
the British Nation in the present crisis.
Permit us, in the interests of a better understanding now and
subsequently, to state to you the grounds on which we, whose obligations
to Germany, personal and professional, are simply incalculable, have
felt it our duty to support the British Government in its declaration of
war against the land and people we love so well.
We are not actuated by any preference for France over Germany--still
less by any preference for Russia over Germany. The preference lies
entirely the other way. Next to the peoples that speak the English
tongue, there is no people in the world that stands so high in our
affection and admiration as the people of Germany. Several of us have
studied in German universities. Many of us have enjoyed warm personal
friendship with your fellow-countrymen. All of us owe an immeasurable
debt to German theology, philosophy, and literature. Our sympathies are
in matters of the spirit so largely German that nothing but the very
strongest reasons could ever lead us to contemplate the possibility of
hostile relations between Great Britain and Germany.
Nor have we the remotest sympathy with any desire to isolate Germany, or
to restrict her legitimate expansion, commercial and colonial. We have
borne resolute witness against the endeavor made by foes of Germany to
foment anti-German suspicion and ill-will in the minds of our
fellow-countrymen.
*The Sanctity of Treaties.*
But we recognize that all hopes of settled peace between the nations,
and indeed of any civilized relations between the nations, rest on the
maintenance inviolate of the sanctity of treaty obligations. We can
never hope to put law for war if solemn international compacts can be
torn up at the will of any power involved. These obligations are felt by
us to be the more stringently binding in the case of guaranteed
neutrality. For the steady extension of neutralization appears to us to
be one of the surest ways of the progressive elimination of war from the
face of the earth. All these considerations take on a more imperative
cogency when the treaty rights of a small people are threatened by a
great world power. We therefore believe that when Germany refused to
respect the neutrality of Belgium, which she herself had guaranteed,
Great Britain had no option, either in international law or in Christian
ethics, but to defend the people of Belgium. The Imperial Chancellor of
Germany has himself admitted, on Aug. 4, that the protest of the
Luxembourg and Belgian Governments was "just," and that Germany was
doing "wrong" and acting "contrary to the dictates of international
law." His only excuse was "necessity"--which recalls our Milton's
phrase, "necessity, the tyrant's plea." It has cost us all the deepest
pain to find the Germany which we love so intensely committing this act
of lawless aggression on a weak people, and a Christian nation becoming
a mere army with army ethics. We loathe war of any kind. A war with
Germany cuts us to the very quick. But we sincerely believe that Great
Britain in this conflict is fighting for conscience, justice, Europe,
humanity, and lasting peace.
*Dictated Terms.*
This conviction is deepened by the antecedents of the present unhappy
war. In allowing her ally Austria to dictate terms to Servia which were
quite incompatible with the independence of that little State, Germany
gave proof of her disregard for the rights of smaller States. A similar
disregard for the sovereign rights of greater States was shown in the
demand that Russia should demobilize her forces. It was quite open to
Germany to have answered Russia's mobilization with a
counter-mobilization without resorting to war. Many other nations have
mobilized to defend their frontiers without declaring war. Alike
indirectly in regard to Servia and directly in regard to Russia, Germany
was indisputably the aggressor. And this policy of lawless aggression
became more nakedly manifest in the invasion of Belgium. Great Britain
is not bound by any treaty rights to defend either Servia or Russia. But
she is bound by the most sacred obligations to defend Belgium,
obligations which France undertook to observe. We have been grieved to
the heart to see in the successive acts of German policy a disregard of
the liberties of States, small or great, which is the very negation of
civilization. It is not our country that has incurred the odium of being
a traitor to civilization or to the conscience of humanity.
Doubtless you read the facts of the situation quite differently. You may
think us entirely mistaken. But we desire to assure you, as
fellow-Christians and fellow-theologians, that our motives are not open
to the charge which has been made.
We have been moved to approach you on this matter by our deep reverence
for you and our high appreciation of the great services you have
rendered to Christendom in general. We trust that you will receive what
we have said in the spirit in which it was sent.
We have the honor to be,
Yours very sincerely,
P.J. FORSYTH, M.A., D.D., Aberdeen University. Principal of Hackney
College (Divinity School: University of London).
HERBERT T. ANDREWS, B.A. Oxon. Professor of New Testament, Exegesis,
Introduction and Criticism. New College, London (Divinity School:
University of London).
J. HERBERT DARLOW, M.A. Cambridge. Literary Superintendent of the
British and Foreign Bible Society.
JAMES R. GILLIES, M.A. Edinburgh, Moderator of the Presbyterian Church
of England. Pastor of Hampstead Presbyterian Church, London.
R. MACLEOD, Pastor of Frognal Presbyterian Church, London.
W.M. MACPHAIL, M.A. Glasgow. General Secretary of the Presbyterian
Church of England.
RICHARD ROBERTS, Pastor of Crouch Hill Presbyterian Church, London.
H.H. SCULLARD, M.A. Cambridge, M.A., D.D. London. Professor of
Ecclesiastical History, Christian Ethics, and the History of Religions
in New College (Divinity School: University of London).
ALEX RAMSAY, M.A., B.D. Pastor of the Highgate Presbyterian Church,
London.
W.B. SELBIE, M.A., D.D. Principal of Mansfield College, Oxford. Chairman
of the Congregational Union of England and Wales.
J. HERBERT STEAD, M.A. Glasgow. Warden of the Robert Browning
Settlement, London.
*Prof. Harnack in Rebuttal*
BERLIN, Sept. 10, 1914.
Gentlemen: The words, "The conduct of Great Britain is that of a traitor
to civilization," were not used by me, but you have expressed my general
judgment of this conduct correctly. The sentence in question in my
speech reads: "This, our culture, the chief treasure of mankind, was in
large part, yes, almost wholly, intrusted to three peoples: To us, to
the Americans, and--to the English, I will say no more. I cover my
head." To my deep sorrow I must, even after your communication, maintain
this judgment.
You claim that England has drawn and must draw the sword purely for the
protection of the small nations of Servia and Belgium and for the sake
of an international treaty. In this claim I see at the very least a
fearful self-delusion.
It is an actual fact that what Servia desired was that her Government
should in no wise be mixed up with the shameful crime of Serajevo, and
it is also an established fact that for years Servia, with the support
of Russia, has attempted by the most despicable means to incite to
rebellion the Austrian South Slavs. When Austria finally issued to her a
decided ultimatum without making any actual attack on her territory, it
was the duty of every civilized land--England as well--to keep hands
off, for Austria's royal house, Austria's honor, and Austria's existence
were attacked. Austria's yielding to Servia would mean the sovereignty
of Russia in the eastern half of the Balkans, for Servia is nothing more
than a Russian satrapy, and the Balkan federation brought about by
Russia had for its ultimate purpose opposition to Austria. This is as
well known in England as in Germany. If, gentlemen, in spite of this,
you can presume to judge that in this circumstance it was purely a case
of protecting the right of a small nation against a large one, I shall
find great difficulty in believing in your good faith.
*Against Pan-Slavism.*
It was not a question of little Servia but of Austria's battle for life
and the struggle of Western culture against Pan-Slavism. Servia is,
after all, only an outpost of Russia and as opposed to this nation,
Servia's "sovereignty" is less than a mere shadow; in fact it can hardly
be protected by England, for in reality it does not exist. For in
addition Servia, through the most dastardly murder known to history,
struck her name from the list of the nations with which one does
business as equals. What would England have done had the Prince of Wales
been assassinated by the emissary of a little nation which had
continually been inciting the Irish to revolt? Would it have issued a
milder ultimatum than Austria's? But of all this you say not a word in
your communication, but instead persist on seeing in the situation into
which Servia and Russia have brought Austria, only the necessity of an
oppressed little country to whose help haste must be made! Thus to judge
would be more than blindness, indeed, it would be a crime that cries
unto heaven, were it not known that the life problems of other great
powers do not exist for Great Britain, because she is only concerned
about her own life problems and those of little nations whose support
can be useful to her.
At bottom Servia is of as little consequence to you as to us. Austria,
too, is of no consequence to you; and you realize that Austria had the
right to punish Servia. But because Germany, who stands behind Austria,
is to be struck; therefore Servia is the guiltless little State which
must be spared! What is the result? Great Britain sides with Russia
against Germany. What does that mean? That means that Great Britain has
torn down the dike which has protected West Europe and its culture from
the desert sands of the Asiatic barbarism of Russia and of Pan-Slavism.
Now we Germans are forced to stop up the breach with our bodies. We
shall do it amid streams of blood, and we shall hold out there. We must
hold out, for we are protecting the labor of thousands of years for all
of Europe, and for Great Britain! But that day when Great Britain tore
down the dam will never be forgotten in the history of the world, and
history's judgment shall read: On that day when Russian-Asiatic power
rushed down upon the culture of Europe Great Britain declared that she
must side with Russia because "the sovereignty of the murderer-nation
Servia had been violated!"
*As to Neutrality.*
But no, the maintenance of Servians sovereignty is not according to your
communication the first, but only the second reason for Great Britain's
declaration of war against us. The first reason is our violation of
Belgian neutrality; "Germany broke a treaty which she herself had
guaranteed." Shall I remind you how Great Britain has disported herself
in the matter of treaties and pleasant promises? How about Egypt for
example? But I do not need to go into these flagrant and repeated
violations of treaty rights, for a still more serious violation of the
rights of a people stands today on your books against you; it has been
proved that your army is making use of dumdum bullets and thereby
turning a decent war into the most bloody butchery. In this Great
Britain has severed herself from every right to complain about the
violation of the rights of a people.
But aside from that--in your communication you have again emphasized the
main point. We did not declare war against Belgium, but we declared that
since Russia and France compelled us to wage a war with two fronts
(190,000,000 against 68,000,000) we had then to suffer defeat if we
could not march through Belgium; that we should do that but that we
should carefully keep from harming Belgium in any way and would
indemnify all damage incurred--our hand upon it! Would Great Britain,
had she been in our position, have hesitated a moment to do likewise?
And would Great Britain have drawn the sword for us if France had
violated the neutrality of Belgium by marching through it? You know well
enough that both these questions must be answered in the negative.
Our Imperial Chancellor has with his characteristic conscientiousness
declared that we have on our side committed a certain wrong. I cannot
agree with him in this judgment, and I cannot even recognize the
commission of a formal wrong, for we were in a situation where
formalities no longer obtain, and where moral duties only prevail. When
David, in the extremity of his need, took the show-bread from the Table
of the Lord, he was in every sense of the word justified, for the letter
of the law ceased at that moment to exist. It is as well known to you as
to me that there is a law of necessity which breaks iron asunder, to say
nothing of treaties.
Appreciate our position! Prove to me that Germany has flippantly
constructed a law of necessity; prove it to me in this hour, when your
country has gone over to our enemies, and we have half the world to
fight. You cannot do that; you could not do it on the 4th of August, and
consequently you have assumed the most miserable of pretexts, because
you wished to destroy us. From your letter, gentlemen, I must believe
that you are far from holding this view; but do you believe, and would
you really try to make me believe, that your statesmen would have
declared war against us only because we were determined to march through
Belgium? You could not consider them so foolish and so flippant.
*An Earlier Treachery.*