last by accident. The Assembly in Pennsylvania were gradually starving
the governor into submission by withholding his salary, and under
pressure for want of money, he gave his assent to a bill taxing the
proprietary estates. The bill being sent to England, the proprietors
opposed it before the Privy Council as hostile to their rights, and
obtained a decision in their favor in spite of the arguments of Franklin
and his lawyers. But Franklin secured a reconsideration, and Lord
Mansfield asked him if he really thought that no injury would be done
the proprietary estates by the Assembly, for the proprietors had
represented that the colonists intended to tax them out of existence.
Franklin assured him that no injury would be done, and he was
immediately asked if he would enter into an engagement to assure that
point. On his agreeing to do this, the papers were drawn, the Assembly's
bill taxing the estates was approved by the crown, and from that time
the assaults of the proprietors on the liberties of the colony were
decisively checked.
Franklin was now most furiously attacked and hated by the proprietary
party in Pennsylvania, but from the majority of the people, led by the
Quakers, he received increased approbation and applause, and his
willingness to risk his own personal engagement, as in the affair with
Braddock, was regarded as an evidence of the highest public spirit.
He remained two years longer in England on one pretext or another, and
no doubt excuses for continuing such a delightful life readily suggested
themselves. He returned in the early autumn of 1762, receiving from the
Assembly three thousand pounds for his services, and during the five
years of his absence he had been annually elected to that body. For a
few months he enjoyed comparative quiet, but the next year he was again
in the turmoil of a most bitter political contest.
The war with France was over, and Canada and the Ohio Valley had been
ceded to the English by the treaty of Paris, signed in February, 1763.
But the Indians, having lost their French friends, determined to destroy
the English, and, inspired by the genius of Pontiac, they took fort
after fort and, rushing upon the whole colonial frontier of
Pennsylvania, swept the people eastward to the Delaware with even worse
devastation and slaughter than they had inflicted after Braddock's
defeat. I cannot give here the full details of this war,[23] and must
confine myself to one phase of it with which Franklin was particularly
concerned.
The Scotch-Irish who occupied the frontier counties of Pennsylvania
suffered most severely from these Indian raids, and believed that the
proprietary and Quaker government at Philadelphia neglected the defence
of the province. Their resentment was strongest against the Quakers.
They held the Quaker religion in great contempt and viewed with scorn
the attempts of the Quakers to pacify the Indians and befriend those of
them who were willing to give up the war-path and adopt the white man's
mode of life.
Some friendly Indians, descendants of the tribes that had welcomed
William Penn, were living at Conestoga, near Lancaster, in a degenerate
condition, having given up both war and hunting, and following the
occupations of basket- and broom-making. They were the wards of the
proprietary government, and were given presents and supplies from time
to time. There were also at Bethlehem some other friendly Indians who
had been converted to Christianity by the Moravians.
The Scotch-Irish believed that all of these so-called friendly Indians
were in league with the hostile tribes, furnished them with information,
and even participated in their murders. They asked the governor to
remove them, and assured him that their removal would secure the safety
of the frontier. Nothing being done by the governor, a party of
Scotch-Irish rangers started to destroy the Moravian Indians, but were
prevented by a rain-storm. The governor afterwards, through
commissioners, investigated these Moravian Indians, and finding reason
to suspect them, they were all brought down to Philadelphia and
quartered in barracks. But the Conestoga Indians were attacked by a
party of fifty-seven Scotch-Irish, afterwards known as the "Paxton
Boys," who, finding only six of them in the village,--three men, two
women, and a boy,--massacred them all, mangled their bodies, and burnt
their property. The remaining fourteen of the tribe were collected by
the sheriff and put for protection in the Lancaster jail. The Paxtons
hearing of it, immediately attacked the jail and cut the Indians to
pieces with hatchets.
We have grown so accustomed to lynch law that this slaughter of the
Conestogas would not now cause much surprise, especially in some parts
of the country; but it was a new thing to the colonists, who in many
respects were more orderly than are their descendants, and a large part
of the community were shocked, disgusted, and indignant. Franklin wrote
a pamphlet which had a wide circulation and assailed the Scotch-Irish as
inhuman, brutal cowards, worse than Arabs and Turks; fifty-seven of
them, armed with rifles, knives, and hatchets, had actually succeeded,
he said, in killing three old men, two women, and a boy.
The Paxton lynchers, however, were fully supported by the people of the
frontier. A large body of frontiersmen marched on Philadelphia with the
full intention of revolutionizing the Quaker government, and they would
have succeeded but for the unusual preparations for defence. They were
finally, with some difficulty, persuaded to return without using their
rifles.
The governor was powerless to secure even the arrest of the men who had
murdered the Indians in the jail, and the disorder was so flagrant and
the weakness of the executive branch of the government so apparent that
the Quakers and a majority of the people thought there was now good
reason for openly petitioning the crown to abolish the proprietorship.
While in England, Franklin had been advised not to raise this question,
and he had accordingly confined his efforts to taxing the proprietary
estates.
The arrangement he had made provided that the estates should be fairly
taxed, but the governor and the Assembly differed in opinion as to what
was fair. The governor claimed that the best wild lands of the
proprietors should be taxed at the rate paid by the people for their
worst, and he tried the old tactics of forcing this point by delaying a
supply bill intended to defend the province against Pontiac and his
Indians. The Assembly passed the bill to suit him, but immediately
raised the question of the abolition of the proprietorship. Twenty-five
resolutions were passed most abusive of the proprietors, and the
Assembly then adjourned to let the people decide by a general election
whether a petition should be sent to the king asking for direct royal
government.
A most exciting political campaign followed in which Franklin took the
side of the majority in favor of a petition, and wrote several of his
most brilliant pamphlets. He particularly assailed Provost Smith, who,
in a preface to a printed speech by John Dickinson defending the
proprietary government, had eulogized William Penn in one of those
laudatory epitaphs which were the fashion of the day:
"Utterly to confound the assembly, and show the excellence of
proprietary government, the Prefacer has extracted from their
own votes the praises they have from time to time bestowed on
the first proprietor, in their addresses to his son. And, though
addresses are not generally the best repositories of historical
truth, we must not in this instance deny their authority.
"That these encomiums on the father, though sincere, have
occurred so frequently, was owing, however, to two causes:
first, a vain hope the assemblies entertained, that the father's
example, and the honors done his character, might influence the
conduct of the sons; secondly, for that, in attempting to
compliment the sons upon their own merits, there was always
found an extreme scarcity of matter. Hence, _the father, the
honored and honorable father_, was so often repeated, that the
sons themselves grew sick of it, and have been heard to say to
each other with disgust, when told that A, B, and C, were come
to wait upon them with addresses on some public occasion, '_Then
I suppose we shall hear more about our father_.' So that, let me
tell the Prefacer, who perhaps was unacquainted with this
anecdote, that if he hoped to curry more favor with the family,
by the inscription he has framed for that great man's monument,
he may find himself mistaken; for there is too much in it of
_our father_."
Franklin then goes on to say that he will give a sketch "in the lapidary
way" which will do for a monument to the sons of William Penn.
"Be this a Memorial
Of T---- and R---- P----
P---- of P----
Who with estates immense
Almost beyond computation
When their own province
And the whole British empire
Were engaged in a bloody & most expensive war
Begun for the defence of those estates
Could yet meanly desire
To have those very estates
Totally or partially
Exempted from taxation
While their fellow subjects all around them
Groaned
Under the universal burden.
To gain this point
They refused the necessary laws
For the defence of their people
And suffered their colony to welter in its blood
Rather than abate in the least
Of these their dishonest pretensions.
The privileges granted by their father
Wisely and benevolently
To encourage the first settlers of the province
They
Foolishly and cruelly,
Taking advantage of public distress,
Have extorted from the posterity of those settlers;
And are daily endeavoring to reduce them
To the most abject slavery;
Though to the virtue and industry of those people,
In improving their country
They owe all that they possess and enjoy.
A striking instance
Of human depravity and ingratitude;
And an irrefragable proof,
That wisdom and goodness
Do not descend with an inheritance;
But that ineffable meanness
May be connected with unbounded fortune."
Dickinson's followers, of course, assailed Franklin on all sides. Their
pamphlets are very exciting reading, especially Hugh Williamson's "What
is Sauce for a Goose is also Sauce for a Gander," which describes itself
in its curious old-fashioned subtitle as
"Being a small Touch in the Lapidary Way, or Tit for Tat, in
your own way. An Epitaph on a certain Great Man. Written by a
Departed Spirit, and now most humbly inscribed to all his
dutiful Sons and Children, who may hereafter choose to
distinguish him by the Name of A Patriot. Dear Children, I send
you here a little Book for you to look upon that you may see
your Pappy's Face when he is dead and gone. Philadelphia,
Printed in Arch Street 1764."
"Pappy" is then described for the benefit of his children in an epitaph:
"An Epitaph &c
To the much esteem'd Memory of
B ... F ... Esq., LL.D.
* * * * *
Possessed of many lucrative
Offices
Procured to him by the Interest of Men
Whom he infamously treated
And receiving enormous sums
from the Province
For Services
He never performed
After betraying it to Party and Contention
He lived, as to the Appearance of Wealth
In moderate circumstances;
His principal Estate, seeming to consist
In his Hand Maid Barbara
A most valuable Slave
The Foster Mother
of his last offspring
Who did his dirty Work
And in two Angelic Females
Whom Barbara also served
As Kitchen Wench and Gold Finder
But alas the Loss!
Providence for wise tho' secret ends
Lately deprived him of the Mother
of Excellency.
His Fortune was not however impaired
For he piously withheld from her
Manes
The pitiful stipend of Ten pounds per Annum
On which he had cruelly suffered her
To starve
Then stole her to the Grave in Silence
Without a Pall, the covering due to her dignity
Without a tomb or even
A Monumental Inscription."
Franklin was a more skilful "lapidary" than his enemies, and his
pamphlets were expressed in better language, but there is now very
little doubt that he and the majority of the people were in the wrong.
The colony had valuable liberties and privileges which had been built up
by the Assembly through the efforts of nearly a hundred years. In spite
of all the aggressions of the proprietors these liberties remained
unimpaired and were even stronger than ever. The appeal to the king to
take the colony under his direct control might lead to disastrous
results; for if the people once surrendered themselves to the crown and
the proprietorship was abolished, the king and Parliament might also
abolish the charter and destroy every popular right.[24] In fact, the
ministry were at that very time contemplating the Stamp Act and other
measures which brought on the Revolution. Franklin seemed incapable of
appreciating this, and retained for ten years, and in the face of the
most obvious facts, his strange confidence in the king.
But the petition was carried by an overwhelming majority, although
Franklin failed to be re-elected to the Assembly. He never had been so
fiercely assailed, and it is probable that the attacks on his morals and
motives were far more bitter in ordinary conversation than in the
pamphlets. This abuse may have had considerable effect in preventing his
election. He was, however, appointed by the Assembly its agent to convey
the petition to England and present it to the king. He set out in
November, 1764, on this his second mission to England which resulted in
a residence there of ten years. Fortunately, the petition was
unsuccessful. He did not press it much, and the Assembly soon repented
of its haste.
He settled down comfortably at No. 7 Craven Street, where Mrs. Stevenson
and her daughter were delighted to have again their old friend. His
scientific studies were renewed,--spots on the sun, smoky chimneys, the
aurora borealis, the northwest passage, the effect of deep and shallow
water on the speed of boats,--and he was appointed on committees to
devise plans for putting lightning-rods on St. Paul's Cathedral and the
government powder-magazines. The circle of his acquaintance was much
enlarged. He associated familiarly with the noblemen he met at country
houses, was dined and entertained by notables of every sort, became
acquainted with Garrick, Mrs. Montague, and Adam Smith, and added
another distinguished physician, Sir John Pringle, to the list of his
very intimate friends. He dined out almost every day, was admitted to
all sorts of clubs, and of course diligently attended the meetings of
all the associations devoted to learning and science.
Although only an amateur in medicine, he was invited by the physicians
to attend the meetings of their club, and it was of this club that he
told the story that the question was once raised whether physicians had,
on the whole, done more good than harm. After a long debate, Sir John
Pringle, the president, was asked to give his opinion, and replied that
if by physicians they meant to include old women, he thought they had
done more good than harm; otherwise more harm than good.
During this his second mission to England he became more intimate than
ever with the good Bishop of St. Asaph, spending part of every summer
with him, and it was at his house that he wrote the first part of his
Autobiography. In a letter to his wife, dated August 14, 1771, he
describes the close of a three weeks' stay at the bishop's:
"The Bishop's lady knows what children and grandchildren I have
and their ages; so, when I was to come away on Monday, the 12th,
in the morning, she insisted on my staying that one day longer,
that we might together keep my grandson's birthday. At dinner,
among other nice things, we had a floating island, which they
always particularly have on the birthdays of any of their own
six children, who were all but one at table, where there was
also a clergyman's widow, now above one hundred years old. The
chief toast of the day was Master Benjamin Bache, which the
venerable old lady began in a bumper of _mountain_. The Bishop's
lady politely added 'and that he may be as good a man as his
grandfather.' I said I hoped he would be _much better_. The
Bishop, still more complaisant than his lady, said: 'We will
compound the matter and be contented if he should not prove
_quite so good_.'" (Bigelow's Works of Franklin, vol. vi. p.
71.)
The bishop's daughters were great friends of Franklin, and often
exchanged with him letters which in many respects were almost equal to
his own. Years afterwards, when he was in France during the Revolution,
and it was rather imprudent to write to him, one of them, without the
knowledge of her parents, sent him a most affectionate and charming
girl's letter, which is too long to quote, but is well worth reading.
He had his wife send him from Pennsylvania a number of live squirrels,
which he gave to his friends. One which he presented to one of the
bishop's daughters having escaped from its cage, and being killed by a
dog, he wrote an epitaph on it rather different from his political
epitaph:
"Alas! poor MUNGO!
Happy wert thou, hadst thou known
Thy own felicity.
Remote from the fierce bald eagle
Tyrant of thy native woods,
Thou hadst naught to fear from his piercing talons,
Nor from the murdering gun
Of the thoughtless sportsman.
Safe in thy weird castle
GRIMALKIN never could annoy thee.
Daily wert thou fed with the choicest viands,
By the fair hand of an indulgent mistress;
But, discontented,
Thou wouldst have more freedom.
Too soon, alas! didst thou obtain it;
And wandering
Thou art fallen by the fangs of wanton cruel Ranger!
Learn hence
Ye who blindly seek more liberty,
Whether subjects, sons, squirrels or daughters,
That apparent restraint may be real protection
Yielding peace and plenty
With security."
Franklin's pleasures in England remind us of other distinguished
Americans who, having gone to London to represent their country, have
suddenly found themselves in congenial intercourse with all that was
best in the nation and enjoying the happiest days of their lives.
Lowell, when minister there, had the same experience as Franklin, and
when we read their experiences together, the resemblance is very
striking. Others, though perhaps in less degree, have felt the same
touch of race. Blood is thicker than water. But I doubt if any of
them--Lowell, Motley, or even Holmes in his famous three months'
visit--had such a good time as Franklin.
He loved England and was no doubt delighted with the appointments that
sent him there. If it is true, as his enemies have charged, that he
schemed for public office, it is not surprising in view of the pleasure
he derived from appointments such as these. Writing to Miss Stevenson on
March 23, 1763, after he had returned to Pennsylvania from his first
mission, he says,--
"Of all the enviable things England has, I envy it most its
people. Why should that petty Island, which, compared to
America, is but a stepping stone in a brook, scarce enough of it
above water to keep one's shoes dry; why, I say should that
little Island enjoy, in almost every neighborhood, more
sensible, virtuous, and elegant minds than we can collect in
ranging a hundred leagues of our vast forests?" (Bigelow's Works
of Franklin, vol. iii. p. 233.)
In fact, he had resolved at one time, if he could prevail on Mrs.
Franklin to accompany him, to settle permanently in England. His reason,
he writes to Mr. Strahan, was for America, but his inclination for
England. "You know which usually prevails. I shall probably make but
this one vibration and settle here forever. Nothing will prevent it, if
I can, as I hope I can, prevail with Mrs. F. to accompany me, especially
if we have a peace."[25] This fondness for the old home no doubt helped
to form that very conservative position which he took in the beginning
of the Revolution, and which was so displeasing to some people in
Massachusetts. His reason, though not his inclination, was, as he says,
for America, but the ignorant and brutal course of the British ministry
finally made reason and inclination one.
FOOTNOTES:
[21] Pennsylvania: Colony and Commonwealth, p. 147.
[22] Bigelow's Works of Franklin, vol. vi. p. 300.
[23] Pennsylvania: Colony and Commonwealth, p. 221.
[24] Pennsylvania: Colony and Commonwealth, chap. xix.
[25] Bigelow's Works of Franklin, vol. iii. p. 212; vol. x. pp. 295,
302.
VII
DIFFICULTIES AND FAILURE IN ENGLAND
Franklin's diplomatic career was now to begin in earnest. Although the
petition to change Pennsylvania into a royal province under the direct
rule of the crown was, fortunately, not acted upon and not very
seriously pressed, he, nevertheless, continued to believe that such a
change would be beneficial and might some day be accomplished.
He looked upon the king as supreme ruler of the colonies, and retained
this opinion until he heard of actual bloodshed in the battle of
Lexington. The king and not Parliament had in the beginning given the
colonies their charters; the king and not Parliament had always been the
power that ruled them; wherefore the passage by Parliament of stamp acts
and tea acts was a usurpation. This was one of the arguments in which
many of the colonists had sought refuge, but few of them clung to it so
long as Franklin.
Almost immediately after his arrival in London in December, 1764, the
agitations about the proposed Stamp Act began, and within a few weeks he
was deep in them. His previous residence of five years in London when he
was trying to have the proprietary estates taxed had given him some
knowledge of men and affairs in the great capital; had given him,
indeed, his first lessons in the diplomat's art; but he was now
powerless against the Stamp Act. The ministry had determined on its
passage, and they considered the protests of Franklin and the other
colonial agents of little consequence.
The act passed, and Franklin wrote home on the subject one of his
prettiest letters to Charles Thomson:
"Depend upon it, my good neighbor, I took every step in my power
to prevent the passing of the Stamp Act. But the tide was too
strong against us.... The nation was provoked by American claims
of independence, and all parties joined in resolving by this act
to settle the point. We might as well have hindered the sun's
setting. That we could not do. But since it is down, my friend,
and it may be long before it rises again, let us make as good a
night of it as we can. We may still light candles. Frugality and
industry will go a great way towards indemnifying us. Idleness
and pride tax with a heavier hand than kings and parliaments. If
we can get rid of the former we may easily bear the latter."
Grenville, in conformity with his assurance that the act would work
satisfactorily even to the Americans, announced that stamp officers
would not be sent from England, but that the kind mother would appoint
colonists, and he asked the colonial agents to name to him honest and
responsible men in their several colonies. Franklin recommended his old
friend John Hughes, a respectable merchant of Philadelphia, never
dreaming that by so doing he was getting the good man into trouble. But
as soon as Hughes's commission arrived his house was threatened by the
mob and he was forced to resign.
Franklin had no idea that the colonies would be so indignant and offer
so much resistance. He supposed that they would quietly submit, buy the
stamps, and paste them on all their documents. He bought a quantity of
stamped paper and sent it over to his partner, David Hall, to sell in
the little stationery shop which was still attached to their
printing-office. When he heard of the mob violence and the positive
determination not to pay the tax, he was surprised and disgusted. He
wrote to John Hughes, expressing surprise at the indiscretion of the
people and the rashness of the Virginia Assembly. "A firm loyalty to the
crown," he said, "and a faithful adherence to the government of this
nation, which it is the safety as well as honour of the colonies to be
connected with, will always be the wisest course for you and I to
take."[26]