LANGUAGE, LITERATURE, AND SCIENCE.
The metropolis of Egypt maintains the comparative reputation by which it
has been distinguished for many centuries, of being the best school of
Arabic literature, and of Muslim theology and jurisprudence. Learning,
indeed, has much declined among the Arabs universally; but least in
Cairo: consequently, the fame of the professors of this city still
remains unrivalled; and its great collegiate mosque, the Azhar,
continues to attract innumerable students from every quarter of the
Muslim world.
The Arabic spoken by the middle and higher classes in Cairo is generally
inferior, in point of grammatical correctness and pronunciation, to the
dialects of the Bedawees of Arabia, and of the inhabitants of the towns
in their immediate vicinity; but much to be preferred to those of Syria;
and still more, to those of the Western Arabs. The most remarkable
peculiarities in the pronunciation of the people of Egypt are the
following:—The fifth letter of the alphabet is pronounced by the natives
of Cairo, and throughout the greater part of Egypt, as _g_ in _give_;
while, in most parts of Arabia, and in Syria and other countries, it
receives the sound of _j_ in _joy_: but it is worthy of remark, that, in
a part of southern Arabia, where, it is said, Arabic was first spoken,
the former sound is given to this letter.[329] In those parts of Egypt
where this pronunciation of the fifth letter prevails, the sound of
“hemzeh” (which is produced by a sudden emission of the voice after a
total suppression) is given to the twenty-first letter, excepting by the
better instructed, who give to this letter its true sound, which I
represent by “k.” In other parts of Egypt, the pronunciation of the
fifth letter is the same as that of _j_ in _joy_, or nearly so; and the
twenty-first letter is pronounced as _g_ in _give_. By all the
Egyptians, in common with most other people who speak the Arabic
language, the third and fourth letters of the alphabet are pronounced
alike, as our _t_; and the eighth and ninth, as our _d_.—Of the
peculiarities in the _structure_ of the Egyptian dialect of Arabic, the
most remarkable are, the annexation of the letter “sheen” in negative
phrases, in the same manner as the word “pas” is used in French; as “má
yerdásh,” for “má yerda,” “he will not consent;” “má hoosh teiyib,”
(vulgarly, “mósh teiyib”), for “má huwa teiyib,” “it is not good:” the
placing the demonstrative pronoun _after_ the word to which it relates;
as “el-beyt dé,” “this house;” and a frequent unnecessary use of the
diminutive form in adjectives: as “sugheiyir,” for “sagheer,” “small;”
“kureiyib,” for “kareeb,” “near.”
There is not so much difference between the literary and vulgar dialects
of Arabic as some European Orientalists have supposed: the latter may be
described as the ancient dialect _simplified_, principally by the
omission of the final vowels and other terminations which distinguish
the different cases of nouns and some of the persons of verbs.[330] Nor
is there so great a difference between the dialects of Arabic spoken in
different countries as some persons, who have not held intercourse with
the inhabitants of such countries, have imagined: they resemble each
other more than the dialects of some of the different counties in
England. The Arabic language abounds with synonyms; and, of a number of
words which are synonymous, one is in common use in one country, and
another elsewhere. Thus, the Egyptian calls milk “leben;” the Syrian
calls it “haleeb:” the word “leben,” is used in Syria to denote a
particular preparation of _sour_ milk. Again, bread is called in Egypt
“’eysh;” and in other Arab countries, “khubz;” and many examples of a
similar kind might be adduced.—The pronunciation of Egypt has more
softness than that of Syria and most other countries in which Arabic is
spoken.
The literature of the Arabs is very comprehensive; but the number of
their books is more remarkable than the variety. The relative number of
the books which treat of religion and jurisprudence may be stated to be
about one-fourth: next in number are works on grammar, rhetoric, and
various branches of philology: the third in the scale of proportion are
those on history (chiefly that of the Arab nation), and on geography:
the fourth, poetical compositions. Works on medicine, chemistry, the
mathematics, algebra, and various other sciences, etc., are
comparatively very few.
There are, in Cairo, many large libraries; most of which are attached to
mosques, and consist, for the greater part, of works on theology and
jurisprudence, and philology. Several rich merchants, and others, have
also good libraries. The booksellers of Cairo are, I am informed, only
eight in number;[331] and their shops are but ill stocked. Whenever a
valuable book comes into the possession of one of these persons, he goes
round with it to his regular customers; and is almost sure of finding a
purchaser. The leaves of the books are seldom sewed together; but they
are usually enclosed in a cover bound with leather; and mostly have,
also, an outer case of pasteboard and leather. Five sheets, or double
leaves, are commonly placed together, one within another; composing what
is called a “karrás.” The leaves are thus arranged, in small parcels,
without being sewed, in order that one book may be of use to a number of
persons at the same time; each taking a karrás. The books are laid flat,
one upon another; and the name is written upon the front of the outer
case, or upon the edge of the leaves. The paper is thick and glazed: it
is mostly imported from Venice, and glazed in Egypt. The ink is very
thick and gummy. Reeds are used instead of pens; and they suit the
Arabic character much better. The Arab, in writing, places the paper
upon his knee, or upon the palm of his left hand, or upon what is called
a “misned′eh,” composed of a dozen or more pieces of paper attached
together at the four corners, and resembling a thin book, which he rests
on his knee. His ink and pens are contained in a receptacle called
“dawáyeh,” mentioned in the first chapter of this work, together with
the penknife, and an ivory instrument (“mikattah”) upon which the pen is
laid to be nibbed. He rules his paper by laying under it a piece of
pasteboard with strings strained and glued across it (called a
“mistar′ah”), and slightly pressing it over each string. Scissors are
included among the apparatus of a writer: they are used for cutting the
paper; a torn edge being considered as unbecoming. In Cairo there are
many persons who obtain their livelihood by copying manuscripts. The
expense of writing a karrás of twenty pages, quarto size, with about
twenty-five lines to a page, in an ordinary hand, is about three
piasters (or a little more than sevenpence of our money); but more if in
an elegant hand; and about double the sum if with the vowel points, etc.
In Egypt, and particularly in its metropolis, those youths or men who
purpose to devote themselves to religious employments, or to any of the
learned professions, mostly pursue a course of study in the great mosque
El-Azhar, having previously learned nothing more than to read, and,
perhaps, to write, and to recite the Kur-án. The Azhar, which is
regarded as the principal university[332] of the East, is an extensive
building, surrounding a large, square court. On one side of this court,
the side towards Mekkeh, is the chief place of prayer, a spacious
portico; on each of the other three sides are smaller porticoes, divided
into a number of apartments, called “riwáks,” each of which is destined
for the use of natives of a particular country, or of a particular
province of Egypt. This building is situated within the metropolis. It
is not remarkable in point of architecture, and is so surrounded by
houses that very little of it is seen externally. The students are
called “mugáwireen.”[333] Each riwák has a library for the use of its
members; and from the books which it contains, and the lectures of the
professors, the students acquire their learning. The regular subjects of
study are grammatical inflexion and syntax, rhetoric, versification,
logic, theology, the exposition of the Kur-án, the Traditions of the
Prophet, the complete science of jurisprudence, or rather of religious,
moral, civil, and criminal law, which is chiefly founded on the Kur-án
and the Traditions, together with arithmetic, as far as it is useful in
matters of law. Lectures are also given on algebra, and on the
calculations of the Mohammadan calendar, the times of prayer, etc.
Different books are read by students of different sects. Most of the
students, being natives of Cairo, are of the Sháfe’ee sect; and always
the Sheykh, or head of the mosque, is of this sect. None of the students
pay for the instruction they receive, being mostly of the poorer
classes. Most of those who are strangers, having riwáks appropriated to
them, receive a daily allowance of food, provided from funds chiefly
arising from the rents of houses bequeathed for their maintenance. Those
of Cairo and its neighbourhood used to receive a similar allowance; but
this they no longer enjoy, excepting during the month of Ramadán; for
the present Básha of Egypt has taken possession of all the cultivable
land which belonged to the mosques; and thus the Azhar has lost the
greater portion of the property which it possessed: nothing but the
expenses of necessary repairs, and the salaries of its principal
officers, are provided for by the government. The professors also
receive no salaries. Unless they inherit property, or have relations to
maintain them, they have no regular means of subsistence but teaching in
private houses, copying books, etc.; but they sometimes receive presents
from the wealthy. Any person who is competent to the task may become a
professor by obtaining a licence from the Sheykh of the mosque. The
students mostly obtain their livelihood by the same means as the
professors, or by reciting the Kur-án in private houses, and at the
tombs and other places. When sufficiently advanced in their studies,
some of them become kádees, muftees, imáms of mosques, or schoolmasters,
in their native villages or towns, or in Cairo; others enter into trade;
some remain all their lifetime studying in the Azhar, and aspire to be
ranked among the higher ’Ulama. Since the confiscation of the lands
which belonged to the Azhar, the number of that class of students to
whom no endowed riwák is appropriated has very much decreased. The
number of students, including all classes excepting the blind, is (as I
am informed by one of the professors) about one thousand five
hundred.[334]
There is a chapel (called “Záwiyet el-’Omyán,” or the Chapel of the
Blind), adjacent to the eastern angle of the Azhar, and one of the
dependencies of that mosque, where at present about three hundred poor
blind men, most of whom are students, are maintained from funds
bequeathed for that purpose. These blind men often conduct themselves in
a most rebellious and violent manner; they are notorious for such
conduct and for their fanaticism. A short time ago, a European traveller
entering the Azhar, and his presence there being buzzed about, the blind
men eagerly inquired, “Where is the infidel?” adding, “We will kill
him!” and groping about at the same time to feel and lay hold of him;
they were the only persons who seemed desirous of showing any violence
to the intruder. Before the accession of the present Básha, they often
behaved in a very outrageous manner whenever they considered themselves
oppressed, or scanted in their allowance of food; they would, on these
occasions, take a few guides, go about with staves, seize the turbans of
passengers in the streets, and plunder the shops. The most celebrated of
the present professors in the Azhar, the sheykh El-Kuweysinee,[335] who
is himself blind, being appointed, a few years ago, Sheykh of the
Záwiyet el-’Omyán, as soon as he entered upon his office, caused every
one of the blind men there to be flogged; but they rose against him,
bound him, and inflicted upon him a flogging far more severe than that
which they had themselves endured, and obliged him to give up his
office.
Learning was in a much more flourishing state in Cairo before the
entrance of the French army than it has been in later years. It suffered
severely from this invasion, not through direct oppression, but in
consequence of the panic which this event occasioned and the troubles by
which it was followed. Before that period, a sheykh who had studied in
the Azhar, if he had only two boys, sons of a moderately rich felláh, to
educate, lived in luxury: his two pupils served him, cleaned his house,
prepared his food, and, though they partook of it with him, were his
menial attendants at every time but that of eating: they followed him
whenever he went out, carried his shoes (and often kissed them when they
took them off) on his entering a mosque, and in every case treated him
with the honour due to a prince. He was then distinguished by an ample
dress and the large formal turban called a mukleh; and as he passed
along the street, whether on foot or mounted on an ass or mule,
passengers often pressed towards him to implore a short ejaculatory
prayer on their behalf; and he who succeeded in obtaining this wish
believed himself especially blessed: if he passed by a Frank riding, the
latter was obliged to dismount; if he went to a butcher to procure some
meat (for he found it best to do so, and not to send another), the
butcher refused to make any charge, but kissed his hand, and received as
an honour and a blessing whatever he chose to give.—The condition of a
man of this profession is now so fallen that it is with difficulty he
can obtain a scanty subsistence unless possessed of extraordinary
talent.
The Muslim ’ulama are certainly much fettered in the pursuit of some of
the paths of learning by their religion; and superstition sometimes
decides a point which has been controverted for centuries. There is one
singular means of settling a contention on any point of faith, science,
or fact, of which I must give an instance. The following anecdote was
related to me by the Imám of the late Muftee (the sheykh El-Mahdee): I
wrote it in Arabic, at his dictation, and shall here translate his
words. The sheykh Mohammad El-Baháee (a learned man, whom the vulgar
regard as a “welee,” or especial favourite of heaven) was attending the
lectures of the sheykh El-Emeer El-Kebeer (sheykh of the sect of the
Málikees), when the professor read, from the Gámë’ es-Sagheer[336] of
Es-Suyootee, this saying of the Prophet: “Verily El-Hasan and El-Hoseyn
are the two lords of the youths of the people of Paradise, in Paradise;”
and proceeded to remark, in his lecture, after having given a summary of
the history of El-Hasan and El-Hoseyn, that, as to the common opinion of
the people of Masr (or Cairo) respecting the head of El-Hoseyn, holding
it to be in the famous Mesh-hed in this city (the mosque of the
Hasaneyn), it was without foundation; not being established by any
credible authority. “I was affected,” says Mohammad El-Baháee, “with
excessive grief, by this remark; since I believed what is believed by
people of integrity and of intuition, that the noble head was in this
Mesh-hed; and I entertained no doubt of it: but I would not oppose the
sheykh El-Emeer, on account of his high reputation and extensive
knowledge. The lecture terminated, and I went away, weeping; and when
night overshaded the earth, I rose upon my feet, praying and humbly
supplicating my Lord, and betaking myself to His most noble apostle (God
favour and preserve him!), begging that I might see him in my sleep, and
that he would inform me in my sleep of the truth of the matter
concerning the place of the noble head. And I dreamed that I was walking
on the way to visit the celebrated Mesh-hed El-Hoseynee in Masr, and
that I approached the kubbeh,[337] and saw in it a spreading light,
which filled it: and I entered its door, and found a shereef standing by
the door; and I saluted him, and he returned my salutation, and said to
me, ‘Salute the Apostle of God (God favour and preserve him!);’ and I
looked towards the kibleh,[338] and saw the Prophet (God favour and
preserve him!) sitting upon a throne, and a man standing on his right,
and another man standing on his left: and I raised my voice, saying,
‘Blessing and peace be on thee, O Apostle of God!’ and I repeated this
several times, weeping as I did it: and I heard the Apostle of God (God
favour and preserve him!) say to me, ‘Approach, O my son! O Mohammad!’
Then the first man took me, and conducted me towards the Prophet (God
favour and preserve him!) and placed me before his noble hands; and I
saluted him, and he returned my salutation, and said to me, ‘God
recompense thee for thy visit to the head of El-Hoseyn my son.’ I said,
‘O Apostle of God, is the head of El-Hoseyn here?’ He answered, ‘Yes, it
is here.’ And I became cheerful: grief fled from me; and my heart was
strengthened. Then I said, ‘O Apostle of God, I will relate to thee what
my sheykh and my preceptor El-Emeer hath affirmed in his lecture:’ and I
repeated to him the words of the sheykh: and he (God favour and preserve
him!) looked down, and then raised his head, and said, ‘The copyists are
excused.’ I awoke from my sleep joyful and happy: but I found that much
remained of the night; and I became impatient of its length; longing for
the morn to shine, that I might go to the sheykh, and relate to him the
dream, in the hope that he might believe me. When the morn arose, I
prayed, and went to the house of the sheykh; but found the door shut. I
knocked it violently; and the porter came in alarm, asking, ‘Who is
that?’ but when he knew me, for he had known my abode from the sheykh,
he opened the door to me: if it had been another person, he would have
beaten him. I entered the court of the house, and began to call out, ‘My
Master! My Master!’ The sheykh awoke, and asked, ‘Who is that?’ I
answered, ‘It is I, thy pupil, Mohammad El-Baháee!’ The sheykh was in
wonder at my coming at this time, and exclaimed, ‘God’s perfection! What
is this? What is the news?’ thinking that some great event had happened
among the people. He then said to me, ‘Wait while I pray.’ I did not sit
down until the sheykh came down to the hall; when he said to me, ‘Come
up:’ and I went up, and neither saluted him, nor kissed his hand, from
the effect of the dream which I had seen; but said, ‘The head of
El-Hoseyn is in this well-known mesh-hed in Masr: there is no doubt of
it.’ The sheykh said, ‘What proof have you of that? If it be a true
record, adduce it.’ I said, ‘From a book, I have none.’ The sheykh said,
‘Hast thou seen a vision?’ I replied, ‘Yes;’ and I related it to him;
and informed him that the Apostle of God (God favour and preserve him!)
had acquainted me that the man who was standing by the door was ’Alee
the son of Aboo-Tálib, and that he who was on the right of the Prophet,
by the throne, was Aboo-Bekr, and that he on his left was ’Omar the son
of El-Khattáb; and that they had come to visit the head of the Imám
El-Hoseyn. The sheykh rose, and took me by the hand, and said, ‘Let us
go and visit the Mesh-hed El-Hoseynee;’ and when he entered the kubbeh,
he said, ‘Peace be on thee, O son of the daughter of the Apostle of God!
I believe that the noble head is here, by reason of the vision which
this person has seen; for the vision of the Prophet is true; since He
hath said, “Whoso seeth Me in his sleep seeth Me truly; for Satan cannot
assume the similitude of My form.”’ Then the sheykh said to me, ‘Thou
hast believed, and I have believed: for these lights are not
illusive.’”—The above-quoted tradition of the Prophet has often
occasioned other points of dispute to be settled in the same manner, by
a dream; and when the dreamer is a person of reputation, no one ventures
to contend against him.
The remark made at the commencement of this chapter implies that there
are, in the present day, many learned men in the metropolis of Egypt;
and there are some also in other towns of this country. One of the most
celebrated of the modern ’Ulama of Cairo is the sheykh Hasan El-’Attár,
who is the present sheykh of the Azhar. In theology and jurisprudence,
he is not so deeply versed as some of his contemporaries, particularly
the sheykh El-Kuweysinee, whom I have before mentioned; but he is
eminently accomplished in polite literature. He is the author of an
“Insha,” or an excellent collection of Arabic letters, on various
subjects, which are intended as models of epistolary style. This work
has been printed at Boolák. In mentioning its author, I fulfil a promise
which he condescended to ask of me: supposing that I should publish, in
my own country, some account of the people of Cairo, he desired me to
state that I was acquainted with him, and to give my opinion of his
acquirements.—The sheykh Mohammad Shiháb is also deservedly celebrated
as an accomplished Arabic scholar, and elegant poet. His affability and
wit attract to his house, every evening, a few friends, whose pleasures,
on these occasions, I sometimes participate. We are received in a small,
but very comfortable room: each of us takes his own pipe; and coffee
alone is presented to us: the sheykh’s conversation is the most
delightful banquet that he can offer us.—There are also several other
persons in Cairo who enjoy considerable reputation as philologists and
poets.—The sheykh ’Abd-Er-Rahmán El-Gabartee, another modern author, and
a native of Cairo, particularly deserves to be mentioned, as having
written a very excellent history of the events which have taken place in
Egypt since the commencement of the twelfth century of the Flight.[339]
He died in 1825, or 1826, soon after my first arrival in Cairo. His
family was of El-Gabart (also called Ez-Zeyla’), a province of
Abyssinia, bordering on the ocean. The Gabartees (or natives of that
country) are Muslims. They have a riwák (or apartment appropriated to
such of them as wish to study) in the Azhar; and there is a similar
provision for them at Mekkeh, and also at El-Medeeneh.
The works of the ancient Arab poets were but imperfectly understood (in
consequence of many words contained in them having become obsolete)
between two and three centuries, only, after the time of Mohammad: it
must not therefore be inferred, from what has been said in the preceding
paragraph, that persons able to explain the most difficult passages of
the early Arab authors are now to be found in Cairo, or elsewhere. There
are, however, many in Egypt who are deeply versed in Arabic Grammar,
rhetoric, and polite literature; though the sciences mostly pursued in
this country are theology and jurisprudence. Few of the ’ulama of Egypt
are well acquainted with the history of their own nation; much less with
that of other people.
The literary acquirements of those who do not belong to the classes who
make literature their profession are of a very inferior kind. Many of
the wealthy tradespeople are well instructed in the arts of reading and
writing; but few of them devote much time to the pursuit of literature.
Those who have committed to memory the whole, or considerable portions,
of the Kur-án, and can recite two or three celebrated “kaseedehs” (or
short poems), or introduce, now and then, an apposite quotation in
conversation, are considered accomplished persons. Many of the tradesmen
of Cairo can neither read nor write, or can only read; and are obliged
to have recourse to a friend to write their accounts, letters, etc.: but
these persons generally cast accounts, and make intricate calculations,
mentally, with surprising rapidity and correctness.
It is a very prevalent notion among the Christians of Europe, that the
Muslims are enemies to almost every branch of knowledge. This is an
erroneous idea; but it is true that their studies, in the present age,
are confined within very narrow limits. Very few of them study medicine,
chemistry (for our first knowledge of which we are indebted to the
Arabs), the mathematics, or astronomy. The Egyptian medical and surgical
practitioners are mostly barbers, miserably ignorant of the sciences
which they profess, and unskilful in their practice; partly in
consequence of their being prohibited by their religion from availing
themselves of the advantage of dissecting human bodies. But a number of
young men, natives of Egypt, are now receiving European instruction in
medicine, anatomy, surgery, and other sciences, for the service of the
Government. Many of the Egyptians, in illness, neglect medical aid;
placing their whole reliance on Providence or charms. Alchemy is more
studied in this country than pure chemistry; and astrology, more than
astronomy. The astrolabe and quadrant are almost the only astronomical
instruments used in Egypt. Telescopes are rarely seen here; and the
magnetic needle is seldom employed, excepting to discover the direction
of Mekkeh; for which purpose, convenient little compasses (called
“kibleeyehs”), showing the direction of the kibleh at various large
towns in different countries, are constructed, mostly at Dimyát: many of
these have a dial, which shows the time of noon, and also that of the
’asr at different places and different seasons. Those persons in Egypt
who profess to have considerable knowledge of astronomy are generally
blind to the true principles of the science: to say that the earth
revolves round the sun, they consider absolute heresy. Pure astronomy
they make chiefly subservient to their computations of the calendar.
The Muslim year consists of twelve lunar months; the names of which are
pronounced by the Egyptians in the following manner:—
1. Moharram.
2. Safar.
3. Rabeea el-Owwal.
4. Rabeea et-Tánee.
5. Gumád el-Owwal, or Gumáda-l-Oola.
6. Gumád et-Tánee, or Gumáda-t-Tániyeh.
7. Regeb.
8. Shaabán.
9. Ramadán.
10. Showwál.
11. Zu-l-Kaadeh, or El-Kaadeh.
12. Zu-l-Heggeh, or El-Heggeh.[340]
Each of these months retrogrades through all the different seasons of
the solar year in the period of about thirty-three years and a half:
consequently, they are only used for fixing the anniversaries of most
religious festivals, and for the dates of historical events, letters,
etc.; and not in matters relating to astronomy or the seasons. In the
latter cases, the Coptic months are still in general use.
With their modern names I give the corresponding periods of our
calendar:—
1. Toot commences on the 10th or 11th of Sept.
2. Bábeh ” ” 10th or 11th of Oct.
3. Hátoor ” ” 9th or 10th of Nov.
4. Kiyahk (vulg. Kiyák) ” ” 9th or 10th of Dec.
5. Toobeh ” ” 8th or 9th of Jan.
6. Amsheer ” ” 7th or 8th of Feb.
7. Barmahát ” ” 9th of March.
8. Barmoodeh ” ” 8th of April.
9. Beshens ” ” 8th of May.
10. Ba-ooneh ” ” 7th of June.
11. Ebeeb ” ” 7th of July.
12. Misra ” ” 6th of August.
The Eiyám en-Nesee (Intercalary days), five or six days, complete the
year.
These months, it will be observed, are of thirty days each. Five
intercalary days are added at the end of three successive years; and six
at the end of the fourth year. The Coptic leap-year immediately precedes
ours: therefore the Coptic year begins on the 11th of September only
when it is the next after their leap-year; or when our next ensuing year
is a leap-year; and, consequently, after the following February, the
corresponding days of the Coptic and our months will be the same as in
other years. The Copts begin their reckoning from the era of Diocletian,
A.D. 284.
In Egypt, and other Muslim countries, from sunset to sunset is reckoned
as the civil day; the night being classed with the day which _follows_
it: thus the night _before_ Friday is called the night _of_ Friday.
Sunset is twelve o’clock: an hour after sunset, one o’clock; two hours,
two o’clock; and so on to twelve; after twelve o’clock in the morning,
the hours are again named one, two, three, and so on.[341] The Egyptians
wind up and (if necessary) set their watches at sunset; or rather, a few
minutes after; generally when they hear the call to evening-prayer.
Their watches, according to this system of reckoning from sunset, to be
always quite correct, should be set every evening, as the days vary in
length.
The following Table shows the times of Muslim prayer,[342] with the
apparent European time of sunset, in and near the latitude of Cairo, at
the commencement of each zodiacal month:—
┌───────────────────┬───────────────┬───────┬──────────┬───────┬─────
│ │ Sunset. │ ’Eshë │Day-break.│ Noon. │ ’Asr. │
├───────────────────┼───────┬───────┼───────┼───────┬──┴────┬──┴────┐
│ │ Mo.T.│ Eur.T.│ Mo.T.│ Mo.T.│ Mo.T.│ Mo.T.│
│ │ h. m.│ h. m.│ h. m.│ h. m.│ h. m.│ h. m.│
│ June 21 │ 12 0│ 7 4│ 1 34│ 8 6│ 4 56│ 8 31│
│ July 22│ May 21│ 12 0│ 6 53│ 1 30│ 8 30│ 5 7│ 8 43│
│ Aug. 23│ Apr. 20│ 12 0│ 6 31│ 1 22│ 9 24│ 5 29│ 9 4│
│ Sept. 23│ Mar. 20│ 12 0│ 6 4│ 1 18│ 10 24│ 5 56│ 9 24│
│ Oct. 23│ Feb. 18│ 12 0│ 5 37│ 1 18│ 11 18│ 6 23│ 9 35│
│ Nov. 22│ Jan. 20│ 12 0│ 5 15│ 1 22│ 11 59│ 6 45│ 9 41│
│ Dec. 21 │ 12 0│ 5 4│ 1 24│ 12 15│ 6 56│ 9 43│
└───────────────────┴───────┴───────┴───────┴───────┴───────┴───────┘
A pocket almanack is annually printed at the government-press at
Boolák.[343] It comprises the period of a solar year, commencing and
terminating with the vernal equinox; and gives, for every day, the day
of the week, and of the Mohammadan, Coptic, Syrian, and European months;
together with the sun’s place in the zodiac, and the time of sunrise,
noon, and the ’asr. It is prefaced with a summary of the principal eras
and feast-days of the Muslims, Copts, and others; and remarks and
notices relating to the seasons. Subjoined to it is a calendar
containing physical, agricultural, and other notices for every day in
the year; mentioning eclipses, etc.; and comprising much matter suited
to the superstitions of the people. It is the work of Yahya Efendee,
originally a Christian priest of Syria; but now a Muslim.
Of Geography, the Egyptians in general, and, with very few exceptions,
the best instructed among them, have scarcely any knowledge: having no
good maps, they are almost wholly ignorant of the relative situations of
the several great countries of Europe. Some few of the learned venture
to assert that the earth is a globe; but they are opposed by a great
majority of the ’Ulama. The common opinion of all classes of Muslims is,
that our earth is an almost plane expanse, surrounded by the ocean,[344]
which, they say, is encompassed by a chain of mountains called “Káf.”
They believe it to be the uppermost of _seven_ earths; and in like
manner they believe that there are seven heavens, one above another.
Such being the state of science among the modern Egyptians, the reader
will not be surprised at finding the present chapter followed by a long
account of their superstitions; a knowledge of which is necessary to
enable him to understand their character, and to make due allowances for
many of its faults. We may hope for, and, indeed, reasonably expect, a
very great improvement in the intellectual and moral state of this
people, in consequence of the introduction of European sciences, by
which their present ruler has, in some degree, made amends for his
oppressive sway; but it is not probable that this hope will be soon
realized to any considerable extent.[345]
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Footnote 329:
It seems probable that the Arabs of Egypt have retained, in this case,
a pronunciation which was common, if not almost universal, with their
ancestors in Asia.—See De Sacy’s Grammaire Arabe, 2nde ed., tome i.,
pp. 17 and 18.
Footnote 330:
The Arabs began to simplify their spoken language in the first century
of the Flight, in consequence of their spreading among foreigners, who
could not generally acquire the difficult language which their
conquerors had hitherto used. For a proof of this, see “Abulfedæ
Annales Muslemici, Arab. et Lat.” vol. i. pp. 432 and 434.
Footnote 331:
These are natives. There are also a few Turkish booksellers.
Footnote 332:
The Azhar is not called a “university” with strict propriety; but is
regarded as such by the Muslims, as whatever they deem worthy of the
name of science, or necessary to be known, is taught within its walls.
Its name has been translated by European travellers, “the Mosque of
Flowers,” as though it had been called “Gámë’ el-Azhár,” instead of
“El-Gámë’ el-Azhar,” which is its proper appellation, and signifies
“the Splendid Mosque.” It is the first, with respect to the period of
its foundation, as well as in size, of all the mosques within the
original limits of the city.—The preceding portion of this note (which
was inserted in the first edition of the present work) appears to have
escaped the notice of Baron Hammer-Purgstall, for he has remarked (in
the Vienna “Jahrbücher der Literatur,” lxxxi. Bd., p. 71) that,
instead of “Azhar,” I should have written, in this case, “Esher” [or
“Ezher”]; the former, he says, signifying “flowers.” The name of the
mosque in question (synonymous with “neiyir,” or “splendid,” etc.) is
pronounced by almost all the natives of Egypt, and the Arabs in
general, as I have written it, “Azhar,” with the accent on the first
syllable; and the plural of “zahreh” (a flower), “azhár;” but by the
Turks the former word is pronounced “ezher.”
Footnote 333:
In the singular, “mugáwir.”
Footnote 334:
Many persons say that their number is not less than three thousand;
others, not more than one thousand. It varies very much at different
times.
Footnote 335:
Since this was written he became Sheykh of the Azhar.
Footnote 336:
A celebrated compendious collection of the Traditions of the Prophet.
Footnote 337:
The saloon of the tomb.
Footnote 338:
That is, towards the niche which marks the direction of Mekkeh.
Footnote 339:
The twelfth century of the Flight commenced on the 16th or 17th of
October, A.D. 1688.
Footnote 340:
It is the general opinion of our chronologers, that the first day of
the Muslim era of “the Flight” (in Arabic, “el-Hijrah,” or, as it is
pronounced by most of the Egyptians, “el-Higreh,” more correctly
translated “the Emigration”) was Friday, the 16th of July, A.D. 622.
It must be remarked, that the Arabs generally commence each month on
the night on which the new moon is first actually seen; and this night
is, in most cases, the second, but sometimes and in some places the
third, after the true period of the new moon: if, however, the moon is
not seen on the second or third night, the month is commenced on the
latter. The new moon of July, A.D. 622, happened between five and six
o’clock in the morning of the 14th: therefore the 16th was most
probably the first _day_ of the era. This era does not commence from
the day on which the Prophet departed from Mekkeh (as supposed by most
of our authors who have mentioned this subject), but from the first
day of the moon or month of Moharram preceding that event. It is said
that Mohammad, after he had remained three days concealed in a cave
near Mekkeh, with Aboo-Bekr began his journey, or “the flight,” to
El-Medeeneh, on the ninth day of the third month (Rabeea el-Owwal),
sixty-eight days after the commencement of the era. Thus the first two
months are made of thirty days each, which is often the case when the
calculation from the actual sight of the new moon is followed; and the
flight itself, from the cave, may be inferred to have commenced on the
22nd of September. It may be added, that this record, by showing that
each of the first two months consisted of thirty days, strengthens the
supposition that the era commenced on the 16th of July. On the eve of
the 15th, the moon was not visible.
Footnote 341:
Consequently the time of noon according to Mohammadan reckoning, on
any particular day, subtracted from twelve, gives the apparent time of
sunset, on that day, according to European reckoning.
Footnote 342:
The periods of the ’eshë, daybreak, and ’asr, are here given according
to the reckoning most commonly followed in Egypt. (See the chapter on
religion and laws.) Mo. T. denotes Mohammadan Time: Eur. T., European
Time.
Footnote 343:
More than a hundred books have been printed at this press: most of
them for the use of the military, naval, and civil servants of the
government.
Footnote 344:
As the Greeks believed in the age of Homer and Hesiod.
Footnote 345:
It has been justly remarked, by Baron Hammer-Purgstall, that the
present chapter of this work is very deficient. I should gladly have
made its contents more ample, had I not felt myself obliged to consult
the taste of the general reader, upon whose patience I fear I have
already trespassed to too great an extent by the insertion of much
matter calculated to interest only Orientalists. With respect to
recent innovations, I have made but few and brief remarks in this
work, in consequence of my having found the lights of European science
almost exclusively confined to those servants of the Government, who
have been _compelled_ to study under Frank instructors, and European
customs adopted by scarcely any persons excepting a few _Turks_. Some
Egyptians who had studied for a few years in France declared to me
that they could not instil any of the notions which they had there
acquired even into the minds of their most intimate friends.
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